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The   Masterpieces   of   McKinley's   Eloquence,   and   a   History   of   Anarchy, 

its   Purposes   and    Results. 


Rt.  Rev.  Samuel  Fallows,  LL.  D. 

The  PersoJial  Frie^id  and  Comrade  of  the  Late  President;  Author  of ''Life  of  Samuel 

Adams,"  ''Synonyms  and  Antonyms,''  "Liberty  and   Union,''  "The 

Popular  and  Critical  Biblical  Encyclopcedia,"  etc.,  etc. 






CAMPBELL'S  ILLuc^  i  wa  i  lD  JOURNAL 


Copyright  1901,  by 



The  personal  love  of  the  author  and  editor  of  this  work 
for  President  McKinley  is  one  of  the  main  reasons  which 
has  impelled  him  to  give  it  to  the  public.  For  many  years 
he  was  acquainted  with  the  President  chiefly  through  a  com- 
mon relationship  as  army  comrades.  His  respect,  well-nigh 
bordering  on  reverence,  for  Major  McKinley,  has  been 
heightened  by  increasing  years.  There  was  a  steady  growth 
in  beauty  of  feature  and  in  v/isdom  and  power  as  advancing 
positions  of  trust  came  to  this  illustrious  man.  He  with  the 
upward  rose  and  with  the  vastness  grew.  Every  "king  be- 
coming grace  of  character"  was  found  in  him  and  was  ex- 
pressed in  new  and  striking  forms  as  occasion  arose.  The 
magnificent  eulogies  which  have  been  pronounced  upon  him, 
touching  every  phase  of  his  many-sided,  matchless  life,  were 
"but  dull  beside  the  truth." 

The  wonderful  funeral  accorded  him,  unprecedented  in 
the  world's  history,  attests  the  hold  he  had  upon  the  hearts 
of  his  countrymen,  and  the  spontaneous  tributes  of  respect 
from  all  quarters  of  the  globe,  evinced  the  well-nigh  univer- 
sal esteem  with  which  he  was  regarded. 

All  that  tongue  or  pen  or  art  can  do  to  perpetuate  his 
memory  and  widen  the  knowledge  of  his  life  and  services 
is  the  just  demand  of  the  American  people. 

His  life  was  gentle,  and  the  elements 

So  mix'd  in  him  that  7iature  mig^ht  stand  up 

And  say  to  all  the  world,  ^'This  was  a  man!* 



Mr,  William  McKinley. 

Mrs.  William  McKinley. 

John  Hay,  Secretary  of  State. 

John  D.  Long,  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Lyman  J.  Gage,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

Elihu  Root,  Secretary  of  War. 

Ethan  A.  Hitchcock,  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 

James  Wilson,  Secretary  of  Agriculture. 

James  Emery  Smith,  Postmaster  General. 

P.  C.  Knox,  Attorney  General. 

Mark  Hanna. 

James  Abram  Garfield,  Assassmated  m  i8»i. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  Assassinated  in   1865. 

The  Capitol,  Washington,  D.  C. 

The  Whitehouse,  Washington,  D.  C. 

The  Milburn  House,  Buffalo. 

McKinley  Residence,  Canton,  Ohio. 

Mrs.  Wm.  McKinley,  Mother  of  the  President. 

Mr.  Abner  McKinley. 

Rt.  Rev.  Samuel  Fallows,  D.  D.,  LL.  D. 

Brevet  Brigadier  General  Samuel  Fallows. 

President  Roosevelt. 

Mrs.  Roosevelt. 

President  Roosevelt's  Children. 

United  States  Senator  Wm.  E.  Mason. 

President  McKinley  and  the  Spanish  War  Cabinet. 

President  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet. 

Assassination  Scene. 

The  Last  Farewell. 

The  Receiving  Vault. 

Birthplace  of  McKinley. 

The  Emergency  Hospital,  Buffalo. 

Leaving  Milburn  Residence  for  City  Hall,  Buffalo. 

Arrival  of  the  Funeral  Train  at  Canton,  Ohio,  from  Washington. 




Chapter  I. — The  Story  of  the  Assassination  of  President  McKinley— Leon 
Czolgosz  Shoots  the  President — Seizure  of  the  Murderer — Subsequent  Care 
of  the  President,  Etc. — McKinley's  Fight  for  Life — At  the  Milburn  House — 
Favorable  Reports  of  the  Surgeons — The  Joyful  News  Widely  Spread — The 
Sudden  Relapse,  Etc. — Deathbed  Scene  of  the  President— Hymn  Chanted 
by  McKinley— Last  Interview  With  Mrs.  McKinley— The  President's  Last 
Words     13-26 

Chapter  H. — Funeral  Processions  and  Rites. — Funeral  of  the  President — 
Services  at  Buflfalo — The  Funeral  Procession  to  Washington — Services  in 
Washington — Sermon  by  Bishop  Andrews,  Etc. — Funeral  Services  at  Can- 
ton, Ohio. — Address  by  Rev.  Dr.  Manchester. — Prayer  by  Rev.  Father 
Battman,  Chaplain  at  Fort  Sheridan,  Illinois — The  Interment — The  Presi- 
dent's  Surgeons    27-44 

Chapter  III. — Expressive  Tributes  from  Foreign  Lands — London — Westmin- 
ster Abbey — Sorrow  of  the  Press — Telegram  from  King  Edward  VII. — 
Birmingham — T.  P.  O'Connor — Redmond — The  London  Times — Canadian 
Demonstration — Duke  of  York — Mexico — Santiago — Perto  Rico — Germany 
— Telegram  from  Emperor  William — Paris — St.  Petersburg — Russian  Press 
— Brussels — Vienna — Etc 44-57 

Chapter  IV. — Tributes  from  Eminent  Americans — Homage  of  a  Great  City — 
Eulogies  of  ex-President  Cleveland — William  Jennings  Bryan — Cardinal 
Gibbons — Archbishop  Ireland — Senator  Shelby  M.  Cullom — Secretary  John 
D.  Long — Justice  David  Brewer — Resolutions  in  Paris  Framed  by  General 
Horace  Porter  and  Senator  Henry  Cabot  Lodge — Rev.  H.  W.  Thomas, 
D.  D. — Ex-Congressman  Geo.  E.  Adams — Father  Kelly — Andrew  D. 
White — Senator  Hoar — Grand  Army  Tribute — Mankind  at  Salute — Bishop 
B.  W.  Arnett — Bishop  Galloway — Order  of  the  Loyal  Legion — Silence. 
the  Hushed  and  Solemn  Tribute  of  a  Great  City — Incidents,  Etc 58-81 

Chapter  V. — Life  of  William  McKinley — Early  Manhood — War  Record — Law- 
yer  and    Politician   86-97 

Chapter  VI. — His  Last  Term  in  Congress — Record  on  the  Tariff 98-107 

Chapter  VII — Governor  of  Ohio   108-114 

Chapter    VIII. — Financial    Troubles— Loyalty    to    Friends,    Blaine,    Sherman, 

Harrison    115-122 

Chapter  IX.— Great  Campaign  of  1894  123-130 

Chapter  X. — Nominated  for  President — The  St.  Louis  Convention,  June  16, 
1896— Thos.  B.  Reed— Senator  William  B.  Allison— Levi  P.  Morton— Gen- 
eral Russell  B.  Alger — Hon.  Thos.  Henry  Carter — Rabbi  Samuel  Sale — 
Hon.  Charles  W.  Fairbanks— Rev.  Dr.  W.  G.  Williams— Bishop  Arnett— 
Hon.  John  Grant — Higgins  Delegates — Addicks  Delegates — M.  B.  Madden 


vi  Table  of  Contents 


—Rev.  John  R.  Scott— Senator-Elect  Foraker— Reading  of  the  Platform- 
Senator  Teller— Substitute  for  Coinage  Paragraph— Voting  on  the  Para- 
graph—Senator Cannon— Withdrawal  of  the  Silver  Delegates— Nomination 
of  Senator  W.  B.  Allison— Of  Thomas  B.  Reed— Of  Governor  Levi  P. 
Morton— Nomination  of  William  McKinley  by  Governor  Foraker— Stirring 
Scenes— Nomination  Seconded  by  Senator  Thurston— McKinley  Nominated 
President  and  Garret  A.  Hobart  Vice  President 131-140 

Chapter  XL— First  Presidential  Campaign— McKinley  informed  of  nomina- 
tion by  Senator  Thurston— William  Jennings  Bryan  the  Democratic  Nom- 
inee for  President— Greatest  Campaign  of  the  Country— Joseph  C.  Sibley— 
Senator  Julius  C.  Burrows— Senator  Hanna  141-151 

Chapter  XIL— President  of  the  United  States— Inaugural  Address— The 
Cabinet— Readjustment  of  the  Tariff— The  War  With  Spain— The  Finan- 
cial Record— Summary  of  the  First  McKinley  Administration 152-155 

Chapter  XIIL— The  President's  Own  Story  of  the  Spanish  War:  Spain 
Given  Time  to  Settle  Trouble— Destruction  of  the  Maine— Efforts  to  Avert 
War  Prove  Vain— Congress  Takes  Decisive  Action— Formal  Declaration 
of  War— Recruiting  Armj  and  Navy— Nation  Takes  War  Bonds — Dewey's 
Great  Victory — Campaign  in  Cuba  Reviewed — Sinking  of  the  Merrimac — 
Destruction  of  Cervera's  Fleet — Occupation  of  Porto  Rico — Last  Battle  of 
the  War — Losses  of  Army  and  Navy — Signing  of  the  Protocol — Cessation 
of  Strife — Work  of  Evacuation   156-174 

Chapter   XIV. — Chronological    Events    of   the    Spanish-American    War — The 

Treaty  of  Paris — Loss  and  Cost  of  the  War  to  Both  Nations i/S-iSi 

Chapter  XV. — Country  Expands  and  Becomes  a  World  Power — Annexation 
from  1783  to  1893 — Annexation  from  1893  to  1901 — President  Dole  and  the 
Hawaiian  Islands — Porto  Rico — The  Philippines— There  to  Preserve  Peace 
— What  the  Commissioners  Found — The  Rebellion  Must  be  Put  Down^ 
Work  of  Reconstruction — Government  Established  in  Negros — Voting  in — 
A  few  words  about  Sulu — Freedom  of  Slaves  in  Jolo — Winning  the  Fili- 
pinos, Etc. — Our  Flag  Waves  in  Blessing 182-195 

Chapter  XVI. — ]\Ieets  the  Crisis  in  China — Officials  Culpable — American 
Relations  with  China — Early  Negotiations  Successful — Man  the  Leader — 
Murder  of  Von  Ketteler — Quotes  Conger's  Report — Imperial  Troops  Guilty 
— United  States  Policy  Unchanged — Must   Punish   Culprits .....196-205 

Chapter  XVII. — Renominated  and  Re-elected  President — Convention  in  Phila- 
delphia Met  June  19,  1900 — Senator  Wolcott — Senator  Henry  Cabot  Lodge 
— Senator  Foraker,  Etc. — McKinley  Nominated  President — Great  Enthu- 
siasm— Governor  Theodore  Roosevelt  Nominated  Vice  President — William 
Jennings  Bryan  Nominated  by  the  Democrats  for  President — McKinley 
Elected 205-211 

Chapter  XVIII. — Anecdotes  and  Incidents  in  McKinley's  Life — Respect 
for  the  Sabbath — Sunday  Before  Inauguration — Meeting  a  Crisis  on  a  Bat- 
tle Field — McKinley's  Law  Case — Made  a  Minister  Out  of  a  Bad  Page 
— His  Popularity  with  the  Newsboys — Duty  to  Country  Above  Self — The 
President  Could  Afford  to  Keep  a  Cow — The  President's  Title — The  Hap- 
piest Man  in  the  Country — His  Quiet  Methods  of  Disapproval — The  Presi- 

Table  of  Contents  vii 


dent  Proves  His  Methodism— Places  Flowers  in  the  Hand  of  Toil— A 
Page's  Sympathy  Wins  Him  Favor— Service  to  a  Political  Opponent— Mc- 
Kinley's  Courtship— The  Oft-Repeated  Salute— The  President's  Devotion 
to  His  Mother— His  Tender  Solicitude  for  His  Wife— One  Day  at  a  Time- 
Dwelling  Together  in  Unity — Beloved  by  His  Cabinet  and  Desirous  of 
Doing  What  is  Right— Faithful  in  Attendance  upon  Church— Closing  Inci- 
dents in  McKinley's  Life,  Etc 212-226 

Chapter  XIX.— Chronological  Record  of  the  Life  of  President  William  Mc- 

Kinley    227-231 

Chapter  XX.— Masterpieces  of  William  McKinley's  Eloquence:  The  Re- 
publican Part> — The  McKinley  Tariff  of  1890— The  Black  Color-Bearer— 
The  American  Workingman— The  Eight  Hour  Law— Education  and  Citi- 
zenship—An Auxiliary  to  Religion— Prosperity  and  Politics— Gems  of 
Patriotic   Expression    232-251 

Chapter  XXI. — William  McKinley's  Masterpieces  of  Eloquence  Continued 
— Memorial  Day  Address  :  The  American  Volunteer  Soldier — Ulysses  S. 
Grant— Address  at  the  Dedication  of  the  Grant  Monument— John  A.  Logan. 252-270 

Chapter  XXII. — William  McKinley's  Masterpieces  of  Eloquence— Con- 
tinued— July  Fourth  at  Woodstock — Business  Men  in  Politics — Address  at 
the  Trans-Mississippi  Exposition  at  Omaha,  Nebraska — Speech  in  the 
Coliseum,  St.  Louis,  ]\Iissouri— Speech  at  First  Regiment  Armory,  Chi- 
cago—Speech at  the  Auditorium,  Atlanta,  Georgia— American  Womanhood 
— Estimate  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States— Last  Public  Address 
at  the  Pan-American  Exposition— Golden  Sayings  of  McKinley 271-294 

Chapter  XXIIL— Abraham  Lincoln— Life  Described  by  William  McKinley— 
He  Disdained  no  Human  Being— A  Democrat,  Like  Franklin— Grew 
Steadily  to  Meet  His  Task— Great  Orator  and  Popular  Leader— His  Rivals 
Become  His  Ministers— He  Pleaded  First  for  Peace— His  Emancipation 
Proclamation— He  Saw  the  Purposes  of  God — Value  of  the  Black  Soldiers 
—Immortal  Gettysburg  Speech— Used  Power  With  Moderation— Clearly 
the  Greatest  Man  of  His  Time— Wise  Words  for  the  Present  Day,  Etc.— 
Will  Uphold  American  Labor— Party  Will  Hold  to  Lincoln's  Advice- 
Washington  and  Lincoln— Ultimate  Test  of  His  Greatness 295-316 

Chapter  XXIV. — Abraham  Lincoln — Continued — Politician    Assassination — 

Stories— Final  Burial— Chronology   317-332 

Chapter  XXV. — James  A.  Garfield — Sketch  of  Garfield's  Life-  by  William 
McKinley — Garfield  in  the  Civil  War — Chronological  Events  of  Garfield's 
Life— Death-bed  Scenes  of  Presidents  Lincoln  and  Garfield  Contrasted 333-2431 

Chapter  XXVI.— Theodore  Roosevelt— Birth,  Political  History  and  War 
Experience. — Roosevelt,  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy — Preparations 
for  War,   Etc • 344-359 

Chapter  XXVIL— Theodore  Roosevelt— Governor,  Vice  President— Anecdotes 
And  Incidents— Administration  as  Governor— Roosevelt  as  Vice  President 
—Marriage  and  Children— Author— In  the  Pulpit— Ideas  of  Honesty- 
Police  Commissioner— Thoughts  as  a  Boy— Qualities  of  Rough  Riders- 
True  Americanism— Advice  to  Young  Men— Love  of  Athletic  Sports- 
Cordial  and  Approachable— Interest  in  Animals— Tenacity— An  Exciting 
Occasion— A  Thrilling  Lion  Hunt— Civil  Service— Friendliness 3^-373 

•  ■  • 

viii  Table  of  Contents 


Chapter  XXVIII.— Theodore  Roosevelt— Addresses  and  Tributes  to  His 
Character— The  Strenuous  Life— The  American  Need  of  a  Strong  Navy— 
The  Rough  Riders— Address  at  the  Minneapolis  State  Fair  of  Minnesota, 
Minneapolis,  September  2,  igoi— Tributes  to  the  Character  of  Roosevelt— 
The  Christian  Endeavor  World— The  North  Western  Christian  Advocate— 
The  Daily  Graphic— The  London  Morning  Post— The  Post-Standard— 
The  London  Daily  Mail — The  London  Globe — Beliner  Neuscte  Nachricten 
—The  National  Zeitung— Chicago  Record-Herald— Bishop  Fallows— Har- 
per's   Weekly    374-404 

Chapter  XXIX— Anarchy— Its  Origin,  Purposes  and  Results— Notable  As- 
sassinations—Haymarket  Square  Murder,  Chicago— Herbert  Spencer— Herr 
Most— Opinions  of  Eminent  Men— Senator  Dolinger— Governor  Yates— 
Rt.  Rev.  Samuel  Fallows— Mayor  David  Rose— Edgar  A.  Bancroft— General 
John  C.  Black— Rev.  Rufus  A.  White— Resolutions  of  the  Marquette  Club, 
Chicago— Resolutions  of  the  Associated  Press,  New  York  City— Theodore 
B.  Thiele— Rt.  Rev.  Charles  Edward  Cheney— President  M.  Woolsey  Stry- 
ker— Hon.  George  R.  Peck— Senator  J.  P.  Dolliver— Rev.  Thomas  E.  Mason 
—Justice  David  Brewer— Rev.  T.  W.  Gunsaulus— The  Pope  of  Rome— The 
Nachrichten  of  Berlin— The  Manchester  Guardian— Labouchere— Opinions 
of  the  Law  Makers,  Etc.— Editorials  of  Many  Leading  Journals,  Etc 405-438 

Chapter  XXX. — Trial  and  Condemnation  of  the  Assassin 439-448 

Chapter  XXXI.— The  Execution  and  Last  Moments  of  the  Assassin 449-45-2 

Chapter  XXXIL— The  Nation's  Man— The   Great    Speech   of   Senator  J.    N. 

Thurston  at  the  St.  Louis  Convention,  June  17,  1896— Close  of  the  Book.  .  .453-457 


By  Hon.  William  E.  Mason,  United  States  Senator  from 


I  have  been  requested  to  write  a;i  introduction  to  this  work  and 
refer  to  the  great  crime  of  anarchy  and  give  utterance  to  a  few  words 
of  heartfelt  appreciation  of  th.e  hfe  and  services  of  our  noble  martyred 
chief,  President  McKinley. 

I  hope  and  pray  that  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  there 
will  be  a  man  with  brains  and  genius  enough  to  draft  a  law  that  will 
teach  the  people  that  there  is  no  room  within  the  borders  of  this  great 
nation  for  the  flag  of  anarchy.  It  must  die,  and  it  wih  die.  I  think 
if  no  other  lesson  has  been  taught  by  the  horrible  deed  wiiich  has  cast 
an  affliction  upon  this  entire  country,  the  77,000,000  people  which 
comprise  it  have  registered  a  vow  that  anarcliy  is  w^orse  than  treason 
and  must  be  stamped  out  at  any  cost. 

There  ought  to  be  greater  protection  against  the  vile  reptiles  of 
anarchy  in  this  country.  I  have  often  talked  with  Mr.  McKinley 
on  this  subject  and  urged  that  he  secure  better  protection  for  himself, 
but  it  was  of  no  avail.  He  would  not  have  it  that  way.  He  always 
said  it  w^as  too  much  like  royalty;  that  he  was  in  a  free  country  and 
he  wanted  to  be  just  like  any  other  citizen.  If  he  had  been  forced 
to  have  five  or  six  guards  this  dastardly  deed  could  never  have  been 
committed.  This  should  be  regulated  by  Congress.  It  is  the  only 
way  to  safeguard  the  country,  for  the  president  is  the  real  and  true 
representative  of  the  country. 

Lincoln  was  assassinated  by  a  man  who  was  an  avowed  enemy. 
When  Garfield  was  assassinated  it  was  at  a  time  when  party  politics 
were  running  high.  But  here  in  the  shadow  of  peace,  with  the  country 
brim  full  of  prosperity,  a  war  peaceably  over  with,  and  conditions 
most  favorable  to  tranquillity,  there  is  the  school  of  anarchy  with  its 

X  Introduction 

doctrines  taught  in  public  places,  and  this  vile  reptile,  one  of  its  adher- 
ents, springing  from  the  nests  of  anarchy  in  Chicago,  where  it  is  taught 
that  it  is  right  to  kill  the  ruler,  becomes  the  assassin  of  our  beloved 
president — a  man  far  above  reproach  and  criticism  even  by  his  bit- 
terest political  enemies. 

But  the  genius  of  government  is  too  strong  for  anarchy.  Even 
the  gates  of  hell  cannot  prevail  against  it.  With  all  its  faults,  it  is 
still  the  best.  We  can  look  at  other  nations  even  with  our  president 
struck  down  and  say  that  we  have  the  best  government. 

He  was  the  gentlest  man  I  ever  knew.  The  greatest  men  are  the 
gentlest.  With  the  president  the  more  power  he  had  the  more  gentle 
and  considerate  he  became.  In  disagreements  of  any  kind  he  always 
left  his  hand  extended  and  his  heart  open.  He  was  clean  and  fair 
in  debate  and  never  spoke  an  unkind  word  of  an  opponent.  His  clothes, 
too,  were  always  remarkably  neat  and  clean,  like  his  character. 

At  public  receptions  royalty  of  other  countries,  with  gold  lace  and 
other  accouterments,  was  present,  and  I  would  look  into  the  pale, 
noble  face  of  .the  president  and  thank  God  that  I  was  an  American  and 
that  McKinley  was  president. 

He  never  feared  assault.  He  had  supreme  confidence  in  his  own 
being  that  kept  him  from  fearing  anarchy.  I  find  the  great  men  are 
the  most  gentle.  The  strong  man  speaks  not  widely  of  his  power 
— the  more  power  you  give  him  the  more  cautious  he  is  in  the  exer- 
cise of  it.  I  did  not  always  agree  with  him  in  matters  of  policy,  but 
he  nevertheless  always  left  his  heart  open  and  his  hand  out.  I  never 
heard  him  complain  of  anyone.  He  never  spoke  ill  of  his  enemies. 
He  never  changed.  Some  men  are  frivolous  in  public  office,  but  Major 
McKinley  always  maintained  dignity.  In  his  debates  he  never  con- 
cealed a  fact;  no  word  ever  passed  his  lips  that  did  not  come  from 
the  depths  of  his  heart. 

He  loved  truth,  he  loved  geniality,  he  loved  his  home,  he  loved 
his  wife — in  brief,  he  loved  all  that  was  pure  and  good.  If  all  other 
characteristics  had  been  forgotten,  if  his  record  as  a  soldier  and  a 
president  were  not  sufficient,  and  if  he  had  done  nothing  for  human- 
ity, the  picture  of  his  devotion  to  his  invalid  wife  alone  has  done  enough 
to  teach  us  loyalty  to  our  homes  and  families. 

Introduction  xi 


McKinley  loved  children — he  loved  flowers,  he  loved  nature,  he 
was  more  generous  in  giving  the  public  a  chance  to  see  him  and  speak 
to  him  than  anyone  I  ever  knew  in  similar  position.  I  never  saw  him 
when  he  did  not  say  a  few  kind  words  to  a  child  and  take  the  trouble 
to  pluck  a  flower.  He  was  doing  this  at  the  very  moment  he  was 
shot.  If  he  had  not  turned  to  wave  a  last  farewell  to  a  little  girl  he 
mieht  have  seen  the  assassin  in  time  to  save  him  from  the  murderous 

Look  at  the  picture  of  that  grand  man  in  his  devotion  to  his  Invalid 
wife  and  see  him  kneeling  by  his  aged  mother's  deathbed.  If  we  knew 
nothing  more  of  President  McKinley  than  this  it  would  be  enough  to 
make  him  a  prince  of  men. 


The  Assassination  of  President  McKinley. 

It  was  President's  Day  at  the  Pan-American  Exposition  at  Buffalo. 
Flags  were  flying,  banners  waving,  and  the  strains  of  martial  music  were 
in  the  air.  The  prismatic  towers  of  the  Rainbow  City  shone  against  a 
sky  as  blue  as  the  far-famed  heavens  of  Italy. 

The  chief  executive  of  the  United  States  delivered  a  masterly  address 
to  the  assembled  thousands,  moving  his  audience  as  only  the  gifted  orator 
may.  At  its  close  the  cheers  broke  forth  and  lasted  several  minutes.  It 
was  a  personal  triumph  which  amounted  to  an  ovation. 

As  the  last  lights  sank  to  dimness  and  the  tired  throng  went  home, 
all  seemed  well.  Peace  and  content  lay  upon  the  exposition  which  typified 
the  progress  of  the  Americas.  There  was  no  hint  of  the  blow  which 
was  soon  to  fall. 

The  following  day,  William  McKinley,  president  of  the  United 
States,  went  to  the  exposition  as  a  guest.  Arrangements  had  been  made 
for  a  public  reception  at  the  Temple  of  Music,  one  of  the  most  spacious 
buildings  in  the  grounds. 

Promptly  at  half  past  three,  in  the  afternoon  of  September  6, 
President  McKinley,  accompanied  by  the  president  of  the  exposition, 
John  G.  Milburn,  Secretary  Cortelyou  and  a  guard  of  detectives,  arrived 
at  the  railroad  depot  on  the  grounds.  Two  minutes  before  four  o'clock, 
the  hour  appointed  for  the  reception,  his  carriage  drew  up  at  the  entrance 
to  the  Temple. 

Twenty  thousand  people  were  gathered  in  and  around  the  building, 
and  as  the  president  bowed  to  the  right  and  to  the  left,  a  great  shout  of 
welcome  went  up  on  every  side.  The  organ  in  the  Temple  broke  into  the 
stirring  strains  of  the  national  air,  and  the  crowd  fell  back  from  the  door- 
way through  which  the  chief  was  to  pass. 

Inside  the  Temple  a  space  had  been  made  in  the  center  of  the  floor  for 
the  president  to  stand  and  greet  the  thousands  who  were  waiting  to  grasp 
his  hand. 

Perhaps  a  hundred  men,  women  and  children  had  gone  slowly  up  the 
long  aisle  and  looked  into  the  kindly  face  that  met  each  one  with  a  smile. 
Then  there  was  a  break  in  the  line  and  a  rush  of  exposition  guards  toward 
the  door  through  which  the  crowds  were  entering. 


14  Life  of  William  McKinley 

At  the  moment  a  woman  was  standing  before  Mr.  McKinley.  The 
trouble  at  the  door  apparently  subsided  and  the  woman  gave  way  to  a 
well  dressed  man.  He  grasped  the  president's  hand  warmly  and  spoke  a 
few  words,  then  the  crowd  pushed  him  on. 

The  next  was  a  burly  colored  man,  whom  the  President  greeted  with 
the  same  smile  Secret  Service  Agents  Foster  and  Ireland  were  standing 
directly  across  from  the  president,  closely  scanning  each  man  and  woman 
passing  along  in  the  line. 

When  the  next  man  appeared,  the  government  officers  saw  before 
them  a  quietly-dressed,  intelligent  appearing  young  man  with  reddish 
hair  and  smooth  shaven  cheeks.  His  right  hand  was  thrust  beneath  the 
lapel  of  his  coat  and  a  handkerchief  was  wrapped  about  it  in  such  a  way 
as  to  give  the  impression  that  the  hand  had  been  injured. 

The  man  turned  his  eyes  squarely  upon  the  president's  face  and  ex- 
tended his  left  hand. 

Mr.  McKinley  observed  that  the  man  before  him  was  offering  his 
left  hand  instead  of  his  right,  and  his  eyes  wandered  to  the  hand  thrust 
beneath  the  coat.  Then  his  own  right  hand  closed  about  the  fingers  of 
the  man  who,  like  Judas,  was  to  betray  him. 

The  touch  of  Mr.  McKinley's  hand  seemed  to  rouse  the  man  to  action. 
He  leaned  suddenly  forward,  at  the  same  time  holding  the  president's 
hand  in  a  vise-like  hold.  He  drew  Mr,  McKinley  the  barest  trifle  toward 
him  and  the  right  hand  flashed  from  beneath  the  coat  lapel. 

The  hand  and  fingers  were  hidden  by  the  folds  of  the  handkerchief. 
The  man  thrust  the  hand  fairly  against  the  president's  breast  and  pulled 
the  trigger  of  the  weapon  that  the  white  bit  of  cloth  was  hiding. 

Two  pistol  shots  rang  out  sharply  and  echoed  back  from  the  walls  of 
the  Temple.  President  McKinley  dropped  the  man's  hand  and  stag- 
gered back.    Upon  his  face  was  a  look  of  angry  surprise. 

Secretary  Cortelyou  and  President  Milburn,  who  were  standing  a 
little  behind  him,  caught  him  as  he  was  falling  and  drew  him  into  a 
chair.     The  president's  first  words  were :     "May  God  forgive  him." 

At  the  sound  of  the  shots  Detective  Ireland  of  the  secret  service 
force  leaped  upon  the  man  like  a  tiger  and  close  behind  him  came  the 
colored  man  who  had  just  shaken  hands  with  the  president.  They 
were  struggling  with  him  on  the  floor  when  the  president  reached  the 
chair.  Turning  his  head  to  Detective  Gerry,  another  member  of  his 
bodyguard,  he  asked : 

"Am  I  shot?" 

He  had  evidently  been  so  stunned  by  surprise  that  he  had  not  felt 
the  impact  of  the  bullets.  Meanwhile  Secretary  Cortelyou  had  torn 
open  the  president's  vest.     Blood  was  on  his  shirt  front,  and  Detective 

Our  Martyred  President  15 

Gerry,  answering  his  question,  said:     "I  fear  you  are,  Mr.  President." 

Secretary  Cortelyou  sank  on  one  knee  at  the  side  of  the  president 
and  looked  anxiously  into  his  face. 

"Do  not  be  alarmed,"  said  the  president,  "it  is  nothing."  Then  his 
head  sank  forward  into  his  hands  for  a  moment,  but  he  raised  it,  de- 
spite the  stream  of  crimson  which  came  from  the  wound  in  his  breast 
and  spread  in  an  ever  widening  circle  on  his  white  shirt  front. 

"But  you  are  wounded,"  exclaimed  Mr.  Cortelyou;  "let  me  examine." 

"No_,  no,"  insisted  the  president,  "I  am  not  badly  injured,  I  assure 

The  guards  were  driving  the  crowds  out  of  the  building.  Mr.  Cor- 
telyou asked  the  president  if  he  felt  any  pain.  Mr.  McKinley  slipped 
his  hand  through  his  shirt  front  and  pressed  his  fingers  against  his 

"I  feei  a  sharp  pain  here,"  he  said.  Then,  as  he  withdrew  his  hand 
and  saw  blood  dripping  from  his  finger  tips,  he  compressed  his  lips 
tightly,  then  turned  to  those  about  him  and  said,  in  a  whisper : 

"I  trust  Mrs.  McKinley  will  not  be  informed  of  this.  At  least 
try  to  see  that  what  she  must  know  of  it  be  not  exaggerated  in  the 

Mr.  McKinley's  head  sank  back  on  the  chair  and  he  seemed  to  be 
drowsy.  Tears  filled  the  eyes  of  those  who  were  watching  at  his  side, 
but  there  was  not  a  sound  to  break  the  dead  silence  that  had  followed 
his  last  utterance. 

Then  there  was  a  commotion  just  outside  the  little  circle,  and  Min- 
ister Aspiroz,  of  Mexico,  forced  his  way  to  a  place  close  beside  Mr. 
McKinley,  crying:     "O  God,  Mr.  President,  are  you  shot?" 

Mr.  McKinley  roused  himself  and  smiled  sadly.  "Yes — I  believe 
I — am,"  he  gasped.  His  head  sank  back  again  but  only  for  a  moment. 
Suddenly  straightening  up  in  his  chair,  he  gripped  the  arms  tightly  and 
thrust  his  feet-  out  in  front  of  him  with  a  quick,  nervous  movement. 
Thus  he  sat,  with  his  lips  tightly  closed,  an  example  of  superb  self- 
control,  until  the  ambulance  arrived. 

When  the  secret  service  men  and  the  colored  man  first  threw  them- 
selves upon  the  assassin,  pinning  him  to  the  floor,  lest  he  should  try  to 
use  the  revolver  again,  twenty  more  men  hurled  themselves  upon  the 
scrambling  quartet  and  buried  him  from  sight.  Every  man  in  that 
struggling,  crazy  throng  was  striving  to  get  hold  of  the  assassin,  to 
strike  him,  to  rend  him,  to  wreak  upon  him  the  mad  fury  which  pos- 
sessed them  the  instant  they  realized  what  he  had  done. 

The  greater  part  of  the  crowd  was  stunned  for  an  instant  by  the 
enormity  of  the  crime  they  witnessed,  but  when  the  reaction  came  they 

i6  Life  of  William  McKinley 

surged  forward  like  wild  beasts,  the  strongest  pushing  the  weakest  aside 
and  forcing  themselves  forward  to  where  the  prisoner  was  held  by  his 


A  tumult  of  sound  filled  the  place— a  hollow  roar  at  first,  punctuated 
by  the  shrieks  of  women  and  swelling  into  a  medley  of  yells  and  curses. 

A  little  force  of  exposition  guards,  penned  in  by  the  clamoring 
mob,  fought  desperately  to  hold  their  prisoner  from  the  blood-thirsty 


They  had  him,  safe  and  fast.  His  revolver  had  been  wrenched  from 
him  in  the  instant  that  Detective  Ireland  fell  upon  him,  and  he  was 
helpless,  bruised  and  bleeding.  His  face  was  cut  when  he  was  thrown 
to  the  floor  and  a  dozen  eager  hands  had  struck  at  him  and  reached 
him  over  the  heads  of  the  officers. 

Slowly,  very  slowly,  the  little  force  of  police  made  way  through 
the  crowd,  dragging  the  prisoner  between  them.  They  were  deter- 
mined there  should  be  no  lynching. 

From  outside  the  building,  where  the  news  had  spread  from  lip  to 
lip,  still  other  thousands  were  endeavoring  to  get  in.  More  police 
came  plunging  into  the  crowd  from  headquarters,  where  the  direful 
news  had  sped.  They  hurled  themselves  upon  the  swaying  mob,  they 
struck  and  pushed  and  shouted  commands.  Massing  their  men  where 
they  could  best  handle  the  excited  crowd,  they  cleared  a  passage  to  one 
of  the  doors  for  the  bearing  away  of  the  president,  and  on  the  stretcher 
of  an  ambulance  which  had  come  clanging  to  the  door,  he  was  tenderly 
carried  from  the  building  and  bornn  in  the  ambulance  to  the  emergency 
hospital,  near  the  service  building,  in  the  exposition  grounds. 

Through  the  crowd  the  policemen  dragged  their  prisoner,  until  they 
reached  a  little  room  just  off  the  west  stage  of  the  Temple  of  Music. 
His  face  was  still  bleeding  from  the  blows  given  him  by  the  negro, 
Parker,  who  had  cried,  as  he  was  torn  away  from  him,  "Oh,  only  for 
ten  seconds  more !" 

Once  inside  the  little  room,  the  door  was  closed  with  a  bang,  but 
the  mob,  with  its  blind  impulse,  surging  against  the  building,  fairly 
made  the  walls  creak. 

The  scene  in  the  little  room  was  all  confusion.  Officers  were  hur- 
rying in  and  out.  Some  were  trying  to  conceal  the  fact  that  the  man 
was  there,  and  others  betrayed  it  in  a  loud  voice  as  soon  as  they  left 
the  room.  One  excited  exposition  official  called  upon  the  people  to 
"go  in  and  get  the  man." 

In  the  room  with  the  prisoner  were  nine  officers.  He  was  hurled 
upon  a  table  and  sat  there,  putting  his  sleeve  to  his  lips  at  intervals,  look- 
ing at  the  floor,  and  nervously  rubbing  his  shoes  together.     Now  and 


Our  Martyred  President  17 

then  he  breathed  deeply  from  nervous  agitation,  but  he  did  not  speak. 

Outside  the  building  couid  be  seen  the  tumultuous  throng  of  people. 
From  all  parts  of  the  grounds  they  had  come  to  the  common  center. 
Now  and  then  some  man's  voice  would  call  out:  "Don't  let  him  get 
away,"  and  there  would  be  a  score  of  answering  shouts  of  "Kill  him!" 
"Hang  him!"  "Get  a  rope!"  "Take  him  up  on  the  arch  and  burn 

An  automobile  mail  v/agon,  only  the  top  of  which  was  visible  above 
the  crowd,  appeared  between  the  Temple  and  the  Government  Building. 
The  angry  crowd  thought  it  was  coming  for  the  prisoner. 

"Guard  the  doors  and  stop  that  wagon !"  a  man  shouted.  The 
wagon  was  stopped,  but  proceeded  by  a  circuitous  route  a  few  moments 

Around  the  main  door  was  a  squad  of  policemen.  Then  a  detach- 
ment of  marines  arrived,  under  command  of  Captain  Leonard.  They 
formed  in  line.  Then  in  a  loud,  clear  tone  which  penetrated  far  into 
the  crowd,  came  the  order  :     "Load  rifles !" 

The  breeches  clicked  and  the  men  held  up  to  plain  view  the  hard 
steel  and  the  encasing  brass  as  they  filled  their  rifles  with  cartridges. 

The  moral  effect  was  obvious,  for  the  women  started  a  movement 
to  draw  back  and  the  great  impulse  of  vengeance  seejiied  broken.  Men 
and  women  who  had  been  dry-eyed  began  to  cry. 

The  lips  of  the  marines  were  twitching,  but  the  heads  on  the  broad 
shoulders  were  motionless,  as  the  breath  was  held  firm  and  steady.  So 
men  look  when  facing  a  mighty  duty  with  a  mighty  heart. 

The  little  room  where  the  prisoner  was  held  contained  a  quantity  of 
rope,  which  was  used  for  shutting  off  the  esplanade  at  time  of  drill  and 
special  festivities.  "Rope  off  the  south  approaches  to  the  building  so 
we  can  get  the  w'agon  in  here,"  said  Colonel  Byrne. 

"You  will  never  get  that  wagon  forty  feet  with  him  in  it,"  said 
Detective  Ireland.  "We  must  have  a  carriage  and  horses.  The  peo- 
ple can  stop  an  automobile  better  than  they  can  horses." 

Some  distance  away  was  the  carriage  in  which  part  of  the  com- 
mittee had  come  to  the  Temple  of  Music.  On  the  box  was  a  little  coach- 
man. As  he  received  his  orders  and  w^as  told  that  his  carriage  was 
to  take  the  prisoner  away,  he  smiled.     "xA.ll  right,"  he  said. 

"Gentlemen,"  said  the  leader  inside,  "every  moment  of  this  delay 
is  making  matters  worse.  The  crowd  is  getting  more  and  more  worked 
up  and  it  is  getting  bigger.  It  reaches  way  out  over  the  esplanade  now. 
Give  this  man  to  me  and  I  give  you  my  word  I  will  get  him  to  Buffalo, 
Here  are  two  Buffalo  officers  who  will  go  with  me." 

"The  best  plan  is  to  jump  him  right  into  this  carriage  and  get  him 


i8  Life  of  William  McKinley 

right  out  of  here,"  said  Detective  Ireland.     The  mihtary  guards  were 
immediately  informed  of  the  plans. 

The  roped  off  space  was  sufficient  to  admit  the  carriage,  and  the 
commander  of  the  exposition  police  gave  the  signal.  A  guard  led 
the  way,  there  was  a  guard  on  each  side  of  the  prisoner  and  two  fol- 
lowed him.  The  coachman  whipped  up  his  horses  and  dashed  to  tlie 
door.  The  marines  and  artillerymen  dropped  their  guns  until  the  bay- 
onets were  at  charge.  As  the  carriage  drew  up  a  policeman  swung 
open  its  door.  At  the  same  time,  the  door  of  the  little  room  opened, 
and  out  came  the  prisoner,  with  his  guards. 

He  was  literally  hurled  into  the  carriage  by  the  policemen.  The 
crowd  surged  to  the  door,  yelling:  "Here  he  comes!"  "This  door!" 
"This  door!"     The  lines  of  soldiers  swayed,  but  did  not  break. 

"There  he  is!  There  he  is!  Kill  him!  Kill  him!"  came  from  a  thou- 
sand throats.  "Don't  let  that  carriage  get  away,  you  cowards !"  "Kill 
him!"    "Kill  him!"    "Kill  the  bloody  anarchist!" 

It  was  a  bedlam  of  curses  and  yells  from  people  fighting  to  get 
closer,  waving  their  fists,  with  here  and  there  a  revolver  gleaming  in  the 
sun.  The  roar  of  the  mob  was  a  thing  never  to  be  forgotten.  It  liad 
the  deadly,  intense  growl,  the  wild,  blood-thirsty  shriek  and  the  rau- 
cous, savage  note,  that  is  not  heard  once  in  a  generation. 

As  the  carriage  moved  away,  a  policeman  swung  himself  to  the 
seat  beside  the  coachman.  As  the  wheels  moved  beyond  the  rope,  men, 
and  even  women,  sprang  forward,  caught  at  the  wheels  and  clutched 
at  the  horses'  harness.  The  driver  had  a  whip  with  a  long  lash  which  he 
played  alternately  upon  the  horses  and  the  faces  of  the  crowd. 

Once,  as  the  carriage  neared  the  Triumphal  Causeway,  the  crush 
became  too  dense  to  pass  through.  Strong  limbed,  angry  men  were 
in  pursuit  behind  and  it  looked  as  if  the  carriage  was  to  be  stopped  in 
front.  The  coachman  smiled  and,  standing  up,  sped  his  long  lash  out 
over  the  horses'  heads.  .  They  increased  their  speed  to  a  gallop,  and  the 
crowd  parted. 

Once  on  the  causeway  all  was  well,  for  the  outer  limits  of  the 
crowd  had  been  reached,  and  the  narrowness  of  the  way  beyond,  as 
well  as  the  downward  slope  of  the  road,  facilitated  movement.  The 
crowd  gave  up  its  pursuit  and  the  carriage  speedily  went  to  the  Lincoln 
Park  gateway,  which  swung  open  as  it  drew  near.  From  this  point 
straight  down  Delaware  avenue,  the  journey  was  little  interrupted. 

The  prisoner,  from  the  moment  he  had  touched  the  cushions  of  the 
carriage  had  cowered  in  the  corner,  now  and  then  raising  his  head  as 
he  looked  out  of  the  windows.  When  he  heard  the  awful  impreca- 
tions as  the  mob  struggled  to  get  near  enough  to  take  vengeance  con- 

Our  Martyred  President  19 

vulsive  shivers  ran  through  his  slender  body  and  his  eyes  rolled  wide 
with  terror.  His  lips  were  dry  and  parched  and  he  moistened  them 
constantly  with  his  tongue. 

As  the  carriage  passed  the  Milburn  residence,  the  guard  who  was 
nearest  him  looked  up  at  the  front  of  the  house  in  which  Mrs.  McKin- 
ley  lay  asleep,  and,  clutching  his  club  closer  in  his  hand,  turned  upon 
the  prisoner  a  look  which  made  him  cower  deeper  in  the  cushions 

Just  south  of  Utica  street,  the  carriage  met  a  light  police  wagon, 
in  which  was  Superintendent  Bull,  who  turned  and  followed  the  car- 
riage down  to  headquarters  at  Station  No.  i.  There  the  carriage  drew 
up  sharply  and  the  prisoner  was  taken  in,  while  a  score  of  idlers,  always 
about,  looked  on  with  bare  interest. 

A  moment  later  bicyclists  who  were  following  told  them  the  Presi- 
dent had  been  shot  and  the  man  who  had  done  it  was  the  prisoner  who 
had  just  been  taken  in. 

The  news  spread  rapidly.  When  bulletins  began  to  appear  on  the 
boards  along  newspaper  row  and  when  the  announcement  was  made 
that  the  prisoner  had  been  taken  to  police  headquarters  only  two  blocks 
distant  from  the  newspaper  section,  the  crowed  surged  down  toward  the 
Terrace,  eager  for  a  glimpse  of  the  prisoner. 

At  police  headquarters  they  were  met  by  a  strong  cordon  of  police, 
which  was  drawn  across  the  pavement  on  Pearl  street,  and  admittance 
was  denied  to  any  but  officials  authorized  to  take  part  in  the  examina- 
tion of  the  prisoner.  In  a  few  minutes  the  crowd  had  grown  from 
tens  to  hundreds,  and  these  in  turn  quickly  swelled  to  thousands,  until 
the  street  was  completely  blocked  with  a  mass  of  humanity. 

Some  one  raised  the  cry  of  "Lynch  him !"  Like  a  flash  the  cry  was 
echoed  and  re-echoed  by  the  crowd,  until  it  became  an  imperious  de- 
mand.    The  thousands  surged  forward. 

The  situation  was  becoming  critical.  Suddenly  the  doors  were 
flung  open  and  a  squad  of  reserves  advanced  with  solid  front  to  the 
other  side  of  the  street.  Gradually  they  were  dispersed,  but  not  before 
the  entire  street  in  front  of  police  headquarters  had  been  roped  off. 

Liside  the  station  house,  the  authorities  were  questioning  the  assassin. 
He  first  gave  his  name  as  Fred  Nieman,  said  his  home  was  in  Detroit 
and  that  he  had  been  in  Buffalo  about  a  week.  He  said  he  had  been 
boarding  at  a  place  in  Broadway.  Later,  this  place  was  located  as  John 
Nowak's  saloon,  a  Raines  law  hotel,  at  1078  Broadway.  Here  the  pris- 
oner had  occupied  a  room  for  about  a  week, 

John  Nowak,  the  proprietor,  said  he  knew  very  little  about  the  man. 
He  had  been  alone  at  all  times  and  had  had  no  visitors.  In  his  room 
was  found  a  small  traveling  bag  of  cheap  make,  which  contained  only 
an  empty  cartridge  box  and  a  few  clothes. 

20  Life  of  William  McKinley 

When  he  was  first  arrested,  he  answered  a  query  as  to  his  motive,  by 
saying:  "I  am  an  anarchist,  and  I  cHd  my  duty."  At  headquarters  he 
denied  that  he  was  an  anarchist,  but  would  give  no  other  reason  for  his 
deed.  He  persistently  refused  to  answer  questions.  With  lips  tightly 
closed  and  with  eyes  upon  the  floor,  he  sat  stolidly  listening  to  the  torrent 
of  questions  poured  upon  him,  and  answered  none  of  them  after  making 
the  first  brief  statements  about  his  name  and  residence.  Later,  he  con- 
fessed that  his  name  was  Leon  Czolgosz  and  that  he  was  a  disciple  of 
Emma  Goldman,  the  anarchist. 

Still  later,  he  signed  a  confession  which  stated  that  he  had  no  con- 
federate, that  he  decided  three  days  ago  to  commit  the  crime,  and  that  he 
had  bought  the  revolver  in  Buffalo.  He  did  not  appear  in  the  least  de- 
gree imeasy  or  penitent  for  his  action,  nor  did  he  show  any  signs  of  in- 

In  the  meantime,  the  president  was  in  the  hospital.  Probably  it  was 
not  more  than  five  minutes  from  the  time  the  shots  were  fired  until  the 
examination  by  the  surgeons  had  begun.  They  discovered  that  one  bul- 
let had  entered  the  breast,  striking  the  bone,  then  glanced  aside,  and  the 
other  had  struck  the  abdomen  five  inches  below  the  left  nipple  and  one 
and  a  half  inches  to  the  left  of  the  median  line.  The  stomach  lying  di- 
rectly under  that  spot,  the  gravest  fears  were  entertained  regarding  the 
consequences  of  that  wound. 

Dr.  Roswell  Park,  an  eminent  surgeon,  was  immediately  sent  for. 
About  six  o'clock  he  arrived  at  the  hospital  and  with  the  assistance  of  Dr. 
Mynter  and  several  other  surgeons,  began  a  search  for  the  ball.  It  was 
found  that  the  bullet  had  passed  completely  through  the  stomach,  piercing 
both  walls,  and  had  lodged  somewhere  in  the  back,  but  it  could  not  be 

The  surgeons  abandoned  the  search  for  the  bullet  and  closed  the  aper- 
tures in  the  stomach  with  several  stitches  both  in  front  and  back.  The 
President  was  under  an  anaesthetic  during  the  operation  and  within  an 
hour  after  it  was  over,  he  recovered  from  the  effects  of  the  opiate.  It 
was  announced  that  he  was  resting  easily  and  had  a  good  chance  for  re- 
covery. The  principal  danger,  it  was  said,  lay  in  the  development  of 

As  soon  as  the  surgeons  made  the  announcement  that  the  President 
was  in  no  immediate  danger,  President  Milburn  made  arrangements  to 
have  the  patient  removed  to  his  house  on  Delaware  avenue.  The  chief 
of  police  immediately  ordered  the  streets  roped  off,  over  which  the  ambu- 
lance would  pass,  and  stationed  guards  to  prevent  all  other  traffic. 

An  automobile  ambulance  was  brought  to  the  emergency  hospital 
and  with  the  utmost  care  the  President  was  removed  to  Mr.  Milburn's 

Mother  of  the  President 

Our  Martyred  President  21 

home.  Police  were  placed  on  guard  in  all  directions  within  a  block 
of  the  house,  with  orders  that  nothing  be  allowed  to  disturb  the  distin- 
guished patient. 

For  two  hours  after  the  shooting,  Mrs.  McKinley  was  probably  the 
only  one  in  Buffalo  who  knew  nothing  of  it.  She  was  at  the  home  of 
President  Milburn,  resting  from  the  fatigue  of  the  morning  excursion 
to  Niagara.  Realizing  that  to  one  in  her  delicate  state  of  health  the  shock 
might  have  serious  effects,  the  physicians  issued  strict  orders  that  she 
was  not  to  be  told  until  the  last  possible  moment. 

She  awoke  from  her  sleep  about  half-past  five.  She  was  feeling  well, 
she  said,  and  at  once  took  up  her  crocheting,  which  is  one  of  her  favorite 
diversions.    She  kept  at  it  as  long  as  it  was  light,  remaining  in  her  room. 

When  it  became  dusk  and  the  President  had  not  arrived,  she  grew 
anxious  concerning  him.  ''I  wonder  why  he  does  not  come,"  she  said 
to  one  of  her  nieces.  There  was  no  clock  in  her  room,  and  it  was  seven 
o'clock  before  she  realized  that  it  was  so  late.  She  now  began  to  feel 
very  anxious,  since  she  expected  him  at  six  o'clock. 

At  seven  o'clock,  Dr.  Rixey,  the  family  physician  of  President  and 
Mrs.  McKinley,  arrived  at  the  Milburn  residence.  To  him  was  assigned 
the  dreaded  task  of  breaking  the  direful  news  to  the  invalid  wife. 

At  half  past  seven  he  came  out,  and  returned  to  the  exposition  grounds 
in  a  carriage.  He  had  broken  the  news  most  gently  to  Mrs.  McKinley, 
and  said  that  she  had  borne  up  bravely.  If  it  was  possible  to  bring  him 
to  her,  she  wanted  it  done.  Dr.  Rixey  assured  her  that  the  president 
could  safely  be  removed,  and  he  left  Mr.  Milburn's  to  personally  super- 
intend the  arrangements. 

The  Milburn  house  was  transformed  into  a  bustling  place  almost 
immediately  upon  the  arrival  of  the  ambulance  bearing  the  wounded 
President.  While  the  sick  room  was  absolutely  quiet  and  no  sound 
penetrated  its  walls,  the  parlor  below  had  been  transformed  into  an 
office,  and  two  stenographers,  with  their  typewriting  machines,  were 
installed  to  answer  the  telegrams  and  letters  which  began  to  pour  in. 
Arrangements  were  made  for  telegraph  wires  to  be  placed  in  the  house. 

The  first  official  bulletin  regarding  the  condition  of  the  President  was 
issued  by  Secretary  Cortelyou  at  seven  o'clock.  He  prefaced  it  with  the 
statement  that  it  had  been  prepared  by  the  physicians.    It  read  thus : 

"The  President  was  shot  about  four  o'clock.  One  bullet  struck  him 
on  the  upper  portion  of  the  breast  bone,  glancing  and  not  penetrating. 
The  second  bullet  penetrated  the  abdomen  five  inches  below  the  left  nip- 
ple and  one  and  one-half  inches  to  the  left  of  the  median  line. 

"The  abdomen  was  opened  through  the  line  of  the  bullet  wound.  It 
was  found  that  the  bullet  had  penetrated  the  stomach.     The  opening  in 

22  Life  of  William  McKinley 

the  front  wall  of  the  stomach  was  carefully  closed  with  silk  stitches,  after 
which  a  search  was  made  for  a  hole  in  the  back  wall  of  the  stomach. 
This  was  found  and  closed  in  the  same  way. 

"The  further  course  of  the  bullet  could  not  be  discovered,  although 
careful  search  was  made.  The  abdominal  wound  was  closed  without 
drainage.  No  injury  to  the  intestines  or  other  abdominal  organ  was 

"The  patient  stood  the  operation  well.  Pulse  of  good  quality,  rate 
of  130.  Condition  at  the  conclusion  of  the  operation  was  gratifying. 
The  result  cannot  be  foretold.  His  condition  at  present  justifies  hope 
of  recovery.  George  B.  Cortelyou, 

"Secretary  to  the  President." 

The  sad  news  sped  around  the  world.  Living  wires  flashed  it  from 
end  to  end  of  the  continent;  through  unsounded  seas  to  distant  lands. 
Though  divided  into  political  factions,  at  that  moment  the  American 
people  stood  as  one. 

Bulletins  were  issued  at  frequent  intervals.  For  a  day  or  two  there 
was  suspense,  then  encouraging  news.  The  next  two  days  were  marked 
by  still  further  progress.  On  the  loth  of  September,  four  days  after  the 
shooting,  the  physicians  were  confident  that  he  had  passed  the  danger  line. 

Yet,  with  true  professional  conservatism,  they  refused  to  give  a 
final  statement  to  that  effect,  save  to  the  family  and  to  those  who  were 
waiting  anxiously  in  the  spacious  rooms  of  the  Milburn  mansion.  There 
was  still  danger — with  the  stomach  perforated,  a  bullet  hidden  some- 
where in  his  back,  and  septic  poisoning  always  possible. 

The  President  maintained  his  strength  and  was  cheerful.  He  asked 
for  the  morning  papers,  but  his  request  could  not  be  granted. 

For  the  first  time  since  the  assassin  was  taken  away,  the  President 
asked  what  had  been  done  with  him,  and  was  told  that  he  was  being  held 
as  a  prisoner. 

"He  must  have  been  crazy,"  said  the  President.  "I  never  saw  the 
man  until  he  approached  me  at  the  reception."  When  told  that  the  man 
was  an  anarchist,  the  President  replied : 

"Too  bad,  too  bad!"  I  trust,  though,  that  he  will  be  treated  with 
all  fairness." 

hope  of  recovery  encouraged. 

The  good  news  which  came  from  the  President's  bedside  was  received 
with  great  joy  throughout  the  world.  At  the  Grand  Army  encampment, 
which  was  then  being  held  in  Cleveland,  General  Daniel  Sickles  strode 
into  headquarters,  and  said  to  those  assembled  there : 

"Comrades,  let  us  thank  God  for  the  good  news  from  Buffalo.     The 

Our  Martyred  President  23 

Lord  has  heard  the  prayer  of  the  world.  Christian,  Mohammedan, 
Chinese  and  all  people  have  united  with  us  in  prayer  that  McKinley 
might  be  spared  to  us.  That  prayer  is  answered.  Blessed  be  the  name 
of  the  Lord,  who  preserves  that  great  persoitality  to  us," 

Mrs.  McKinley  was  very  happy  over  the  good  news.  "We  trust  in 
God  and  believe  Mr.  McKinley  is  going  to  recover  speedily,"  she  said. 
"I  know  he  has  the  best  medical  attendance  that  can  be  obtained  and  I 
am  perfectly  satisfied  that  these  doctors  are  handling  the  case  splendidly. 
It  is  a  great  pleasure  to  know  the  deep  interest  and  sympathy  felt  by 
the  American  people.  The  case  is  progressing  so  favorably  that  we  are 
all  very  happy." 

On  September  11  the  physicians  publicly  pronounced  hirxi  out  of 
danger.  Vice  President  Roosevelt  left  Buffalo  for  a  trip  through  the 
Adirondacks,  and  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  returned  to  Washington. 


Suddenly,  without  warning,  there  was  a  change  for  the  worse.  The 
first  alarm  came  from  the  house  at  two  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  Sep- 
tember 13,  two  hours  after  the  encouraging  official  bulletin  sent  out 
cTfter  the  midnight  consultation  of  the  physicians.  The  signal  of  fear 
was  the  sending  of  messages  to  all  the  physicians  to  return  to  the  house 
at  once.    The  President  had  had  a  sinking  spell. 

At  three  o'clock  it  was  authoritatively  admitted  that  the  President 
was  in  an  extremely  critical  condition. 

It  was  stated  in  the  official  bulletin,  issued  at  3  :20  a.  m.,  that  "the 
condition  of  the  President  gives  rise  to  the  gravest  apprehensions." 

Throughout  the  day  and  evening  the  expectations  of  attendant  friends 
and  physicians  oscillated  as  a  pendulum  between  hope  and  despair. 
Hopeless  bulletins  followed  encouraging  reports  from  the  sick  room, 
and  they  in  turn  gave  way  to  recurrent  hope. 

All  who  passed  in  and  out  of  the  house  during  the  day  were  ques- 
tioned  as  to  the  President's  condition,  but  little  of  an  encouraging  nature 
could  be  learned.  The  truth  was  too  evident  to  be  passed  over  or  con- 
cealed. The  President's  life  was  hanging  in  the  balance.  The  watchers 
felt  that  at  any  moment  might  come  the  announcement  of  a  change 
which  would  foreshadow  the  end, 

A  slight  improvement  was  noted  in  the  early  bulletins  and  was  main- 
tained during  the  morning  and  early  afternoon.  When  it  was  learned 
that  the  President  was  taking  small  quantities  of  nourishment  hope  rose 
that  he  would  pass  the  crisis  in  safety.  Yet  every  one  knew  that  the 
coming  night,  in  all  probability,  would  decide  whether  the  President 
was  to  live  or  die.     It  was  known  that  he  was  being  kept  alive  by  the 

24  Life  of  William  McKinley 

strongest  of  heart  stimulants,  and  that  the  physicians  had  obtained  a 
supply  of  oxygen  to  be  used  if  the  worst  came. 

During  the  day  the  President  was  conscious  when  he  was  not  asleep. 
Early  in  the  morning  when*  he  awoke,  he  looked  out  of  the  window  and 
saw  the  sky  was  overcast  with  heavy  clouds. 

"It  is  not  so  bright  as  it  was  yesterday,"  he  said.  His  eyes  then 
caught  the  waving  branches  of  the  trees,  glistening  with  rain,  and  he 
spoke  again.    "It  is  pleasant  to  see  them,"  he  said,  feebly. 

Mrs.  McKinley  saw  the  President  only  once  during  the  day,  and 
then  only  for  a  moment.  No  words  passed  between  them.  The  phy- 
sicians led  her  to  his  bedside  and  after  she  had  looked  at  him  for  a 
moment,  they  led  her  away. 

She  was  told  that  he  was  not  so  well,  but  the  physicians  did  not 
deem  it  best  to  explain  the  complications  to  her,  or  the  real  gravity  of 
his  condition. 

As  fast  as  steam  could  bring  them  the  President's  secretaries,  the 
members  of  his  family,  and  the  physicians  who  had  left,  convinced  that 
he  would  recover,  were  whirled  back  to  the  city,  going  at  once  to  the 
Milburn  house. 

All  night  the  physicians  worked  to  keep  the  President  alive.  The 
day  began  with  a  gloomy  sky  and  a  pouring  rain,  broken  by  frequent 
bursts  that  amounted  to  a  torrent.  Gloom  surrounded  the  ivy-clad 
house  about  which  the  sentries  were  steadily  marching. 

No  bulletin  was  issued  at  six  o'clock,  as  had  been  customary.  Almost 
as  soon  as  it  became  light,  men  and  women  began  to  gather  about  the 
ropes  which  had  been  stretched  in  each  direction  a  block  away  from  the 

Mrs.  McKinley  was  awake  early.  She  had  slept  well  throughout  the 
night.  She  was  isolated  in  a  corner  of  the  Milburn  house-  and,  further 
removed  by  careful  guarding,  she  remained  all  unconscious  of  the  cloud 
over  her. head,  while  the  wounded  husband,  for  whose  ease  her  strong 
soul  had  struggled  to  overcome  a  disease-shattered  body  for  days,  fought 
for  life. 

Yet,  as  soon  as  she  awoke,  she  instinctively  scented  danger.  Trem- 
blingly, she  asked  to  be  taken  to  her  husband  earlier  than  usual.  She 
was  advised  to  wait  a  while.  Without  sign  of  complaint  but  with  a  world 
of  sufifering  in  her  eyes,  she  submitted.  She  feared  to  ask  for  a  reason 
and  nobody  dared  to  give  her  one. 

Throughout  the  day  anxiety  grew.  At  half  past  six  a  bulletin  was 
issued,  signed  by  Secretary  Cortelyou,  which  read  as  follows : 

"The  President's  physicians  report  that  his  condition  is  most  serious 
in  spite  of  vigorous  stimulation.  The  depression  continues,  and  is  pro- 
found.   Unless  it  can  be  relieved,  the  end  is  only  a  question  of  time." 

Father  of  the  President 

Our  Martyred  President  2K 

Before  this  bulletin  was  issued,  it  was  clear  to  those  at  his  bedside 
that  he  was  dying.  Preparations  were  made  for  the  last  sad  office  of 
farewell  from  those  who  were  nearest  and  dearest  to  him.  Oxygen  had 
been  administered  steadily,  but  with  little  effect  in  keeping  back  the 
approach  of  death.  He  came  out  of  one  period  of  unconsciousness,  only 
to  relapse  into  another. 


About  eight  o'clock  at  night  oxygen  was  given  him  again,  and  under 
its  influence  he  slightly  revived.  He  told  Dr.  Rixey  that  he  realized  that 
he  was  about  to  die,  and  asked  for  Mrs.  McKinley. 

She  came  and  knelt  down  by  his  bedside,  and  his  eyes  rested  lov- 
ingly upon  her.  He  put  out  his  hands,  laid  them  upon  hers,  and 
tenderly  drew  her  to  him.  What  he  said  in  that  feeble  whisper,  only  he 
and  she  knew. 

Mrs.  McKinley  raised  her  tear-stained  face  and  said  to  Dr.  Rixey: 
"I  know  that  you  will  save  him.  I  cannot  let  him  go.  The  country 
cannot  spare  him." 

The  President's  strength  did  not  last  long.  Unconsciousness  returned 
and  they  led  her  gently  away. 

At  lo  o'clock  she  was  summoned  to  him  again.  He  was  awaiting 
her.  With  his  last  strength  he  strove  to  clasp  her  hand.  She  bent 
over  him,  and  his  lips  moved  feebly. 

"Good-by,  all,  good-by,"  he  said.  'Tt  is  God's  way.  His  will,  not 
ours,  be  done."  Then,  as  he  sank  into  unconsciousness  for  the  last 
time,  he  murmured :    "Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee. 

At  2:15  o'clock,  on  the  morning  of  September  14,  1901,  the  Presi- 
dent died.  His  last  breath  passed  calmly  and  almost  imperceptibly. 
Peace  and  forgiveness  were  written  on  his  white  face.  He  had  been 
unconscious  for  several  hours  and  his  death  was  free  from  pain. 

Again  the  wires  flashed  the  news  around  the  world.  United  in  a 
common  sorrow,  eighty  million  American  hearts  ached  as  one.  Through- 
out the  night  many  thousands  had  been  anxiously  waiting  for  news. 
The  blood-red  sun  arose  upon  countless  flags  that  drooped  at  half-mast. 


All  day  messengers  were  hunting  for  Theodore  Roosevelt,  who, 
fully  believing  in  the  recovery  of  his  chief,  was  in  the  mountain  woods, 
far  away  from  civilization.  Through  the  Adirondacks  bugles  sounded 
imperiously,  calling  him  to  the  highest  office  in  the  land. 

It  was  late  afternoon  when  Jiie  was  found.  The  sun  was  sinking 
behind  the  distant  peaks.     The  yellowed   leaves  of  early  autumn,  as 

26  Life  of  William  McKinley 

now  and  then  one  fell  in  the  silence  of  the  forest,  shone  like  gold  in 
the  last  light  of  the  day. 

The  breathless  messenger  told  him  what  had  happened.  He  leaned 
upon  his  gun,  looking  far  out  across  the  hills  toward  the  sun  which  had 
risen  upon  the  third  martyred  President  of  the  republic.  There  were 
tears  in  his  eyes.  Then  he  set  his  teeth  together  and  went  back  with 
the  messenger,  having  said  not  a  single  word. 

After  a  record-breaking  journey  he  arrived  at  Buffalo,  going  first,  as 
the  humblest  citizen  might,  to  the  bier  of  the  dead  President.  At  3  :32 
o'clock  Saturday  afternoon,  September  14,  1901,  Theodore  Roosevelt 
became  the  President  of  the  United  States.  Judge  John  R.  Hazel,  of  the 
United  States  District  Court,  administered  the  oath  of  office  in  the 
library  of  the  residence  of  Mr.  Ansley  Wilcox,  at  Buffalo.  Mr.  Roose- 
velt during  his  stay  in  Buffalo  made  his  home  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Wil- 
cox, who  was  an  old  friend  of  the  Roosevelt  family.  In  this  simple, 
unostentatious  manner  did  the  Vice-President  assume  the  high  duties  of 
President  of  the  United  States. 


Proclamation  by  President  Roosevelt.     Funeral 
Processions  and  Rites 

President  Roosevelt  on  Saturday  evening,  September  14,  issued  the 
following  proclamation : 

"By  the  President  of  the  United  States,  a  Proclamation : 

"A  terrible  bereavement  has  befallen  our  people.  The  President  of 
the  United  States  has  been  struck  down;  a  crime  has  been  committed 
not  only  against  tlie  chief  magistrate,  but  against  every  law-abiding  and 
liberty-loving  citizen. 

"President  McKinley  crowned  a  life  of  largest  love  for  his  fellow 
men,  of  most  earnest  endeavor  for  their  welfare,  by  a  death  of  Christian 
fortitude,  and  both  the  way  in  which  he  lived  his  life  and  the  way  in 
which,  in  the  supreme  hour  of  trial,  he  met  his  death  will  remain  forever 
a  precious  heritage  of  our  people. 

"It  is  meet  that  we  as  a  nation  express  our  abiding  love  and  reverence 
for  his  life,  our  deep  sorrow  for  his  untimely  death. 

"Now,  therefore,  I,  Theodore  Roosevelt,  President  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  do  appoint  Thursday  next,  September  19,  the  day  on 
which  the  body  of  the  dead  President  will  be  laid  in  its  last  earthly  rest- 
ing place,  as  a  day  of  mourning  and  prayer  throughout  the  United 
States.  I  earnestly  recommend  all  the  people  to  assemble  on  that  day 
in  their  respective  places  of  divine  worship,  there  to  bow  down  in  sub- 
mission to  the  will  of  Almiighty  God,  and  to  pay  out  of  full  hearts  their 
homage  of  love  and  reverence  to  the  great  and  good  President  whose 
death  has  smitten  the  nation  with  bitter  grief. 

"In  wdtness  w-hereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the 
seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"Done  at  the  city  of  Buffalo,  the  fourteenth  day  of  September,  A.  D. 
one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  one,  and  of  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  the  one  hundred  and  twenty-sixth. 

"Theodore  Roosevelt. 

"By  the  President. 

"John  Hay,  Secretary  of  State." 

There  were  three  funerals.  The  first,  of  William  McKinley  the 
martyr,  was  held  in  Buffalo,  where  he  died.     The  second,  of  William 


28  Life  of  William  McKinley 

McKinley  the  President,  was  held  in  Washington,  at  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment.    The  last,  of  William  McKinley  the  man,  was  held  in  Canton, 

his  old  home. 

The  service  in  Buffalo,  which  was  held  in  Milburn  house,  was 
simple.  It  was  marked  by  none  of  the  pomp  of  state.  It  was  such  as 
the  humblest  might  have  had,  if  he  had  been  loved  by  his  fellow  men. 

The  funeral  train  was  made  ready  for  the  sad  journey  to  Wash- 
ington. On  the  observation  car,  attached  to  the  rear  of  the  train, 
elevated  so  that  it  might  be  readily  seen,  was  the  heavy  cedar  casket 
which  contained  the  body  of  the  President,  guarded  by  men  from  the 
army  and  the  navy,  of  which  he  was  commander  in  chief. 

The  locomotive  was  heavily  draped  in  black,  and  the  windows  of 
the  train  were  shaded.  Only  the  flag  shone  brightly,  lying  over  the  body 
of  him  who  had  served  it  well. 

Along  the  way  the  church  bells  tolled  as  the  cortege  passed  through. 
Flags  hung  at  half-mast,  and  from  each  one  hung  the  streamer  of  black. 
Women  and  children  strewed  flowers  upon  the  track,  as  if  to  soothe 
the  passage  of  the  chief. 

The  night  of  September  i6  was  spent  in  the  White  House.  The 
President  was  there  for  the  last  time.  Only  relatives  and  friends  were 
admitted.  The  servants  who  wept  over  the  body  of  the  President,  by 
their  tears  paid  an  eloquent  tribute  to  the  man. 

For  a  long  time,  in  the  evening,  Mrs.  McKinley  sat  by  him  alone. 
The  room  was  cleared  of  even  the  naval  and  military  guard.  At  last 
she  was  led  away,  so  utterly  bowed  down  with  grief,  that  Dr.  Rixey 
decided  that  she  could  not  attend  the  public  funeral  the  next  day. 

The  cortege  was  formed  at  the  White  House  by  nine  o'clock. 
While  muffled  drums  beat  the  long  roll  and  the  military  band  played 
softly  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,"  the  casket  was  lifted  by  the  guard 
of  soldiers  and  sailors  and  placed  in  the  l*earse.  Then  "The  Dead 
Marcli  from  Saul"  was  heard,  and  the  line  moved. 

President  Roosevelt,  in  a  carriage  drawn  by  four  black  horses,  and 
with  a  band  of  crape  around  his  arm,  immediately  followed  the  hearse. 
The  justices  of  the  supreme  court,  in  their  black  robes  of  office;  the 
men  of  the  army  and  navy,  in  the  full  dress  of  their  rank;  representa- 
tives of  foreign  governments,  in  all  their  trappings  of  state,  were  also  in 

The  people,  by  their  government,  followed  his  cortege  down  the 
avenue,  which  they  had  twice  traversed  in  his  train  to  a  triumphal 
inauguration.  Under  the  dome  of  the  national  capitol,  the  people,  by 
their  government,  bowed  beside  his  bier. 

The  pictured  symbolism  of  a  free  nation's  rise  looked  down  from  the 


Our  Martyred  President  ig 

wall.  The  shades  of  Lincoln  and  of  Garfield  could  be  felt  hovering 
overhead  to  lead  a  third  into  the  hall  of  martyrs.  From  the  lips  of  the 
painted  Washington  on  the  canvas,  standing  among  his  associates  in 
the  building  of  the  republic,  and  from  the  sculptured  Jefferson  on  his 
pedestal,  one  could  almost  hear  the  words:  "Has.  our  work  come  to 
this — thrice  the  chosen  leader  of  a  free  people  dead  by  the  assassin's 

Out  of  the  air  in  answer  one  could  almost  hear  the  sublime  words 
which  reverberated  across  a  continent  when  Lincoln  fell,  from  the  lips 
of  one  who  was  destined  to  follow  him :  "]\Iy  countrymen !  God  reigns, 
and  the  government  at  Washington  still  lives." 

The  casket  was  lifted  from  the  spot  where  Lincoln's  had  rested  a 
generation  ago.  It  was  a  tragic  parallel.  Both  had  been  chosen  in 
time  of  dire  distress  to  lead  the  nation  out  of  trouble.  Both  had  guided 
the  ship  of  state  through  war. 

Six  months  before,  vigorous  in  mind  and  body,  William  McKinley 
had  gone  to  the  capitol  to  take  the  oath  of  office  for  the  second  time. 
His  progress  was  marked  by  cheering  thousands,  and  the  star-spangled 
flag  he  had  ever  loved  and  served  shone  in  the  sun  on  every  side. 

That  route  of  triumph  became  a  pathway  of  tears.  The  people  were 
there,  and  the  flags,  but  there  were  signs  of  sorrow  in  the  white  and 
crimson  folds,  and  tears  in  the  eyes  of  those  who  saw  him  pass.  Hand- 
kerchiefs, that  once  waved  greeting  were  pressed  to  quivering  lips  to 
keep  back  the  sound  of  sobs.  The  huzzas  of  March  were  hushed  in 
September.  Where  were  gladness  and  gayety  were  grief  and  heart-ache 

Solemnly  the  funeral  line  wound  past  the  Treasury  building  and  into 
the  broad  sweep  of  Pennsylvania  avenue.  The  people  stood  in  the  rain 
with  heads  uncovered,  and  bowed  in  sadness  as  the  chieftain  passed. 

The  home  of  the  nation's  government  awaited  the  cortege  in  solemn 
simplicity.  A  flag  flying  at  half-mast  over  the  marble  entrance  was 
the  only  sign  of  mourning.  Not  a  strip  of  black  drapery  was  in  sight, 
the  law  decreeing  that  the  government  buildings  should  not  be  draped  in 

The  faint  notes  of  the  bugle  sounding  the  approach  of  the  cortege 
were  heard  at  half-past  ten.  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,"  the  funeral 
anthem  of  the  President,  softly  drifted  in.  With  slow  and  solemn  tread 
the  casket  was  borne  up  the  broad  terrace  of  steps,  on  the  shoulders  of 
soldiers  and  marines,  and  placed  upon  the  catalfaque  directly  under  the 

The  representatives  of  the  people  ranged  themselves  about  It.  Softly 
a  choir  sang,  "Lead,  Kindly  Light." 

^o  Life  of  William  McKinley 

Rev.  Dr.  Naylor  prayed  in  the  name  of  the  whole  people.  Then 
a  woman's  voice,  tremulous  with  tears,  sang  sweetly:  "Some  Time  We 
Shall  Understand." 

The  venerable  Bishop  Andrews,  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church, 
read  the  scriptural  assurances  of  life  beyond  the  grave.  Then,  fervently, 
and  from  his  heart  he  spoke  of  the  nation's  dead  chief  as  follows : 


TON, SEPT.  17. 

Bishop  Andrews'  patriarchal  and  kindly  appearance,  added  to  the 
eloquent  depth  of  feeling  manifested  in  every  word  he  spoke,  made  a 
profound  impression. 

Bishop  Andrews'  sermon  was  as  follows: 

"  'Blessed  be  the  God  and  Father  of  Our  Lord,  who  of  His  abundant 
mercy  hath  begotten  us  again  unto  a  lively  hope  of  the  resurrection  from 
the  dead,  to  an  inheritance  incorruptible,  undefiled,  and  that  fadeth  not 
away,  reserved  in  heaven  for  us  who  are  now,  by  the  power  of  God 
through  faith  unto  salvation,  ready  to  be  revealed  in  the  last  time.' 

"The  services  for  the  dead  are  fitly  and  almost  of  necessity  services 
of  religion  and  of  immortal  hope.  In  the  presence  of  the  shroud  and 
the  coffin  and  the  narrow  home,  questions  concerning  intellectual  quality, 
concerning  public  station,  concerning  great  achievements,  sink  into  com- 
parative insignificance;  and  questions  concerning  character  and  man's 
relation  to  the  Lord  and  Giver  of  life,  even  the  life  eternal,  emerge  to 
our  view  and  impress  themselves  upon  us. 


"Character  abides.  We  bring  nothing  into  this  world ;  we  can  carry 
nothing  out.  We  ourselves  depart  with  all  the  accumulations  of  ten- 
dency and  habit  and  quality  which  the  years  have  given  to  us.  We  ask, 
therefore,  even  at  the  grave  of  the  illustrious,  not  altogether  what  great 
achievement  they  had  performed  and  how  they  had  commended  them- 
selves to  the  memory  and  affection  or  respect  of  the  world,  Imt  chiefly 
of  what  sort  they  were ;  what  the  interior  nature  of  the  man  was ;  what 
were  his  affinities?  Were  they  with  the  good,  the  true,  the  noble? 
What  his  relation  to  the  Infinite  Lord  of  the  Universe  and  to  the  com- 
passionate Savior  of  mankind ;  what  his  fitness  for  that  great  hereafter 
to  which  he  had  passed  ? 

'         LOSS    OF   A   BELOVED    MAN. 

"And  such  great  questions  come  to  us  with  moment,  even  in  the 
hour  when  we  gather  around  the  bier  of  those  whom  we  profoundly 

Our  Martyred  President  31 

respect  and  eulogize  and  whom  we  tenderly  love.  In  the  years  to  come, 
the  days  and  the  months  that  lie  immediately  before  us,  will  give  full 
utterance  as  to  the  high  statesmanship  and  great  achievements  of  the 
illustrious  man  whom  we  mourn  today.  The  nation  already  has  broken 
out  in  its  grief  and  poured  its  tears,  and  is  still  pouring  them,  over  the 
loss  of  a  beloved  man.  It  is  well.  But  we  ask  this  morning  of  what 
sort  this  man  is,  so  that  w'e  may  perhaps,  knowing  the  moral  and  spiritual 
life  that  is  past,  be  able  to  shape  the  far-withdraw^ing  future.  I  think 
we  must  all  concede  that  nature  and  training  and — reverently  be  it  said 
— the  inspiration  of  the  Almighty  conspired  to  conform  a  man  admirable 
in  his  moral  temper  and  aims. 


''We  none  of  us  can  doubt,  I  think,  that  even  by  nature  he  was 
eminently  gifted.  The  kindly,  calm  and  equitable  temperament,  the 
kindly  and  generous  heart,  the  love  of  justice  and  right,  and  the  tendency 
tow^ard  faith  and  loyalty  to  unseen  powers  and  authorities — these  things 
must  have  been  with  him  from  his  childhood,  from  his  infancy — but 
upon  them  supervened  the  training  for  which  he  w^as  ahvays  tenderly 
thankful  and  of  which  even  this  great  nation,  from  sea  to  sea,  continually 
has  taken  note. 


"It  was  an  humble  home  in  wdiich  he  w'as  born.  Narrow  conditions 
were  around  him,  but  faith  in  God  had  lifted  that  lowly  roof,  according 
to  the  statement  of  some  great  writer,  up  to  the  very  heavens  and  per- 
mitted its  inmates  to  behold  the  things  eternal,  immortal  and  divine; 
and  he  came  under  that  training. 

"It  is  a  beautiful  thing  that  to  the  end  of  his  life  he  bent  reverently 
before  that  mother  whose  example  and  teaching  and  prayer  had  so  fash- 
ioned his  mind  and  all  his  aims. 

"He  w^as  helpful  in  all  of  those  beneficences  and  activities ;  and  from 
the  church  to  the  close  of  his  life  he  received  inspiration  that  lifted  him 
above  much  of  the  trouble  and  weakness  incident  to  our  human  nature, 
and,  blessings  be  to  God,  may  we  say  in  the  last  and  final  hour  they 
enabled  him  confidently,  tenderly  to  say :  Tt  is  His  will,  not  ours,  that 
will  be  done.' 


"Such  influences  gave  to  us  William  McKinley.  And  what  was  he? 
A  man  of  incorruptible  personal  and  political  integrity.  I  suppose  no 
one  ever  attempted  to  approach  him  in  the  way  of  a  bribe;  and  we 
remember  with  great  felicitation  at  this  time  for  such  an  example  to  our- 

^2  Life  of  William  McKinley 

selves,  that  when  great  financial  difficulties  and  perils  encompassed  him 
he  determined  to  deliver  all  he  possessed  to  his  creditors;  that  there 
should  be  no  challenge  of  his  perfect  honesty  in  the  matter.  A  man  of 
immaculate  purity,  shall  v^e  say? 


"No  stain  was  upon  his  escutcheon;  no  syllable  of  suspicion  that  I 
ever  heard  was  whispered  against  his  character.  He  walked  in  perfect 
and  noble  self-control. 

"Shall  I  speak  a  word  next  of  that  which  I  will  hardly  advert  to? 
The  tenderness  of  that  domestic  love  which  has  so  often  been  commented 
upon?  I  pass  it  with  only  that  word.  I  take  it  that  no  words  can  set 
forth  fully  the  unfaltering  kindness  and  carefulness  and  upbearing  love 
which  belonged  to  this  great  man. 


"And  now  may  I  say  further  that  it  seemed  to  me  that  to  whatever 
we  may  attribute  all  the  illustriousness  of  this  man  all  the  greatness  of 
his  achievements — whatever  of  that  we  may  attribute  to  his  intellectual 
character  and  quality,  whatever  of  it  we  may  attribute  to  the  patient 
and  thorough  study  which  he  gave  to  the  various  questions  thrust  upon 
him  for  attention,  for  all  his  successes  as  a  politician,  as  a  statesman,  as 
a  man  of  this  great  country,  those  successes  were  largely  due  to  the  moral 
qualities  of  which  I  have  spoken.  They  drew  to  him  the  hearts  of  men 
everywhere  and  particularly  of  those  who  best  knew  him. 


"They  believed  in  him,  felt  his  kindness,  confided  in  his  honesty  and 
in  his  honor.  His  qualities  even  associated  with  him  in  kindly  relations 
those  who  were  his  political  opponents.  They  made  it  possible  for  him 
to  enter  that  land  with  which  he,  as  one  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Union, 
had  been  in  some  sort  at  war  and  to  draw  closer  the  tie  that  was  to  bind 
all  the  parts  in  one  firmer  and  indissoluble  union.  They  commanded  the 
confidence  of  the  great  body  of  congress,  so  that  they  listened  to  his 
plans  and  accepted  kindly  and  hopefully  and  trustfully  all  his  declara- 
tions. His  qualities  gave  him  reputation,  not  in  this  land  alone,  but 
throughout  the  world,  and  made  it 'possible  for  him  to  minister  in  the 
style  in  which  he  has  within  the  last  two  or  three  years  ministered  to 
the  welfare  and  peace  of  humankind. 


"It  was  out  of  the  profound  depths  of  his  moral  and  religious  char- 
acter that  came  the  possibilities  of  that  usefulness  which  we  are  all  dad 

Secretary  of  the  Navy 

Our  Martyred  President  33 

to  attribute  to  him.  And  will  such  a  man  die?  Is  it  possible  that  He 
who  created,  redeemed,  transformed,  uplifted,  illumined  such  a  man 
will  permit  him  to  fall  into  oblivion  ? 

"The  instincts  of  morality  are  in  all  good  men.  The  divine  word  of 
the  Scripture  leaves  us  no  room  for  doubt.  T,'  said  one  whom  he  trusted, 
'am  the  resurrection  and  the  life.  He  that  believeth  in  Me,  though  he 
were  dead,  yet  shall  he  live,  and  whosoever  liveth  and  believeth  in  Me, 
shall  never  die.' 


"Lost  to  us,  but  not  to  his  God.  Lost  from  earth,  but  entered  heaven. 
Lost  from  these  labors  and  toils  and  perils,  but  entered  into  the  everlast- 
ing peace  and  ever  advancing  progress.  Blessed  be  God  who  gives  us 
this  hope  in  the  hour  of  our  calamity,  and  enables  us  to  triumph  through 
Him  who  hath  redeemed  us 

"If  there  is  a  personal  immortality  before  him  let  us  also  rejoice  that 
there  are  an  immortality  and  memory  in  the  hearts  of  a  large  and  ever- 
growing people,  who  through  the  ages  to  come,  the  generations  that  are 
yet  to  be,  will  look  back  upon  this  life,  upon  its  nobility  and  purity  and 
service  to  humanity,  and  thank  God  for  it.  The  years  draw  on  when 
his  name  shall  be  counted  among  the  illustrious  of  the  earth. 

"William  of  Orange  is  not  dead.  Cromwell  is  not  dead.  Washing- 
ton lives  in  the  hearts  and  lives  of  his  countrymen.  Lincoln,  with  his 
infinite  sorrow,  lives  to  teach  us  and  lead  us  on.  And  McKinley  shall 
summon  all  statesmen  and  all  his  countrymen  to  purer  living,  nobler 
aims,  sweeter  and  immortal  blessedness." 

Again  the  comforting  words  and  music  of  "Nearer,  My  God,  to 
Thee,"  arose.  Rev,  W.  H.  Chapman  pronounced  the  benediction. 
Friends  in  official  life  took  their  last  look  at  the  dead  face,  and  then  the 
people  came. 

The  rain  fell  nearly  all  the  afternoon,  but  the  crowds  outside  were 
undiminished.  From  Baltimore  and  Annapolis,  from  Harper's  Ferry 
and  Cumberland,  from  Richmond  and  even  from  cities  farther  away, 
hundreds  and  thousands  had  come. 

Only  about  six  thousand  an  hour  were  permitted  to  pass  through 
the  doors.  This  went  on  for  five  hours,  permitting  a  total  of  about 
thirty  thousand  to  pass.  Fully  as  many  more  were  denied  when  the 
doors  were  closed  at  six  o'clock. 

.Promptly  at  six  o'clock  the  naval  and  military  guard  took  charge 
of  the  President's  body  again.  The  military  escort  was  re-formed  at 
seven  o'clock,  and  the  casket  was  removed  from  the  capitol  to  the 
Pennsylvania  railroad  station. 


34  Life  of  William  McKinley 

A  platoon  of  mounted  police  cleared  the  way  to  the  depot,  and  two 
troops  of  cavalry  preceded  the  hearse.  No  members  of  the  cabinet  or 
representative  members  of  the  family  were  in  line,  but  all  officers  of 
the  army  and  navy  in  the  city  formed  the  escort. 

Soon  after  the  body  of  the  beloved  President  was  placed  in  the 
observation  car,  members  of  the  cabinet  and  friends  of  the  family  began 
to  arrive.  It  was  almost  eight  o'clock  before  Mrs.  McKinley  left  the 
White  House.  Her  carriage,  surrounded  by  mounted  police  and  followed 
by  the  immediate  mourners,  was  driven  to  the  lower  end  of  the  station 
to  escape  the  crowd.  Fifteen  carriages  were  required  to  bring  the 
mourners  from  the  White  House. 


Leaving  Washington,  the  long,  winding  train  bearing  the  remains 
of  the  martyred  President  plunged  out  into  the  dark  night  and  began 
its  mournful  journey. 

The  curtains  of  the  train  were  drawn  as  it  pulled  out  of  the  station, 
save  only  for  the  observation  car,  in  which  the  casket  lay,  guarded  by  a 
soldier  and  a  sailor  of  the  republic.  That  car  alone  was  flooded  with  light. 
The  countless  thousands  extending  from  the  station  far  out  into  the  sub- 
urbs of  the  national  capital,  waited  patiently  in  the  drenching  rain  to  pay 
their  last  farewell,  thus  had  an  opportunity  to  catch  a  last  fleeting 
glimpse  of  the  flag-covered  casket  as  it  sped  by.  Several  thousand  people 
on  the  bridge  over  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Potomac,  straining  for  a  last 
look,  could  be  seen  by  the  lights  strung  along  the  bridge  as  the  train 
moved  under  it. 

As  the  little  villages  between  Washington  and  Baltimore  were  passed, 
the  sound  of  tolling  bells  came  faintly  to  the  heavy-hearted  mourners 
aboard.  The  lighted  death  chamber  in  the  rear  car  was  an  impressive 
spectacle;  the  bier  in  full  view,  the  soldier  with  bayoneted  gun  held  at 
salute  and  the  jack  tar,  with  cutlass  drawn,  on  guard.  The  light  from 
the  car  streamed  out  into  the  darkness  for  many  a  mile. 

As  the  train  came  out  of  the  long  tunnel  leading  to  Baltimore,  before 
reaching  Union  station,  thousands  of  silent  forms  could  be  seen  and 
the  dismal  tolling  of  bells  could  be  heard.  A  clear  bugle  call  sounded 
a  requiem.  Hundreds  of  people  had  gained  access  to  the  train  shed,  and 
they  gazed  sorrowfully  at  the  casket  while  the  locomotives  were  being- 
shifted.  The  train,  which  had  arrived  at  9 134  p.  m.,  pulled  out  for  the 
west  a  few  minutes  later. 

Canton  was  ready  for  the  last  home-coming  of  William  McKinley. 
In  other  days  she  welcomed  him  with  cheers,  waving  banners  and 
triumphal  marches.  Now  she  was  to  receive  him  in  sorrow,  the  streets 
hung  in  black  and  resounding  with  the  wailing  notes  of  a  dirge. 

Our  Martyred  President  35 

At  eleven  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  September  18  the  chief  came 
home — for  the  last  time.  His  body  was  borne  at  noon  through  streets 
black  with  crape  and  through  lanes  of  sorrow-stricken  people,  who  made 
no  effort  to  hide  their  tears.  The  whole  city  seemed  to  be  a  house  of 
the  dead. 

There  was  but  one  moment  when  the  silence  was  broken.  It  was 
when  the  funeral  column  crept  up  the  street  to  the  beat  of  the  muffled 
drums.  Softly  came  the  strains,  once  again,  of  "Nearer,  My  God,  to 
Thee."  The  thousands  of  men  and  women,  standing  like  statues,  took 
up  the  refrain  in  tear-broken  whispers : 

"Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee, 
Nearer  to  Thee; 
E'en  though  it  be  a  cross. 
That  raiseth  me." 

It  was  a  home-coming  that  kings  might  look  for  when  their  earthly 
stars  set,  and  look  for  in  vain. 

Out  and  beyond  the  muffled  drums,  the  solemn  strains  of  music  and 
love  for  the  dead,  every  heart  went  to  the  lone  woman  who  had  been 
taken  from  the  funeral  train,  her  strength  almost  gone,  and  hurried  on 
ahead  to  the  old  home. 

All  the  afternoon  upon  a  shrouded  catafalque  in  a  corridor  of  the 
courthouse  lay  the  body  of  the  chief.  For  more  than  seven  hours  a  stream 
of  men,  women  and  children  passed  the  bier.  They  stepped  softly  lest 
their  footfalls  wake  their  friend,  and  tears,  unbidden,  came  to  eyes  that 
looked  down  upon  those  that  were  closed  in  death. 

When  the  doors  were  finally  closed,  there  was  a  long  line  of  people 
still  waiting,  whose  wishes  had  to  be  denied. 

In  accordance  with  Mrs.  McKinley's  request,  the  casket  was  removed 
to  the  house  on  Market  street,  where  they  had  spent  so  many  happy 
hours  together,  and  where  the  news  of  his  election  had  first  come. 

During  the  morning,  at  her  urgent  request,  she  sat  alone  for  a  time 
beside  the  casket  as  it  lay  in  the  south  parlor  of  the  house.  No  one 
sought  to  lift  the  veil.  The  casket  was  not  opened.  But  she  was  near 
the  one  who  had  ever  cared  for  her  and  protected  her ;  near  the  dead  for 
whom  grief  had  burned  into  the  soul  of  a  country  the  lessons  of  manli- 
ness and  beneficence  taught  by  his  life. 

The  last  ceremonies  were  marked  with  a  dignity  and  impressiveness 
that  struck  dumb  the  tens  of  thousands  who  watched  the  funeral  column 
make  the  journey  from  the  home. 

From  the  south  parlor  of  the  frame  house  which  had  been  his  home 

36  Life  of  William  McKinley 

for  so  long,  the  chief  was  borne  to  the  First  Methodist  Church,  with 
statesmen,  diplomats  and  representatives  of  the  great  nations  of  the 
world  gathered  with  the  sorrowing  members  of  the  family.  Ministers  of 
five  religious  denominations  said  the  simple  services. 

Troops  banked  the  streets  about,  but  the  thousands  who  had  crowded 
near  and  stood  -for  five  hours,  held  their  places,  catching  up  the  broken 
strains  of  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee." 

The  silence  of  calm  had  come;  the  silence  of  supreme  excitement 
had  passed. 

The  minister  was  all  but  hidden  by  the  mountain  of  flowers  banked 
upon  the  pulpit  and  in  the  chancel. 

'Tt  was  not  at  him  that  the  fatal  shot  was  fired,"  he  said,  "but  at  the 
very  heart  of  our  government." 

These  words  brought  home  with  crushing  force  the  warning  that 
the  last  scenes  were  passing.  Among  those  who  sat  with  bowed  heads  was 
President  Roosevelt.  The  tears  came  into  his  eyes  as  he  heard  the  peti- 
tions that  God  might  guide  his  hands  aright. 


Dr.  C.  E.  Manchester,  minister  of  the  church  in  which  the  last  rites 
were  said  at  Canton,  delivered  the  address.  He  had  known  William 
McKinley  as  a  friend  and  as  a  strong  man  in  the  life  of  the  church.  His 
address  brought  the  tears,  for  about  him  were  men  who  had  known  this 
great,  gentle  man  in  some  way. 

Dr.  Manchester's  sermon  was  as  follows : 

"Our  President  is  dead. 

"  'The  silver  cord  is  loosed,  the  golden  bowl  is  broken,  the  pitcher  is 
broken  at  the  fountain,  the  wheel  broken  at  the  cistern,  the  mourners  go 
about  the  streets.' 

"  'One  voice  is  heard — a  wail  of  sorrow  from  all  the  land,  for  the 
beauty  of  Israel  is  slain  upon  the  high  places.  How  are  the  mighty 
fallen!  I  am  distressed  for  thee,  my  brother.  Very  pleasant  hast  thou 
been  unto  me.' 

"Our  President  is  dead.  We  can  hardly  believe  it.  We  had  hoped 
and  prayed,  and  it  seemed  that  our  hopes  were  to  be  realized  and  our 
prayers  answered,  wdien  the  emotion  of  joy  was  changed  to  one  of  grave 
apprehension.  Still  we  waited,  for  we  said :  Tt  may  be  that  God  will  be 
gracious  and  merciful  to  us.'  It  seemed  to  us  that  it  must  be  his  will 
to  spare  the  life  of  one  so  well  beloved  and  so  much  needed. 

"Thus,  alternating  between  hope  and  fear,  the  weary  hours  passed 

Our  Martyred  President  37 

on.  Then  came  the  tidings  of  a  defeated  science,  of  the  failure  of  love 
and  prayer  to  hold  its  object  to  the  earth.  We  seemed  to  hear  the 
faintly  muttered  words  :  'Good-by  all ;  good-by.  It's  God's  way.  His 
will  be  done.'    And  then,  'Nearer,  my  God,  to  Thee.' 


"So,  nestling  near  to  his  God,  he  passed  out  into  unconsciousness, 
skirted  the  dark  shores  of  the  sea  of  death  for  a  time,  and  then  passed 
on  to  be  at  rest.    His  great  heart  had  ceased  to  beat. 

"Our  hearts  are  heavy  with  sorrow. 

((  e 

A  voice  is  heard  on  earth  of  kinfolk  weeping 

The  loss  of  one  they  love; 
But  he  has  gone  where  the  redeemed  are  keeping 

A  festival  above. 

"The  mourners  throng  the  ways  and  from  the  steeple 
The  funeral  bells  toll  slow ; 
But  on  the  golden  streets  the  holy  people 
Are  passing  to  and  fro. 

"And  saying  as  they  meet :  'Rejoice,  another, 
Long  waited  for,  is  come. 
The  Savior's  heart  is  glad ;  a  younger  brother 
Has  reached  the  Father's  home.' 

"The  cause  of  this  universal  mourning  is  to  be  found  in  the  man  him- 
self. The  inspired  penman's  picture  of  Jonathan,  likening  him  unto  the 
"Beauty  of  Israel,'  could  not  be  more  appropriately  employed  than  in 
chanting  the  lament  of  our  fallen  chieftain.  It  does  no  violence  to  human 
speech,  nor  is  it  fulsome  eulogy  to  speak  thus  of  him,  for  who  that  has 
seen  his  stately  bearing,  his  grace  and  manliness  of  demeanor,  his  kindli- 
ness of  aspect  but  gives  assent  to  this  description  of  him? 


"It  was  characteristic  of  our  beloved  President  that  men  met  him 
only  to  love  him.  They  might,  indeed,  differ  from  him,  but  in  the  pres- 
ence of  such  dignity  of  character  and  grace  of  manner  none  could  fail  to 
love  the  man.  The  people  confided  in  him,  believed  in  him.  It  was  said 
of  Lincoln  that  probably  no  man  since  the  days  of  Washington  was  ever 
so  deeply  embedded  and  enshrined  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  but  it  is 
true  of  McKinley  in  a  larger  sense.     Industrial  and  social  conditions 

38  Life  of  William  McKinley 

are  such  that  he  was,  even  more  than  his  predecessors,  the  friend  of  the 
whole  people. 

"A  touching  scene  was  enacted  in  this  church  last  Sunday  night.  The 
services  had  closed.  The  worshipers  were  gone  to  their  homes.  Only  a 
few  lingered  to  discuss  the  sad  event  that  brings  us  together  today. 
Three  men  of  a  foreign  race  and  unfamiliar  tongue,  and  clad  in  working 
garb,  entered  the  room.  They  approached  the  altar,  kneeling  before  it 
and  before  the  dead  man's  picture.  Their  lips  moved  as  if  in  prayer, 
while  tears  furrowed  their  cheeks.  They  may  have  been  thinking  of  their 
own  King  Humbert  and  of  his  untimely  death.  Their  emotion  was  elo- 
quent, eloquent  beyond  speech,  and  it  bore  testimony  to  their  appreciation 
of  manly  friendship  and  of  honest  worth. 


"It  is  a  glorious  thing  to  be  able  to  say  in  this  presence,  with  our  illus- 
trious dead  before  us,  that  he  never  betrayed  the  confidence  of  his  coun- 
trymen. Not  for  personal  gain  or  pre-eminence  would  he  mar  the  beauty 
of  his  soul.  He  kept  it  clean  and  white  before  God  and  man,  and  his 
hands  were  unsullied  by  bribes. 

"  'His  eyes  looked  right  on,  and  his  eyelids  looked  straight  before  him. 
He  was  sincere,  plain  and  honest,  just,  benevolent  and  kind.  He  never 
disappointed  those  who  believed  in  him,  but  measured  up  to  every  dut}^ 
and  met  every  responsibility  in  life  grandly  and  unflinchingly. 

"Not  only  was  our  President  brave,  heroic  and  honest;  he  was  as 
gallant  a  knight  as  ever  rode  the  lists  for  his  lady  love  in  the  days  when 
knighthood  was  in  flower.  It  is  but  a  few  weeks  since  the  nation  looked 
on  with  tear-dimmed  eyes  as  it  saw  with  what  tender  conjugal  devotion 
he  sat  at  the  bedside  of  his  beloved  wife,  when  all  feared  that  a  fatal 
illness  was  upon  her.  No  public  clamor  that  he  might  show  himself  to  the 
populace,  no  demand  of  a  social  function  was  sufficient  to  draw  the  lover 
from  the  bedside  of  his  wife.  He  watched  and  waited  while  we  all 
prayed — and  she  lived. 


"This  sweet  and  tender  story  all  the  world  knows,  and  the  world 
knows  that  his  whole  life  had  run  in  this  one  groove  of  love.  It  was  a 
strong  arm  that  she  leaned  upon,  and  it  never  failed  her.  Her  smile  was 
more  to  liim  than  the  plaudits  of  the  multitude,  and  for  her  greeting  his 
acknowledgments  of  them  must  wait.  After  receiving  the  fatal  wound 
his  first  thought  was  that  the  terrible  news  might  be  broken  gently  to 
her.  May  God  in  this  deep  hour  of  sorrow  comfort  her.  May  His  grace 
be  greater  than  her  anguish.    May  the  widow's  God  be  her  God. 

Our  Martyred  President  39 

"Another  beauty  in  the  character  of  our  President,  that  was  a  chaplet 
of  grace  about  his  neck,  was  that  he  was  a  Christian.  In  the  broadest, 
noblest  sense  of  the  word  that  was  true.  His  confidence  in  God  was 
strong  and  unwavering.  It  held  him  steady  in  many  a  storm  where 
others  were  driven  before  the  wind  and  tossed.  He  believed  in  the 
fatherhood  of  God  and  in  his  sovereignty.  His  faith  in  the  gospel  of 
Christ  was  deep  and  abiding.  He  had  no  patience  with  any  other  theme 
of  pulpit  discourse.  'Christ  and  him  crucified'  was  in  his  mind  the  only 
panacea  for  the  world's  disorders.  He  believed  it  to  be  the  supreme  duty 
of  the  Christian  minister  to  preach  the  word.  He  said  :  'We  do  not  look 
for  great  business  men  in  the  pulpit,  but  for  great  preachers.' 


"It  is  well  known  that  his  godly  mother  had  hoped  for  him  that  he 
would  become  a  minister  of  the  gospel,  and  that  she  believed  it  to  be  the 
highest  vocation  in  life.  It  was  not,  however,  his  mother's  faith  that 
made  him  a  Christian.  He  had  gained  in  early  life  a  personal  knowledge 
of  Jesus  which  guided  him  in  the  performance  of  greater  duties  and  vaster 
than  have  been  the  lot  of  any  other  American  President.  He  said  at  one 
time,  while  bearing  heavy  burdens,  that  he  could  not  discharge  the  daily 
duties  of  his  life  but  for  the  fact  that  he  had  faith  in  God. 

"William  McKinley  believed  in  prayer:  in  the  beauty  of  it,  in  the 
potency  of  it.  Its  language  was  not  unfamiliar  to  him,  and  his  public 
addresses  not  infrequently  evince  the  fact.  It  was  perfectly  conristent 
with  his  life-long  convictions  and  his  personal  experiences  that  he  should 
say  at  the  first  critical  moment  after  the  assassination  approached :  'Thy 
Kingdom  come ;  Thy  will  be  done,'  and  that  he  should  declare  at  the  last : 
'It  is  God's  way;  His  will  be  done.'  He  lived  grandly;  it  was  fitting  that 
he  should  die  grandly.  And  now  that  the  majesty  of  death  has  touched 
and  calmed  him  we  find  that  in  his  supreme  moment  he  was  still  a  con- 


"My  friends  and  countrymen,  with  what  language  shall  I  attempt  to 
give  expression  to  the  deep  horror  of  our  souls  as  I  speak  of  the  cause  of 
his  death?  When  we  consider  the  magnitude  of  the  crime  that  has 
plunged  the  country  and  the  world  into  unutterable  grief  we  are  not  sur- 
prised that  one  nationality  after  another  has  hastened  to  repudiate  the 
dreadful  act.  This  gentle  spirit,  who  hated  no  one,  to  whom  every  man 
was  a  brother,  was  suddenly  smitten  by  the  cruel  hand  of  an  assassin, 
and  that,  too,  while  in  the  act  of  extending  a  kind  and  generous  greeting 
to  one  who  approached  him  under  the  sacred  guise  of  friendship. 

"Could  the  assailant  have  realized  how  awful  was  the  act  he  was 

40  Life  of  William  McKinley 

about  to  perform,  how  utterly  heartless  the  deed,  methinks  he  would  have 
staid  his  hand  at  the  threshold  of  it.  In  all  the  coming  years  men  will 
seek  in  vain  to  fathom  the  enormity  of  that  crime. 

"Had  this  man  who  fell  been  a  despot,  a  tyrant,  an  oppressor,  an 
insane  frenzy  to  rid  the  world  of  him  might  have  sought  excuse;  but  it 
was  the  people's  friend  who  fell  when  William  McKinley  received  the 
fatal  wound.  Himself  a  son  of  toil,  his  sympathies  were  with  the  toiler. 
No  one  who  has  seen  the  matchless  grace  and  perfect  ease  with  which 
he  greeted  such  can  ever  doubt  that  his  heart  was  in  his  open  hand.  Every 
heart  throb  was  for  his  countrymen.  That  his  life  should  be  sacrificed 
at  such  a  time,  just  when  there  was  abundant  peace,  when  all  the  Americas 
were  rejoicing  together,  is  one  of  the  inscrutable  mysteries  of  Providence. 
Like  many  others,  it  must  be  left  for  future  revelations  to  explain. 


"In  the  midst  of  our  sorrow  we  have  much  to  console  us.  He  lived 
to  see  his  nation  greater  than  ever  before.  All  sectional  lines  are  blotted 
out.  There  is  no  South,  no  North,  no  East,  no  West.  Washington  saw 
the  beginning  of  our  national  life. 

"Lincoln  passed  through  the  night  of  our  history  and  saw  the  dawn. 
McKinley  beheld  his  country  in  the  splendor  of  its  noon.  Truly,  he  dies 
in  the  fullness  of  his  fame.  With  Paul  he  could  say,  and  with  equal 
truthfulness,  T  am  now  ready  to  be  offered.' 

"The  work  assigned  him  had  been  well  done.  The  nation  was  at 
peace.  We  had  fairly  entered  upon  an  era  of  unparalleled  prosperity. 
Our  revenues  were  generous.  Our  standing  among  the  nations  was 
secure.  Our  President  was  safely  enshrined  in  the  affections  of  a  united 
people.  It  was  not  at  him  that  the  fatal  shot  was  fired,  but  at  the  life 
of  the  government.  His  offering  was  vicarious.  It  was  blood  poured 
upon  the  altar  of  human  liberty.  In  view  of  these  things  we  are  not 
surprised  to  hear,  from  one  who  was  present  when  this  great  soul  passed 
away,  that  he  never  before  saw  a  death  so  peaceful,  or  a  dying  man  so 
crowned  with  grandeur. 


"Let  us  turn  now  to  a  brief  consideration  of  some  of  the  lessons  that 
we  are  to  learn  from  this  sad  event. 

"The  first  one  that  will  occur  to  us  all  is  the  old,  old  lesson  that  'in 
the  midst  of  Hfe  we  are  in  death.'  'Man  goeth  forth  to  his  work  and  to 
his  labor  until  the  evening.'  'He  fleeth  as  it  were  a  shadow  and  never 
continueth  in  one  stay.' 

"Our  President  went  forth  in  the  fullness  of  his  strength,  in  his  manlv 

Our  Martyred  President  41 

beauty,  and  was  suddenly  smitten  by  the  hand  that  brought  death  with  it. 
None  of  us  can  tell  what  a  day  may  bring  forth.  Let  us,  therefore, 
remember  that  'No  man  liveth  to  himself  and  none  of  us  dieth  to  him- 
self.'   May  each  day's  close  see  each  day's  duty  done. 

"Another  great  lesson  that  we  should  heed  is  the  vanity  of  mere 
earthly  greatness.  In  the  presence  of  the  dread  messenger,  how  small  are 
all  the  trappings  of  wealth  and  distinctions  of  rank  and  power.  I  beseech 
you,  seek  Him  who  said:  'I  am  the  resurrection  and  the  life;  he  that 
believeth  in  Me,  though  he  were  dead,  yet  shall  he  live,  and  whosoever 
liveth  and  believeth  in  Me  shall  never  die.' 

"There  is  but  one  Savior  for  the  sin-sick  and  the  weary.  I  entreat  you, 
find  him,  as  our  brother  found  him. 

"But  our  last  words  must  be  spoken.  Little  more  than  four  years  ago 
we  bade  him  good-bye  as  he  went  to  assume  the  great  responsibilities  to 
which  the  nation  had  called  him.  His  last  words  as  he  left  us  were: 
'Nothing  could  give  me  greater  pleasure  than  this  farewell  greeting — this 
evidence  of  your  friendship  and  sympathy,  your  good  will,  and,  I  am  sure, 
the  prayers  of  all  the  people  with  whom  I  have  lived  so  long  and  whose 
confidence  and  esteem  are  dearer  to  me  than  any  other  earthly  honors.  To 
all  of  us  the  future  is  as  a  sealed  book,  but  if  I  can,  by  ofiicial  act  or  admin- 
istration or  utterance,  in  any  degree  add  to  the  prosperity  and  unity  of  our 
beloved  country  and  the  advancement  and  well-being  of  our  splendid 
citizenship,  I  will  devote  the  best  and  most  unselfish  efforts  of  my  life  to 
that  end.  With  this  thought  uppermost  in  my  mind,  I  reluctantly  take 
leave  of  my  friends  and  neighbors,  cherishing  in  my  heart  the  sweetest 
memories  and  thoughts  of  my  old  home — my  home  now — and,  trust,  my 
home  hereafter,  so  long  as  I  live." 

"We  hoped  with  him  that  when  his  work  was  done,  freed  from  the 
burdens  of  his  great  office,  crowned  with  the  affections  of  a  happy  people, 
he  might  be  permitted  to  close  his  earthly  life  in  the  home  he  had  loved. 


"He  has,  indeed,  returned  to  us.  but  how  ?  Borne  to  the  strains  of 
'Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee,'  and  placed  where  he  first  began  life's 
struggle,  that  the  people  might  look  and  weep  over  so  sad  a  home-coming. 

"But  it  was  a  triumphal  march.  How  vast  the  procession!  The 
nation  rose  and  stood  with  uncovered  head.  The  people  of  the  land  are 
chief  mourners.  The  nations  of  the  earth  weep  with  them.  But,  Oh, 
what  a  victory !  I  do  not  ask  you  in  the  heat  of  public  address,  but  in  the 
calm  moments  of  mature  reflection,  what  other  man  ever  had  such  high 
honors  bestowed  upon  him,  and  by  so  many  people  ?  What  pageant  has 
equaled  this  that  we  look  upon  tonight  ?  We  gave  him  to  the  nation  only 
a  little  more  than  four  years  ago.     He  went  out  with  the  light  of  the 

42  Life  of  William  McKinley 

morning  upon  his  brow,  but  with  task  set,  and  the  purpose  to  complete  it. 
We  take  him  back  a  mighty  conqueror. 

"  The  church  yard  where  his  children  rest, 
The  quiet  spot  that  suits  him  best ; 
There  shall  his  grave  be  made, 
And  there  his  bones  be  laid. 
And  there  his  countrymen  shall  come, 
With  memory  proud,  with  pity  dumb. 
And  strangers  far  and  near. 
For  many  and  many  a  year ; 
For  many  a  year  and  many  an  age, 
While  history  on  her  simple  page 
The  virtues  shall  enroll 
Of  that  paternal  soul.'  " 

As  Dr.  Manchester  concluded,  'We  seem  to  hear  the  faintly  murmured 
words,  'Good-bye.  It  is  God's  way;  His  will,  not  ours,  be  done.'  "  With- 
out the  church  soldiers  were  standing  straight  as  statues.  Thousands  of 
men  stood  in  the  line  of  procession  waiting.  It  was  this  same  idea  which 
held  them. 

At  the  request  of  Mrs.  McKinley  the  Rev.  Father  Vattman,  chap- 
lain at  Fort  Sheridan,  Chicago,  made  the  closing  prayer,  which  was 
both  beautiful  and  touching. 

Then  came  the  last  stage  of  the  journey — to  the  City  of  the  Dead. 
Members  of  the  United  States  senate,  those  who  sit  in  the  house  of 
representatives,  officials  and  citizens  from  every  state  in  the  union,, 
soldiers,  military  organizations — a  column  of  more  than  six  thousand 
men  followed  the  funeral  car  on  its  last  journey. 

The  skies  were  hidden  by  clouds  of  gray,  but  not  a  drop  of  rain  fell. 
The  path  of  flagging  leading  to  the  iron-gated  vault  was  buried  beneath 
flowers.  The  men  of  the  war  of  forty  years  before  passed  up  this  road 
before  the  funeral  car  approached,  catching  up  the  flowers  as  they  passed. 
Just  ahead  of  the  hearse  came  the  handful  of  survivors  from  the  Presi- 
dent's owTi  regiment,  blind  with  tears.  They,  too,  gathered  up  the 
flowers  as  they  passed  by. 

Just  without  the  entrance  of  the  vault  stood  the  new  President  of 
the  United  States.  The  casket  rested  on  supports  close  to  him.  The 
members  of  the  cabinet  formed  an  open  line  with  him  and  members  of 
the  family — all  save  the  stricken  woman,  who  was  in  the  home  under 
Dr.  Rixey's  close  care, 

Our  Martyred  President  43 

As  the  casket  was  borne  to  the  entrance  of  the  vault  there  was  not  a 
member  of  the  cabinet  who  was  not  visibly  affected,  while  several  were 
in  tears,  with  their  handkerchiefs  to  their  eyes.  Secretary  Root,  though 
controlling  himself  to  some  degree  of  outward  calm,  was  deeply  moved, 
and  President  Roosevelt  repeatedly  wiped  away  the  tears. 

Among  the  bystanders  very  few  made  any  effort  to  conceal  their 
emotion.  It  was  a  scene,  under  the  cheerless  gray  skies  and  the  bleak 
wind,  as  cold  as  the  November  days,  that  even  all  the  glory  of  the  flowers 
could  not  relieve — the  picture  of  all  of  sorrow  and  desolation  that  death 
leaves  In  its  wake.  As  the  one  on  whom  the  terrible  blow  fell  hardest 
was  not  there,  the  last  agony  was  spared  her. 

From  the  lips  of  the  venerable  Bishop  Joyce  came  the  benediction — 
"Dust  to  dust,  earth  to  earth,  ashes  to  ashes." 

The  roar  of  the  cannon  echoed  from  the  hillt'op  just  above.  It  came 
as  a  mightv  amen. 

Again  the  white-haired  minister  spoke.  Once  again  came  the  cannon 
crash,  its  reverberations  beating  against  the  hills  about  the  city,  while 
the  troops  stood  with  gleaming  bayonets  at  salute  to  the  dead. 

Then  came  "taps" — the  saddest  call  the  bugle  knows,  sounded  by 
eight  silver  bugles.  The  last  notes  were  held  until  the  breath  of  the 
wind  seemed  to  rob  them  of  life. 

Away  down  the  street,  two  miles  away,  the  marching  columns  were 
still  coming.  The  music  of  the  bands,  muted,  it  seemed,  by  some  giant 
hand,  came  floating  to  the  group  about  the  vault — "Nearer,  My  God,  to 

Once  again  came  the  thunder  from  the  guns  above. 

Then  the  casket  was  carried  into  the  vault.  Five  infantrymen 
marched  behind  it.    A  moment  passed,  then  the  outer  doors  were  closed. 

The  last  ceremony  was  over;  the  third  martyred  President  of  the 
United  States  had  been  committed  to  God  and  eternity. 

Slowly  the  marching  column  came  about  the  crescent  road  to  the  left 
of  the  temporary  tomb.  Then  darkness  threw  its  veil  over  all,  the  silent 
guards  took  their  stations,  and  the  cemetery  gates  were  closed. 

During  the  five  minutes  between  two-thirty  and  two  thirty-five,  while 
the  body  of  the  chief  was  being  borne  from  the  church  to  the  hearse, 
traffic  was  stopped  all  over  the  United  States.  Not  a  wheel  was  turned 
upon  the  great  railroad  systems,  not  a  wire  flashed  a  message,  not  a  tele- 
phone bell  rang.  Surely  no  greater  tribute  than  this  was  ever  paid  to 
man.  There  was  no  sound,  save  when,  from  full  hearts,  came  the  soft 
whisper,  broken  by  sobs :     "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee." 

Out  under  the  whispering  oak  trees  of  Westlawn  Cemetery,  in  a 
vine-covered  vault  which  is  almost  buried  in  a  sloping  hillside,  guarded, 

44  Life  of  William  McKinley 

day  and  night,  by  soldiers  of  the  repubhc,  the  body  of  the  martyred 
chief  lies  at  rest. 

But  if.  out  of  the  common  sorrow,  may  come  a  greater  love  of  coun- 
try, and  if  the  red  peril  can  be  wiped  from  the  face  of  the  earth,  William 
McKinley  will  not  have  lived — nor  died — in  vain. 

THE    president's    SURGEONS. 

The  highest  medical  authorities  concur  in  the  opinion  that  all  that 
surgery  could  do  for  the  distinguished  sufferer  was  done  by  his  medical 
attendants.     The  New  York  Medical  Journal  says : 

"It  is  a  melancholy  consolation  to  know  that  the  fatal  termination 
of  President  McKinley's  case  was  not  in  the  slightest  degree  due  to  any 
omission  to  give  him  the  full  benefit  of  all  the  present  resources  of  our 
art,  and  there  is  nothing  humiliating  in  the  fact  that  the  favorable  prog- 
nosis which  for  five  or  six  days  seemed  justified  should  have  finally 
proven  fallacious.  *  *  *  It  is  perfectly  certain  that  there  was  no  J 
technical  fault  in  the  operation,  and  it  may  be  said  with  equal  positive- 
ness  that  it  would  have  verged  on  madness  to  prolong  the  search  for  the 
bullet  after  it  had  been  ascertained  that  it  had  not  inflicted  any  very 
grave  injury  beyond  that  of  the  stomach — ascertained,  that  is  to  say, 
within  the  limitations  of  warrantable  efforts." 

Sir  James  Crichton  Browne,  the  eminent  English  surgeon,  said  at  a 
gathering  of  prominent  medical  men  in  London,  September  28,  he  was 
confident  he  was  expressing  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  British  med- 
ical profession  when  he  declared  that  the  surgeons  who  attended  the  late 
President  of  the  United  States  showed  the  utmost  skill  at  every  stage. 
A  power  more  than  human  would  have  been  required  to  save  the  life  01 
the  nation's  wounded  chief. 



Expressive  Tributes  From  Foreign  Lands. 

Morning  had  scarcely  dawned  for  the  night  watchers  keeping  the  last 
vigil  beside  the  coffin  of  the  murdered  President,  4,000  miles  away,  when 
Londoners  were  already  assembled  by  the  thousands  around  Westminster 
Abbey  to  attend  the  memorial  services  of  America's  dead  President. 

The  venerable  palace  of  the  dead  was  all  too  small  to  contain  half 
of  those  seeking  admission.  Every  ticket  printed  had  been  bespoken  a 
dozen  times  over.  At  the  American  embassy  over  night,  up  to  an  hour 
before  noon,  applicants  still  clamored  for  the  coveted  pasteboards,  many 
striving  even  to  accompany  the  officials  from  the  embassy  toward  the 
abbey  in  hope  of  being  admitted  among  the  crowd. 

Around  the  doors,  where  tickets  were  not  needed,  a  throng  gathered 
two  hours  before  the  doors  opened  sufficient  to  fill  the  entire  abbey. 
All  were  in  deep  mourning.  Indeed  the  outburst  of  black  clothing  sur- 
passed anything  seen  here  excepting  only  on  the  death  of  Queen  Victoria. 


The  solemn  passing  bell  of  Westminster  tower  still  had  half  an  hour 
to  toll  before  the  service  began,  when  the  stream  of  notable  persons  who 
were  admitted  through  the  dean's  yard  slowly  filed  to  their  places  in 
the  choir.  One  of  the  first  to  arrive  was  former  Vice  President  Levi  P. 
Morton,  accompanied  by  his  wife  and  family.  They  were  quickly  fol- 
lowed by  Lord  Pauncefote  and  his  family. 

Sir  William  Colville,  royal  master  of  ceremonies,  found  the  chancel 
half  filled  before  he  could  take  up  the  duties  he  voluntarily  assumed  of 
marshaling  people  into  their  places.  Mr.  Synge,  C.  M.  G.  B.,  assistant 
marshal  of  ceremonies,  who  also  volunteered  to  assist  the  embassy  offi- 
cials, acted  for  the  nonce  as  usher  in  conducting  distinguished  arrivals 
to  their  places. 

The  lord  steward  of  the  household,  Lord  Pembroke,  represented  the 
king.  Next  to  him  sat  the  United  States  ambassador,  Mr.  Choate ;  Sec- 
retary White  and  other  members  of  the  embassy.  Colonel  Alfred  M. 
Egerton,  equerry  of  the  Duke  of  Connaut,  represented  the  Duke  and 
Duchess  of  Connaut;  Major  James  E.  Martin,  equerry  of  Prince  Chris- 
tian, represented  the  Prince  and  Princess  Christian  of  Schleswig-Hol- 


46  Life  of  William  McKinley 

stein.  The  secretary  for  war,  William  St.  John  Brodrick,  and  the 
undersecretary  of  the  foreign  office,  Lord  Cranborne,  were  present,  and 
the  other  cabinet  ministers  were  represented. 


The  British  ambassador  to  the  United  States,  Lord  Pauncefote;  the 
Russian  ambassador  to  Great  Britain,  M.  de  Stael;  the  Danish  min- 
ister, M,  de  Bille,  and  the  Turkish  ambassador,  Costaki  Anthopulo 
Pasha,  were  also  present,  with  members  of  all  the  legations,  including 
the  consul  general  of  Monaco,  Lord  Rosebery;  the  lord  chief  justice, 
Baron  Alverstone ;  Baron  Revelstoke,  Baron  Mount  Stephen,  Sir  William 
and  Lady  Vernon  Harcourt  and  the  agents  general  of  twenty  British 
colonies  were  there. 

The  boom  of  the  abbey  bell  announcing  midday  was  faintly  audible  • 
within  the  abbey  as  the  organ  broke  the  hushed  silence  with  the  funeral 
march  by  Tschaikowsky,  which  merged  later  into  Chopin's  more  familiar 

Away  in  the  distant  nave  were  heard  the  voices  of  the  famous  abbey 
choir  chanting  in  sad  minor,  'T  am  the  resurrection  and  the  life,"  the 
vast  congregation  rising  as  the  strains  floated  upward  and  rose  and 
fell  in  mournful  harmony,  filling  the  lofty  edifice  to  the  uttermost  crev- 
ices of  the  distant  roof  and  anon  falling  gently  as  autumn  rain  on  the 
ears  of  the  somber-clad  listeners. 

Slowly,  silently,  the  procession  of  surpliced  choristers  moved  nearer 
up  the  nave  and  under  the  oaken  screen  dividing  the  choir  from  the  body 
of  the  cathedral. 


The  voices  of  the  singers  grew  more  distinct  with  every  step  until 
the  words  of  the  refrain,  "The  Lord  gave,  the  Lord  hath  taken  away," 
struck  a  responsive  sigh  in  every  heart.  As  the  singers  filled  each  side 
of  the  choir  stalls  the  clergy,  escorted  by  vergers  with  crape-covered 
staves,  proceeded  into  the  sanctuary  itself. 

The  venerable  dean  of  Westminster  Abbey  had  taken  his  place  in 
the  chancel,  surrounded  by  the  clergy,  when  the  congregation,  standing, 
prepared  themselves  to  pour  forth  their  feelings  in  "Nearer,  My  God,  to 
Thee,"  which  henceforth  will  forever  be  associated  with  President  Mc- 
Kinley's  dying  moments. 

But  here  occurred  the  only  jar  in  the  solemn  service,  A  great  portion 
of  the  congregation,  being  Americans,  naturally  expected  the  old  famil- 
iar chant,  which  is  regarded  almost  as  America's  national  anthem. 
Instead  of  this,  however,  the  organist  played  the  English  version,  by 

Our  Martyred  President  47 

Rev.  J.  B.  Dykes,  a  tune  quite  foreign  to  American  ears.  For  a  few 
moments  the  effect  was  most  painful  alike  to  those  wishing  to  sing  as 
to  others  who  were  merely  listeners. 


After  trying  weakly  to  join  in  unison  with  the  choir,  giving  to  the 
time-worn  words  the  unfamiliar  sounds,  the  greater  portion  of  the  con- 
gregation abandoned  the  attempt,  while  many  unbidden  tears  were  shed 
and  bespoke  the  helpless  sorrow  of  those  to  whom  the  relief  of  song  was 

Sullivan's  exquisite  anthem,  "Yea,  Though  I  Walk  From  the  Light  of 
the  World,"  rendered  by  the  choir,  went  far  to  soothe  the  mourners  for 
the  absence  of  congregational  singing,  while  the  spectacle  of  the  vener- 
able dean  reading  the  lesson — a  gray-haired  old  man  whose  feeble  voice 
was  barely  .audible  within  a  short  radius  of  the  chancel  rail — recalled 
the  last  occasion  when  he  had  officiated  at  a  funeral  service  there,  namely 
when  Mr.  Gladstone  was  laid  to  rest  among  the  historic  dead  within 
the  abbey. 

But  by  far  the  most  impressive  moment  of  the  service  was  the  short 
pause  for  silent  prayer  in  behalf  of  the  widow  and  family  of  the  late 


As  the  great  organ's  note,  like  a  deep  sigh,  faded  into  solemn  silence, 
the  last  jarring  clang  of  the  chimes  outdoors  momentarily  punctured 
the  stillness  as  though  for  a  record  of  passing  time.  Then  a  hush  fell 
upon  the  densely  thronged  church  and  for  fully  five  minutes  every  head 
was  bowed  in  silent  prayer — hushed  and  silent  as  the  unnumbered  dead 
who  sleep  beneath  the  abbey  stones. 

It  was  an  awful,  soul-inspiring  moment.  One  could  not  help  recalling 
the  scene  five  years  ago,  at  St.  Louis,  when  at  the  mention  of  the  name  of 
McKinley  10.000  men  had  cheered  like  half-demented  savages  for  half 
an  hour  by  the  clock. 

Some  of  those  present  on  that  occasion  were  even  now  kneeling  with 
bowed  heads,  their  subdued  attitude  beneath  the  abbey's  towering  roof 
being  more  expressive  of  genuine  feeling  than  the  wildest  cheers  and 
frantic  flag-waving  in  that  memorable  yellow  pine  board  convention  hall. 

Faintly,  as  if  apologizing  for  disturbing  the  eternal  commune  be- 
tween the  living  and  the  dead,  the  organ  broke  the  silence,  while  the 
choir  almost  imperceptibly  added  their  voices  to  the  refrain,  "I  Heard  a 
Voice  From  Heaven." 

48  Life  of  William  McKinley 


For  the  remainder  of  the  service  the  sacrist  recited  the  prayers,  the 
choir  organ  again  sang  an  anthem,  the  dean  pronounced  the  benediction 
and  the  congregation  stood  while  the  dead  march  in  "Saul"  was  played. 
But  during  all  this  and  as  the  choir  and  clergy  slowly  filed  out  the  mem- 
ory of  that  impressive  pause  lingered. 

Even  when  Mr.  Choate,  standing  beneath  the  screen  at  the  end  of  the 
nave,  received  the  silent  greetings  of  the  distinguished  mourners,  their 
mute  salutation  was  but  a  repetition  of  the  greeting  to  tlie  illustrious 
dead  during  that  awful  pause. 

A  similar  service  was  held  at  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  in  the  afternoon, 
attended  by  6,000  persons. 


The  London  morning  papers  again  appeared  with  black  borders  and 
lonsr  accounts  of  the  ceremonies  in  Canton  and  of  memorial  services  and 
tributes  throughout  the  world.  The  editorials  generally  comment  upon 
the  widespread  sympathy  evoked.  "Seldom,  if  ever,"  says  the  Standard, 
"has  a  common  sorrow  found  expression  in  so  many  lands." 

The  Daily  News  finds  "this  spontaneous  manifestation  of  mourn- 
ing" deeply  suggestive  and  impressive,  being  paralleled  only  at  the 
death  of  Victoria. 

Several  London  theaters  were  closed  September  19.  Those  remain- 
ing open  witnessed  some  remarkable  demonstrations.  The  programmes 
began  with  the  dead  march  in  "Saul,"  the  audiences  standing.  At  the 
leading  variety  houses  the  "Star  Spangled  Banner"  was  also  played, 
and  was  received  with  ringing  cheers  and  shouts  of  "Down  with  an- 
archists." At  a  concert  in  Queen's  Hall  Sir  Arthur  Sullivan's  "In 
Memoriam"  overture  and  Tchaikowsky's  "Pathetique  Symphonic"  were 
played  in  memory  of  Mr.  McKinley. 

All  the  American  business  houses  in  London  were  closed,  and  the 
managers  and  employes  attended  the  memorial  services  at  various 
churches.  On  many  English  houses  the  shades  were  half  drawn  and 
flags,  draped  in  crape,  were  at  half-mast. 

At  the  request  of  members  of  the  stock  exchange  and  other  business' 
men  in  the  city,  a  memorial  service  was  held  in  the  Church  of  St.  Law- 
rence Jewry.     The  church  was  crowded. 

Mr.  Choate,  the  American  ambassador,  sent  the  following  telegram 
to  King  Edward  at  Fredensborg: 

"Your  majesty's  telegram  of  the  14th  has  deeply  affected  Mrs.  Mc- 
Kinley in  this  hour  of  her  sore  affliction,  and  I  am  charged  to  convey 


Secretary  of  State 

Our  Martyred  President  49 

to  your  majesty,  in  her  name,  her  grateful  acknowledgment  and  thanks 
for  your  sympathy,  which  was  so  thoughtfully  bestowed." 

"The  following  was  received  from  the  King  at  the  embassay: 
"Please  convey  to  Mrs.  McKinley  my  best  thanks  for  her  kind  mes- 
sage. The  Queen  and  I  feel  most  deeply  for  her  in  the  hour  of  her 
great  affliction,  and  pray  that  God  may  give  her  strength  to  bear  her 
heavy  cross.  Our  thoughts  will  today  be  especially  with  the  American 
nation  when  its  distinguished  President  is  laid  at  rest.     Edward  R." 

Queen  Alexandra  has  written  an  autograph  letter  of  sympathy  and 
condolence  to  Mrs.  McKinley. 


Mr.  and  Mrs.  Chamberlain  attended  the  memorial  service  in  Bir- 
mingham. There  was  also  a  big  demonstration  in  that  city  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Wesleyan  conference,  when  resolutions  of  sympathy  and 
condolence  were  adopted  after  the  crime  of  Czolgosz  had  been  charac- 
terized in  terms  of  deepest  abhorrence. 

Lord  Lansdowne,  the  foreign  secretary,  intimates  through  the  press 
his  regret  that  illness  prevented  him  from  attending  the  memorial  ser- 
vice in  Westminster  Abbey. 

Mr.  Choate,  in  his  letter  of  apology  for  absence  from  the  King  Alfred 
millenary  commemoration  at  Winchester,  due  to  the  death  of  President 
McKinley,  says :  "The  sympathy  expressed  in  a  perfect  avalanche  of 
telegrams  from  all  parts  of  the  British  dominion,  is  most  touching." 


Mr.  O'Connor  paid  eloquent  tribute  to  the  character,  abilities  and  sim- 
plicity of  the  dead  President,  concluding  as  follows : 

"The  career  of  McKinley  was  typically  American.  It  is,  indeed, 
Americanism  at  its  best.  Even  the  murmured  words  of  the  church  hymn 
which  were  among  the  last  things  uttered  by  the  dying  lips — even  that 
is  typically  American,  too. 

"Amid  all  the  riot,  blare  and  deafening  noise  of  a  country  bursting 
with  the  abounding  vitality  and  defiant  strength  of  its  gigantic  youth, 
America  is  in  its  foundation  a  country  of  tranquil,  sober.  God-fearing 
homes.  Every  individual  American  mourns  in  simple  William  McKinley 
the  sweetness,  wholesomeness  and  faithful  affection  and  enduring  fidelity 
of  the  typical  American  citizen — the  true  American  man  and  husband,  the 
true  American  wife  and  the  typical  American  home.'* 

50  Life  of  William  McKinley 


John  Redmond,  the  Irish  leader,  cabled  to  Theodore  Roosevelt :  "In 
the  name  of  the  Irish  nationalist  party  I  send  an  expression  of  deepest 
sympathy.    Ireland  abhors  the  dastardly  crime." 


This  great  newspaper  has  given  an  account  of  the  assassination  in  an 
article  of  forty  thousand  words.    It  says : 

"The  king  has  commanded  that  the  court  shall  wear  mourning  for  one 
week  for  the  late  President  of  the  United  States." 

Referrinsf  to  the  death  of  Oueen  Victoria  the  Times  continues : 

"In  our  grief  the  hearts  of  our  American  kin  were  with  us,  and  we 
tenderly  cherish  the  memories  of  the  alleviation  which  our  knowledge 
that  it  was  so  brought  us  in  our  woe.  Today  it  is  they  who  are  stricken, 
and,  from  one  end  of  the  empire  to  the  other,  the  subjects  of  the  King  of 
England  extend  to  our  brethren  the  sympathy  they  so  loyally,  so  gener- 
ously and  so  earnestly  extended  to  us.  The  British  people  share  to  the 
full  the  thoughts  and  sentiments  expressed  with  touching  dignity  in  the 
proclamation  in  which  President  Roosevelt  appoints  the  day  when  the 
body  of  his  predecessor  is  committed  to  the  grave  shall  be  kept  as  a  day  of 
solemn  mourning  and  prayer  throughout  tlie  republic. 


The  proclamation  of  the  Governor  General,  setting  apart  September 
19  as  a  day  of  mourning  throughout  Canada  in  recognition  of  the  fact 
that  the  obsequies  of  the  late  President  McKinley  were  taking  place, 
did  not  become  generally  knov/n  until  the  morning  of  that  date.  In 
Ottawa  the  banking  institutions,  leading  business  houses,  the  govern- 
ment offices  and  public  institutions  immediately  closed. 

A  union  memorial  service  was  held  at  noon.  Flags  on  the  parlia- 
ment buildings  and  on  all  public  buildings  and  private  flagstaffs  were 
half-masted,  the  American  flag  being  particularly  noticeable  throughout 
the  city.  The  signs  of  mourning  were  general  and  sincere,  even  amid 
all  the  excitement  of  preparations  for  the  reception  of  royalty. 

Throughout  the  Dominion  as  in  Ottawa  the  reports  indicate  a  very 
general  observance  of  the  day,  in  compliance  with  Lord  Minto's  procla- 
mation. In  some  of  the  Canadian  cities  bells  were  tolled  at  the  hour 
set  for  the  burial,  and  every  public  demonstration  of  mourning  was 
made  so  far  as  the  suddenness  of  the  proclamation  would  allow. 


As  a  sympathetic  tribute  to  the  memory  of  President  McKinley,  the 
Duke  and  Duchess  of  Cornwall  and   York  refrained  from   participa- 

Our  Martyred  President  51 

tioii  in  public  functions,  and  limited  their  movements  to  a  round  of 
visits  to  religious,  charitable  and  educational  institutions,  including 
McGill  University,  where  each  received  the  honorary  degrees  of  doctor 
of  laws. 


The  American  colony  held  a  memorial  service  in  honor  of  the  late 
President  McKinley  at  10  o'clock,  September  19,  in  Orrin's  Theater,  the 
largest  available  building.  United  States  Ambassador  Powell  Clayton 
presided.  President  Diaz  and  the  entire  cabinet  and  diplomatic  corps 
attended.  The  great  building  was  swathed  in  black  crape  and  pro- 
fusely lighted  with  electricity. 


A  memorial  service  was  held  at  10  o'clock,  September  19,  at  the 
Oriental  Theater  in  honor  of  the  late  President  McKinley.  The  hall 
is  the  largest  auditorium  in  the  city,  and  it  was  packed  with  people.  All 
the  American  officers  wore  full  uniform  and  side  arms. 

A  troop  of  cavalry  from  Morro  Castle,  the  civil  and  municipal  offi- 
cers, the  foreign  consuls,  the  judges,  students  from  the  state  institutions, 
employes  of  the  sanitary  department,  the  entire  xA-merican  colony  and 
thousands  of  Cubans  of  all  classes  were  present,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  it  was  raining  heavily. 

Hundreds  were  unable  to  gain  admission  and  remained  outside  in 
the  drenching  rain  throughout  the  services,  which  consisted  of  addresses 
made  by  prominent  Americans  and  Mayor  Bacardi.  The  theater  was 
draped  inside  and  out  with  flags  and  black  cloth.  All  public  and  private 
business  was  suspended  for  the  day. 


Appropriate  memorial  services  were  held  in  every  town 
of  Porto  Rico.  The  gathering  at  the  theater  in  San  Juan  was  very 
large.  The  most  prominent  speakers,  representing  all  parties,  deliv- 
ered addresses  of  eulogy  and  sympathy,  which  were  received  in  mourn- 
ful silence. 



When  Emperor  William  heard  of  the  death  of  President  McKinley 
he  immediately  ordered  the  German  fleet  to  half-mast  their  flags  and  to 
hoist  the  stars  and  stripes  at  their  maintops. 

Emperor  William  sent  the  following  dispatch : 
"To  Mrs.  McKinley,  Buffalo : 

"Her  Majesty  the  Empress  and  myself  beg  you  to  accept  the  expres- 
sions of  our  most  sincere  sorrow  in  the  loss  which  you  have  suffered  by 

52  Life  of  William  McKinley 

the  death  of  your  beloved  husband,  felled  by  the  ruthless  hand  of  a 
murderer.  May  the  Lord  who  granted  you  so  many  years  of  happiness 
at  the  side  of  the  deceased  grant  you  strength  to  bear  the  heavy  blow 
with  which  he  has  visited  you.  "William,  L  R," 

Emperor  William  also  sent  the  following  dispatch  to  Secretary  Hay : 
"I  am  deeply  affected  by  the  news  of  the  untimely  death  of  President 
McKinley.  I  hasten  to  express  the  deepest  and  most  heartfelt  sympath). 
of  the  German  people  to  the  great  American  nation.  Germany  mourns 
with  America  for  her  noble  son,  who  lost  his  life  while  he  was  fulfilling 
his  duty  to  his  country  and  people.  "William_,  I.  R." 

Memorial  services  were  held  in  the  American  chapel  at  noon  Septem- 
ber 19  in  honor  of  the  late  President  A'IcKinley.  All  the  imperial  and 
Prussian  cabinet  ministers  were  present,  except  the  imperial  chancellor. 
Count  von  Buelow,  who  is  absent  from  Berlin,  He  was  represented  by 
Privy  Councillor  von  Guenther. 

All  the  foreign  ambassadors  and  ministers  in  Berlin  attended  the 
service,  and  many  of  the  attaches  and  secretaries  of  the  diplomatic 
corps  were  present.  Prince  Leopold  of  Solms-Baruth,  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  Emperor  William,  occupied  the  seat  of  honor. 

The  chapel  was  decorated  with  draped  American  flags  and  was 
crowded  to  its  fullest  capacity  with  members  of  the  American  colony. 
Rev.  Dr.  Rickie  preached  the  memorial  sermon. 

Memorial  services  were  held  in  various  German  cities.  Those  in  Dres- 
den attracted  a  large  attendance  of  the  highest  official  society  and  the 
Anglo-American  colony.  The  King  of  Saxony  and  the  royal  princess 
were  represented  by  their  respective  court  marshals,  and  among  those 
present  were  the  members  of  the  Saxon  cabinet,  representatives  of  the 
diplomatic  corps  and  the  various  consulars,  and  Mrs.  White,  wife  of  the 
United  States  ambassador  to  Germany.  Addresses  of  sympathy  were 
presented  by  Herr  von  Metzsch-Reichenbach,  Saxon  minister  of  foreign 
affairs,  and  by  the  mayor  of  Dresden. 

At  Munich  the  services  were  held  in  the  Markuskirche.  The  prince 
regent  was  represented  by  his  chief  master  of  ceremonies.  Count  von 
Moy.  A  number  of  the  members  of  the  cabinet  and  representatives  of 
the  diplomatic  corps,  together  with  many  British  residents,  were  present. 
Mme.  Nordica  sang. 

The  service  at  Stuttg^art  was  held  in  the  English  church,  and  was 
attended  by  Dr.  Von  Breitling,  the  premier,  and  representatives  of  all  the 

At  Cologne  the  Anglo-American  colony  held  a  meeting  in  the  English 

Secretary  of  the  Interior 

Our  Martyred  President  53 

The  executive  committee  of  the  BerHn  bourse  cabled  an  expression 
of  profound  sympathy  to  the  New  York  Stock  Exchange. 


National  rejoicings  in  connection  with  the  Czar's  visit  suffered  a 
brief  but  impressive  interruption  in  Paris  when  Americans,  English 
and  French  of  all  classes  flocked  to  Holy  Trinity  Church  to  take  part  in 
the  McKinley  memorial  service.  The  ceremony  was  announced  for  3 
p.  m.,  but  long  before  the  appointed  hour  the  church  was  packed  to 
suffocation,  with  the  result  that  Ministers  Dupuy  and  Caillaux,  who  rep- 
resented the  government,  together  with  several  prominent  members  of 
the  diplomatic  corps,  experienced  the  utmost  difficulty  in  fighting  their 
way  to  the  seats  reserved  for  them.  Others  became  impatient  and  left 
the  porch  of  the  church,  disgusted  at  their  vain  efforts  to  obtain  ad- 

The  immediate  surroundings  of  the  church  were  thronged  with 
large  crowds  unable  to  obtain  admission  yet  desirous  of  showing  their 
sympathy  by  remaining  in  the  vicinity  of  the  building.  Inside,  the  altar, 
gallery  and  pulpit  were  decorated  with  the  usual  mourning.  The  bril- 
liant uniforms  of  the  diplomatic  corps  alone  lent  relief  to  the  scene  so 
imposing  in  its  sadness  and  simplicity.  The  great  majority  of  the 
audience  was  in  black.     The  ladies  were  attired  in  deepest  mourning. 

Rev.  M.  Morgan  officiated.  Ambassador  Porter,  with  the  entire 
staff  of  the  United  States  embassy,  the  British  ambassador  and  Sir  Ed- 
mund Monson  and  his  staff*  were  present.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Meaux 
Saint-Marc  represented  President  Loubet.  The  singing  of  the  late 
president's  favorite  hymns  created  a  deep  impression,  many  ladies  being 
moved  to  tears.  The  ceremony  lasted  three-quarters  of  an  hour  and 
will  be  remembered  as  one  of  the  most  touching  scenes  witnessed  in  a 
Paris  church  for  many  years. 


Under  the  auspices  of  the  United  States  ambassador,  Charlemagne 
Tower,  impressive  memorial  services  in  honor  of  President  McKinley 
were  held  at  3  o'clock  September  19  in  the  British  American  Church. 
The  pastor.  Rev.  Alexander  Francis,  officiated,  assisted  by  Drs.  Kean, 
Kilburn  and  Key. 

Among  those  present  were  the  Grand  Duke  Vladimir  Alexandrovitch, 
the  Grand  Duchess  Maria  Pavlovna  and  the  Grand  Duke  Boris  Vladi- 
mirovitch.  their  son,  and  the  Grand  Duke  Serge  Michaelovitch.  The 
diplomatic  corps  was  represented  by  the  British  ambassador,  Sir  Charles 
Scott,  the  only  ambassador  besides  Mr.  Tower  now  in  St.  Petersburg ;  the 
ministers  to  Russia  and  Orieste  Nicholas  Vassilieff,  formerly  of  Ansonia, 

54  Life  of  William  McKinley 

Conn.;  the  United  States  ambassador  and  his  entire  staff,  the  United 
States  consul,  Mr.  Halloway;  the  United  States  vice-consul,  Mr.  Hey- 
decker,  and  practically  all  the  resident  Americans  and  many  British  sub- 
jects were  also  present. 

The  prominent  Russians  in  attendance  included  Prince  Obolenski, 
representing  the  foreign  office,  and  two  directors  of  that  office;  the 
Russian  minister  of  the  interior,  M.  Sipyaguin ;  the  assistant  minister  of 
the  interior,  M.  Stichiniski;  Vice-Admiral  Tyrtoff,  General  Rydzeffsky, 
General  Kleigel,  the  prefect  of  police;  Prince  Jules  Ouroussoff  and  a 
number  of  other  high  officials. 

The  services  consisted  of  readings  from  the  scriptures  and  hymns, 
closing  with  the  playing  of  a  dead  march. 


The  tone  of  the  Russian  press  was  uniformly  sympathetic  with  the 
American  people  in  their  bereavement  and  uniformly  just  in  estimating 
Mr.  McKinley's  character.     The  Novo  Vremya  says : 

"He  was  a  man  of  large  talents  and  a  beloved  son  of  the  country 
for  whose  welfare  he  unceasingly  and  successfully  labored." 

The  Sviet  says :  "Let  us  hope  that  the  death  of  a  talented  and 
energetic  president  will  rouse  those  lands  which  for  the  sake  of  free- 
dom of  conscience  and  thought  harbor  bad  elements  and  become  the 
breeding  grounds  for  plots  to  action  against  the  enemies  of  civilization." 

The  Boerse  Gazette  savs  : 

"Mr.  McKinley  was  one  of  the  most  popular  figin*es  in  American 
history  and  one  of  the  best  representatives  of  American  ideals.  Society 
is  defenseless  against  the  propaganda  of  murder.  It  is  scarcely  prob- 
able that  means  will  be  found  to  prevent  the  repetition  of  such  crimes." 
The  semiofficial  Journal  of  Commerce  and  Industrv  savs : 

"Mr.  McKinley  was  not  an  extreme  protectionist.  Shortly  before 
his  death  he  spoke  out  against  crude  trust  protection." 


The  memorial  service  in  Christ  Church  this  morning  was  largely 
attended.  A  feature  was  the  singing  of  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee." 
Both  the  king  and  queen  were  represented  by  high  officials. 


Memorial  services  were  held  at  the  American  Church  September  19 
at  the  same  time  as  the  funeral  took  place  in  Canton.  The  master  of  the 
household  represented  Emperor  Francis  Joseph.  The  Prince  of  Leichen- 
stein,  Counted  Goluchowski,  and  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  Dr. 
Koeber,  were  in  attendance. 

Our  Martyred  President  55 


Aguinaldo  wrote  to  Civil  Governor  Taft  and  Military  Governor 
Chaffee  saying  that  he  regrets,  with  the  rest  of  the  American  nation, 
the  great  loss  suffered  by  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  the  death  of 
President  McKinley. 


An  impressive  memorial  service  in  honor  of  the  late  President 
McKinley  was  held  at  the  Anglican  Church  here  September  19.  and  was 
attended  by  Commander  McCree  and  the  officers  and  men  of  the  United 
States  gunboat  Machias,  the  United  States  consul,  Mr.  Malmros;  the 
Colombian  officials,  the  consular  corps,  the  members  of  the  American 
colony  and  many  prominent  citizens  of  all  nationalities. 


The  half-mastings  of  flags  here  as  a  token  of  sympathy  with  the 
United  States  and  respect  for  the  memory  of  President  McKinley  was 
general  September  19.  The  Danish,  British  and  Russian  warships  in 
the  harbor  fired  salutes.  Portraits  of  the  late  president,  draped  with 
black,  were  displayed  in  many  windows. 


September  19  was  observed  as  a  day  of  general  mourning  for  Presi- 
dent McKinley  throughout  India.  All  the  public  ofiices,  banks  and  stores 
were  closed.    Services  were  held  at  all  the  central  cities. 


The  memorial  service  at  the  British  embassy  chapel  at  Therapia 
in  honor  of  the  late  President  McKinley  was  attended  by  all  the  chiefs 
of  the  diplomatic  mission  in  full  uniform,  including  Sir  N.  R.  O'Conor, 
the  British  ambassador,  and  Lady  O'Conor,  and  John  G.  A.  Leishman, 
the  United  States  minister,  and  his  staff ;  United  States  Consul-General 
C.  M.  Dickinson,  representatives  of  the  sultan  and  the  Porte,  and  the 
papal  delegate,  Monsignore  Bonati. 


All  the  flags  were  half-masted  at  noon,  September  19.  and  the  channel 
squadron,  the  United  States  training  ship  Alliance,  the  German  training 
ship  Charlotte  and  the  land  batteries  fired  a  salute  of  twenty-one  guns 
in  honor  of  the  late  President  McKinley.  All  the  ships  are  flying  the 
American  ensign  half-mast  at  the  main,  and  the  American  ensign  is  flown 
half-mast  throughout  the  British  fleet. 

^6  Life  of  William  McKinley 


The  church  at  which  the  services  in  memory  of  President  McKinley 
were  held  September  19  was  crowded  with  Germans  and  Americans. 
The  kaiser  personally,  and  the  government  also,  were  represented  by  high 
dignitaries.  A  special  prayer  was  read  for  Mrs.  McKinley.  The  church 
was  elaborately  decorated  with  flowers,  flags  and  crape. 


A  memorial  service  for  President  McKinley  was  held  at  the  American 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church  at  3  o'clock..  All  the  members  of  the  Amer- 
ican embassy  and  consulate  were  present,  as  well  as  the  entire  Italian  cab- 
inet, who  were  in  full  dress  and  were  accompanied  by  under  secretaries. 
All  'the  American  residents  attended,  and  there  were  generals,  admirals, 
representatives  in  parliament  and  diplomats  in  the  congregation.  Pro- 
fessor Wright  delivered  the  sermon. 


Memorial  services  in  honor  of  the  late  President  McKinley  were  held 
at  the  United  States  legation.  Among  those  present  were  the  mem- 
bers of  the  diplomatic  corps  and  the  military  oflicials  in  full  uniform, 
the  members  of  the  American  colony,  and  Prince  Ching  and  other 
Chinese  officials.  The  Spanish  minister,  Senor  de  Cologan,  dean  of 
the  diplomatic  corps,  tendered  the  sympathy  of  the  diplomatists.  Minis- 
ter Conger  thanked  him  in  behalf  of  the  American  people. 


There  were  impressive  civil,  military  and  naval  observances  in  honor 
of  the  late  President  McKinley.  The  mourning  was  universal.  Most 
of  the  business  houses  were  closed. 

After  a  service  at  the  palace,  the  military  escorted  the  civil  officials 
to  the  Luneta,  where  all  the  available  troops,  sailors  and  marines  were 
assembled,  and  paid  honors  to  the  late  President  in  the  presence  of 
thousands  of  spectators.     The  fleet  at  Cavite  saluted. 

Chief  Justice  Arellano  in  an  address  said  all  the  Filipinos  abhorred 
the  crime,  and  that  the  death  of  the  great  and  good  President  would 
cement  the  friendship  of  Americans  and  Filipinos.  Priests  in  many 
parts  of  the  archipelago  conducted  services  in  honor  of  the  dead.  The 
churches  were  crowded. 


Owing  to  the  interruption  of  cable  communication,  the  news  of 
the    death    of    President    McKinley    was    delayed    in    reaching    here 

Our  Martyred  President  57 

Senor  Blanco,  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  at  once  communicated  his 
regrets  to  Minister  Bowen,  and  all  the  foreign  ministers  at  Caracas  called 
officially  and  expressed  their  sympathy  and  regrets. 

President  Castro  wrote  a  letter  to  Mr.  Bowen,  saying  that  Venezuela 
is  mourning  the  late  President  and  expressing  horror  at  the  deed.  The 
President  also  ordered  three  days'  mourning,  with  half-masted  flags,  and 
begged  Mr.  Bowen  to  convey  his  regrets  to  Washington,  which  was 

Caracas  was  shocked  by  the  news  of  the  President's  death,  the 
latest  reports  received  here  pointing  to  Mr.  McKinley's  recovery. 


Tributes  from  Eminent  Americans.     Homage  of  a  Great 



All  formal  exercises  at  Princeton  University  were  suspended  on 
September  19,  and  at  11  o'clock  memorial  exercises  were  held  in  Alex- 
ander Hall.  The  faculty  and  board  of  trustees  attended  the  exercises 
in  their  gowns  without  their  hoods.  The  big  hall  was  filled  with 
students  and  visitors,  as  the  faculty,  led  by  former  President  Cleveland 
and  President  Patton,  slowly  filed  up  the  aisle  to  the  rostrum.  President 
Patton  opened  the  exercises  with  prayer,  read  the  forty-sixth  psalm, 
made  a  few  remarks  eulogizing  the  late  President,  and  introduced  Mr. 
Cleveland,  who  was  visibly  affected,  and,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  eulogized 
the  dead  President.     Mr.  Cleveland  said,  in  part : 

"Today  the  grave  closes  over  the  man  that  had  been  chosen  by  the 
people  of  the  United  States  to  represent  their  sovereignty,  to  protect 
and  defend  their  constitution,  to  faithfully  execute  the  laws  made  for 
their  welfare,  and  to  safely  uphold  the  integrity  of  the  republic. 

"He  passes  from  the  public  sight  not  bearing  the  wreaths  and  gar- 
lands of  his  countrymen's  approving  acclaim,  but  amid  the  sobs  and  tears 
of  a  mourning  nation.  The  whole  nation  loved  their  President.  His 
kindly  disposition  and  affectionate  traits,  his  amiable  consideration  for 
all  around  him,  will  long  be  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen.  He  loved 
them  in  return  with  such  patriotism  and  unselfishness  that  in  this  hour 
of  their  grief  and  humiliation  he  would  say  to  them :  Tt  is  God's  will ;  I 
am  content.  If  there  is  a  lesson  in  my  life  or  death,  let  it  be  taught  to 
those  who  still  live  and  have  the  destiny  of  their  country  in  their  keeping.' 


"First  in  my  thoughts  are  the  lessons  to  be  learned  from  the  career 
of  William  McKinley  by  the  young  men  who  make  up  the  students  today 
of  our  university.  They  are  not  obscure  or  difficult.  The  man  who  is 
universally  mourned  today  was  not  deficient  in  education,  but  with  all 
you  will  have  of  his  grand  career  and  his  services  to  his  country,  you  will 
not  hear  that  what  he  accomplished  was  due  entirely  to  his  education.    He 


Our  Martyred  President  59 

was  an  obedient  and  affectionate  son,  patriotic  and  faithful  as  a  soldier, 
honest  and  upright  as  a  citizen,  tender  and  devoted  as  a  husband,  and 
truthful,  generous,  unselfish,  moral  and  clean  in  every  relation  of  life. 

''He  never  thought  any  of  those  things  too  weak  for  his  manliness. 
Make  no  mistake.  Here  was  a  most  distinguished  man — a  great  man,  a 
useful  man — who  became  distinguished,  great  and  useful  because  he  had, 
and  retained  unimpaired,  qualities  of  heart  which  I  fear  university 
students  sometimes  feel  like  keeping  in  the  background  or  abandoning. 

"There  is  a  most  serious  lesson  for  all  of  us  in  the  tragedy  of  our 
late  President's  death.  If  we  are  to  escape  further  attacks  upon  our  peace 
and  security  we  must  boldly  and  resolutely  grapple  with  the  monster 
of  anarchy.  It  is  not  a  thing  that  we  can  safely  leave  to  be  dealt  with 
by  party  or  partisanship.  Nothing  can  guarantee  us  against  its  menace 
except  the  teaching  and  the  practice  of  the  best  citizenship,  the  exposure 
of  the  ends  and  aims  of  the  gospel  of  discontent  and  hatred  of  social 
order,  and  the  brave  enactment  and  execution  of  repressive  laws. 

"The  universities  and  colleges  cannot  refuse  to  join  in  the  battle 
against  the  tendencies  of  anarchy.  Their  help  in  discovering  and  warring 
against  the  relationship  between  the  vicious  councils  and  deeds  of  blood 
and  their  steadying  influence  upon  the  elements  of  unrest  cannot  fail 
to  be  of  inestimable  value.  By  the  memory  of  our  martyred  President, 
let  us  resolve  to  cultivate  and  preserve  the  qualities  that  made  him 
great  and  useful,  and  let  us  determine  to  meet  the  call  of  patriotic  duty 
in  every  time  of  our  country's  danger  or  need."    • 


"The  horrible  deed  at  Buffalo,  rudely  breaking  the  ties  of  family  and 
friendship  and  horrifying  every  patriotic  citizen,  crowns  a  most  extraor- 
dinary life  with  a  halo  that  cannot  but  exalt  its  victim's  place  in  history, 
while  his  bravery  during  the  trying  ordeal,  his  forgiving  spirit  and  his 
fortitude  in  the  final  hours  give  glimpses  of  his  inner  life  which  nothing 
less  tragic  could  have  revealed. 

"But  in  expressing,  sad  as  it  is,  the  death  of  McKinley,  the  illustrious 
citizen,  it  is  the  damnable  murder  of  McKinley,  the  President,  that  melts 
seventy-five  million  hearts  into  one  and  brings  a  hush  to  the  farm,  the 
factory  and  the  forum. 

"Death  is  the  inevitable  incident  of  every  human  career.  It  despises 
the  sword  and  shield  of  the  warrior  and  laughs  at  the  precautions 
suggested  by  science.  Wealth  cannot  build  walls  high  enough  or  thick 
enough  to  shut  it  out,  and  no  house  is  humble  enough  to  escape  its 
visitation.  Even  love,  the  most  potent  force  known  to  man;  love,  the 
characteristic  which  links  the  human  to  the  divine,  even  love  is  powerless 

6o  Life  of  William  McKinley 

in  its  presence.  Its  contingency  is  recognized  in  the  marriage  vow, 
'Until  death  do  ns  part,'  and  is  written  upon  friendship's  ring. 

"But  the  death,  even  when  produced  by  natural  causes,  of  a  public 
servant  charged  with  the  tremendous  responsibilities  which  press  upon  a 
President,  shocks  the  entire  country  and  is  infinitely  multiplied  when  the 
circumstances  attending  constitute  an  attack  upon  the  government  itself. 

"No  one  can  estimate  the  far-reaching  effect  of  such  an  act  as  that 
which  now  casts  a  gloom  over  our  land.  It  shames  America  in  the  eyes 
of  the  world;  it  impairs  her  moral  prestige  and  gives  enemies  of  free 
government  a  chance  to  mock  at  her,  and  it  excites  an  indignation  which, 
while  righteous  in  itself,  may  lead  to  acts  which  will  partake  of  the  spirit 
of  lawlessness. 

"As  the  President's  death  overwhelms  all  in  a  common  sorrow,  so  it 
imposes  a  common  responsibility — namely,  to  so  avenge  the  wrong  done 
to  the  President,  his  family  and  the  country  as  to  make  the  executive  life 
secure  without  interfering  with  the  freedom  of  speech  or  freedom  of  the 

Mr.  Bryan  treated  of  the  parting  of  husband  and  wife  at  Buffalo, 
saying : 

"The  dispatches  report  that  Mrs.  McKinley  took  a  seat  at  the  bedside 
and  held  the  President's  hand;  the  distinguished  sufferer  looked  into  the 
face  of  his  good  wife  and  said  in  a  low  tone :  "We  must  bear  up.  It 
will  be  better  for  us  both."  With  tears  streaming  down  her  cheeks,  Mrs. 
McKinley  nodded  assenj:. 

"There  may  be  some  people  who  have  no  idea  of  the  thoughts  that 
were  passing  through  the  minds  of  this  couple  at  that  moment.  There 
are,  however,  others  who  can  imagine  what  these  thoughts  were. 

There  on  the  bed  of  pain  lay  the  strong,  powerful  man ;  by  his  side  sat 
the  frail  woman,  whose  physical  weakness  has  been  for  some  years  the 
subject  of  this  husband's  tender  solicitude.  In  a  humble  way  they  began 
life  together.  Two  little  graves  had  for  them  a  common  interest.  In 
prosperity  and  adversity  they  had  stood  together,  participating  in  the  joys 
and  sharing  all  sorrows  of  life. 


Memorial  services  were  almost  universal  on  September  19  throughout 
Maryland,  many  congregations  meeting  and  uniting  in  other  than  their 
own  places  of  worship.  Perhaps  the  most  important  and  impressive  were 
the  ceremonies  at  the  cathedral  in  this  city,  at  which  Cardinal  Gibbons 
delivered  the  following  eulogy : 

"It  has  been  my  melancholy  experience,  in  the  course  of  my  sacred 
ministry,  to  be  startled  by  the  assassination  of  three  Presidents  of  the 

Secretary  of  Agriculture 

Our  Martyred  President  6i 

United  States.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  shot  in  1865,  James  A.  Garfield 
was  mortally  wounded  in  1881,  and  William  McKinley  received  a  fatal 
wound  on  the  sixth  day  of  September.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  shot  in  a 
theater;  Mr.  Garfield  was  shot  while  about  to  take  a  train  to  enjoy  a 
needed  vacation,  and  our  late  beloved  President  fell  by  the  hand  of  an 
assassin  while  lending  the  prestige  of  his  name  and  influence  to  the 
success  of  a  national  exposition. 

"In  the  annals  of  crime  it  is  difiicult  to  find  an  instance  of  murder  so 
atrocious,  so  wanton  and  meaningless  as  the  assassination  of-Mr.  McKin- 
ley. Some  reason  or  pretext  has  been  usually  assigned  for  the  sudden 
taking  away  of  earthly  rulers.  Baltassar,  the  impious  king  of  Chaldea, 
spent  his  last  night  in  reveling  and  drunkenness.  He  was  suddenly 
struck  dead  by  the  hand  of  the  Lord. 

"How  different  was  the  life  of  our  chief  magistrate!  No  court  in 
Europe  or  in  the  civilized  world  was  more  conspicuous  for  moral  recti- 
tude and  purity,  or  more  free  from  the  breath  of  scandal,  than  the 
official  home  of  President  McKinley.  He  would  have  adorned  any  court 
in  Christendom  by  his  civic  virtues. 

"The  Redeemer  of  mankind  was  betrayed  by  the  universal  symbol  of 
love.  If  I  may  reverently  make  the  comparison,  the  President  was 
betrayed  by  the  universal  emblem  of  friendship.  Christ  said  to  Judas : 
'Friend,  betrayest  thou  the  Son  of  Man  with  a  kiss  ?'  The  President  could 
have  said  to  his  slayer :  'Betrayest  thou  the  head  of  the  nation  with  the 
grasp  of  the  hand  ?'  He  was  struck  down  surrounded  by  a  host  of  his 
fellow  citizens,  every  one  of  whom  would  have  gladly  risked  his  life  in 
defense  of  his  beloved  chieftain. 

"Few  Presidents  were  better  equipped  than  Mr.  McKinley  for  the 
exalted  position  which  he  filled.  When  a  mere  youth  he  entered  the 
Union  army  as  a  private  soldier  during  the  Civil  War,  and  was  promoted 
for  gallant  service  on  the  field  of  battle  to  the  rank  of  major.  He  served 
his  country  for  fourteen  years  in  the  halls  of  congress,  and  toward  the 
close  of  his  term  he  became  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  figures  in  that 
body.    He  afterward  served  his  state  as  governor. 

"As  President  he  was  thoroughly  conversant  with  the  duties  of  his 
office,  and  could  enter  into  its  most  minute  details.  His  characteristic 
virtues  were  courtesy  and  politeness,  patience  and  forbearance,  and  mas- 
terly self-control  under  very  trying  circumstances.  When  unable  to  grant 
a  favor,  he  had  the  rare  and  happy  talent  to  disappoint  the  applicant 
without  offending  him. 

"The  domestic  virtues  of  Mr.  McKinley  were  worthy  of  all  praise. 
He  was  a  model  husband.  Amid  the  pressing  and  engrossing  duties  of 
his  official  life  he  would  from  time  to  time  snatch  a  few  moments  to 

62  Life  of  William  McKinley 

devote  to  the  invalid  and  loving  partner  of  his  joys  and  sorrows.  Oh, 
what  a  change  has  come  over  this  afflicted  woman !  Yesterday  she  was 
the  first  lady  of  the  land.  Today  she  is  a  disconsolate  and  broken- 
hearted widow.  Let  us  beseech  him  who  comforted  the  widow  of  Nain 
that  he  console  this  woman  in  her  hours  of  desolation. 

"It  is  a  sad  reflection  that  some  fanatic  or  miscreant  has  it  in  his 
power  to  take  the  life  of  the  head  of  the  nation  and  to  throw  the  whole 
country  into  mourning.  It  was  no  doubt  this  thought  that  inspired  some 
writers  witWn  the  last  few  days  to  advise  that  the  President  should  hence- 
fourth  abstain  from  public  receptions  and  hand-shaking,  and  that  greater 
protection  should  be  given  to  his  person. 

"You  might  have  him  surrounded  with  cohorts,  defended  with  bayo- 
nets, and  have  him  followed  by  argus-eyed  detectives,  and  yet  he  would 
not  be  proof  against  the  stroke  of  the  assassin.  Are  not  the  crowned 
heads  of  Europe  usually  attended  by  military  forces,  and  yet  how  many 
of  them  have  perished  at  the  hand  of  some  criminal !  No ;  let  the  Presi- 
dent continue  to  move  among  his  people  and  take  them  by  the  hand. 


"The  strongest  shield  of  our  chief  magistrate  is  the  love  and  devotion 
of  his  fellow  citizens.  The  most  effective  way  to  stop  such  trimes  is  to 
inspire  the  rising  generation  with  greater  reverence  for  the  constituted 
authorities,  and  a  greater  horror  for  any  insult  or  injury  to  their  person. 
All  seditious  language  should  be  suppressed.  Incendiary  speech  is  too 
often  an  incentive  to  criminal  acts  on  the  part  of  many  to  whom  the  tran- 
sition from  words  to  deeds  is  easy. 

'■'Let  it  be  understood,  once  for  all,  that  the  authorities  are  determined 
to  crush  the  serpent  of  anarchy  whenever  it  lifts  its  venomous  head. 

"We  have  prayed  for  the  President's  life,  but  it  did  not  please  God  to 
grant  our  petition.  Let  no  one  infer  from  this  that  our  prayers  were  in 
vain.  No  fervent  prayer  ascending  to  the  throne  of  heaven  remains 
unanswered.  Let  no  one  say  what  a  woman  remarked  to  me  on  the 
occasion  of  President  Garfield's  death : 

"  T  have  prayed,'  she  said,  'for  the  President's  life.  My  family 
have  prayed  for  him,  our  congregation  prayed  for  him,  the  city  prayed 
for  him.  the  state  prayed  for  him,  the  nation  prayed  for  him,  and  yet  he 
died.    What,  then,  is  the  use  of  prayer?' 


"God  answers  our  petitions  either  directly  or  indirectly.  If  he  does 
not  grant  us  what  we  ask  he  gives  us  something  equivalent  or  better.  If 
He  has  fiot  saved  the  life  of  the  President,  He  preserves  the  life  of  tlie 

Our  Martyred  President  62 

nation,  which  is  of  more  nnportance  than  the  life  of  an  individual.  He 
has  infused  into  the  hearts  of  the  American  people  a  greater  reverence  for 
the  head  of  the  nation,  and  a  greater  abhorrence  of  assassination. 

"He  has  intensified  and  energized  our  love. of  country  and  our  devo- 
tion to  our  political  institutions.  What  a  beautiful  spectacle  to  behold 
prayers  ascendinj  from  tens  of  thousands  of  temples  throughout  the 
land  to  the  throne  of  mercy.  Is  not  this  universal  uplifting  of  minds 
and  hearts  to  God  a  sublime  profession  of  our  faith  and  trust  in  Him  ? 
Is  not  this  national  appeal  to  Heaven  a  most  eloquent  recognition  of 
God's  superintending  providence  over  us  ?  And  such  earnest  and  united 
prayers  will  not  fail  to  draw  down  upon  us  the  blessings  of  the  Almighty. 

"The  President  is  dead.  Long  live  the  President!  William  McKinley 
has  passed  away,  honored  and  mourned  by  the  nation.  Theodore  Roose- 
velt succeeds  to  the  title,  the  honors  and  the  responsibilities  of  the  presi- 
dential office.  Let  his  fellow  citizens  rally  around  him.  Let  them  uphold 
and  sustain  him  in  bearing  the  formidable  burden  suddenly  thrust  upon 
him.  May  he  be  equal  to  the  emergency  and  fulfill  his  duties  with  credit 
to  himself,  and  may  his  administration  redound  to  the  peace  and  pros- 
perity of  the  American  people." 


Archbishop  Lxland  was  the  principal  speaker  at  the  public  memorial 
service  in  St.  Paul,  Minn.  He  addressed  fifteen  thousand  persons  at  the 
Auditorium,  saying  in  part : 

"America  mourns.  From  sea  to  sea  the  hearts  of  the  people  are  rent, 
and  their  lips  tremble  into  words  of  sorrow  and  regret.  And  in  sympathy 
with  America  the  world  mourns.  William  JMcKinley  is  dead,  motionless, 
voiceless,  powerless.  All  is  over  with  him  save  the  memory  of  his  passage 
through  life.  Death  is  dreadful  in  its  savage  mastery  over  man.  Amer- 
ica, affrighted,  bows  before  its  resistless  scepter. 

"Needless  to  praise  William  McKinley.  The  universal,  the  unexam- 
pled outpouring  of  love  going  forth  from  the  people  of  America  speaks 
with  all-sufficing  eloquence.  Greatness  and  goodness  were  indeed 
entwined  around  the  name,  else  the  name  would  not  stir  up,  as  it  does, 
into  deepest  emotions  the  hearts  of  a  whole  people. 

"Oh,  God  of  Nations,  has  it  come  to  this,  that  we  must  ask  ourselves 
whether  liberty  is  to  be  allowed  on  earth,  such  as  we  have  worshiped  in 
our  dreams  and  sought  to  embody  in  the  institutions  of  America?  But 
God  reigns,  and  liberty  will  reign.  Not  against  liberty  must  we  unsheatli 
our  swords,  but  against  license,  that  daughter  of  hell  which  drapes  itself 
in  the  robes  of  the  daughter  of  heaven  and  dares  call  itself  liberty." 

64  Life  of  William  McKinley 


"The  death  of  President  McKinley  is  one  of  the  saddest  events  in 
American  history.  Sad  not  only  on  account  of  his  great  value  to  the 
country  and  the  community  in  which  he  lived,  and  to  his  enfeebled  wife, 
but  sadder  still  on  account  of  the  manner  of  his  taking  off.  I  do  not  feel 
that  I  can  talk  about  his  death.  It  seemed  to  me  that  it  could  scarcely 
be  tolerated,  or  that  it  can  be  true,  that  President  McKinley  is  dead. 
Why  any  human  being  could  feel  that  he  could  afford  to  slay  such  a 
man  is  more  than  I  c*an  understand. 

''President  McKinley  had  a  heart  for  all  the  oppressed.  There  was 
not  a  fiber  of  his  nature  that  did  not  harmonize  with  the  great  body 
of  people  of  the  country  and  of  the  world.  He  was  more  notably,  and 
positively  and  earnestly,  the  friend  of  the  people  than  perhaps  any  Presi- 
dent we  have  ever  had.  President  Lincoln  had-  a  great  heart,  and  his  soul 
was  full  of  sympathy  for  the  oppressed.  President  Garfield  was  full  of 
generosity,  kindness  and  interest  for  the  great  masses  of  the  people,  but 
President  McKinley  seemed  to  be  even  more  continually  interested  in 
the  welfare  of  his  country  and  of  the  common  people  than  either  of  them, 
and  yet  it  falls  to  his  lot  to  be  foully,  cowardly  and  sneakingly  stricken 
down  by  a  villain  claiming  to  be  doing  what  is  in  the  interest  of  the 

"If  is  not  the  time  now,  however,  to  say  very  much  on  the  subject, 
but  one  cannot  refrain  from  saying  that  unless  this  government  shall 
adopt  some  vigorous  measures  for  the  protection  of  its  high  officials,  no 
good  man  will  be  willing  to  occupy  the  position  now  just  made  vacant  by 
the  death  of  President  McKinley. 


Washington  joined  in  the  nation's  funeral  day  tribute  to  William 
McKinley.  All  public  offices  and  many  private  business  houses  were 
closed  at  the  time  fixed  for  beginning  the  funeral  service  at  Canton ;  street 
cars  on  all  lines  were  stopped  for  five  minutes;  there  was  a  general 
suspension  of  work,  and  all  thoughts  turned  to  Canton,  where  the  last 
offices  of  his  church  were  being  said  over  him  whom  Washington  knew 
not  only  as  the  President  of  the  United  States,  but  as  William  McKinley 
the  man. 

Memorial  services  were  held  in  the  churches  of  all  denominations, 
and  Jew  and  Gentile,  Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant  joined  in  their 
tribute  to  those  qualities  of  the  dead  chief  magistrate  which  endeared  him 
to  the  professors  of  all  religions. 

A<-  All  Souls'  Unitarian  Church,  after  Commissioner  of  Labor  Carroll 

p.  C.  KNOX 
Attorney  General 

Our  Martyred  President  65 

D.  Wright  had  spoken  of  the  hfe  of  the  dead  President  and  the  lessons 
to  be  learned  from  it,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  John  D.  Long  delivered  a 
brief  address. 


Secretary  Long  said  that  as  a  member  of  the  congregation  and  as  one 
of  the  President's  official  household  it  was  his  duty  to  express  before  that 
congregation  his  appreciation  of  President  McKinley's  exemplary  Chris- 
tian life. 

"Our  mourning  is  great,"  Secretary  Long  said,  "but  our  mourning 
for  his  death  should  be  less  than  our  gratitude  for  his  life.  It  is  fitting 
that  all  denominations  of  the  Christian  church  are  one  in  the  recognition 
of  his  virtues  and  the  examples  of  his  life.  His  was  a  life  of  modesty 
and  virtue,  typical  of  the  best  that  is  in  American  manhood. 

"Mr.  Wright  has  spoken  of  McKinley's  bright-eyed  boyhood;  of  the 
sweet  home  influence  of  his  mother  and  father,  whose  teachings  were 
never  forgotten ;  of  his  eager  schoolboy  days,  of  his  career  as  a  soldier — 
a  soldier  distinguished  by  his  readiness  to  risk  his  life  in  carrying  succor 
to  his  comrades;  of  his  legal  and  political  triumphs;  of  his  service  in 
congress,  and  of  his  career  as  President.  His  was  an  administration 
more  significant  than  any  since  the  time  of  Lincoln,  with  whom  he  ranks. 


"But  amid  all  the  strenuous  strife  and  turmoil  of  the  last  war  it  is  as 
a  man  of  peace  that  we  think  of  McKinley.  The  residents  of  Washington 
will  mourn  less  the  death  of  the  statesman  than  the  passing  away  of  the 
fellow  citizen.  It  is  for  his  many  traits  of  kindness  that  he  was  dearly 
loved.  The  lawyer,  the  statesman,  the  President,  are  revered  and  appre- 
ciated, but  his  simple  human  qualities  cause  McKinley  to  be  loved  most. 
His  greatest  impulse  was  always  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  make  his  fellow 
men  better  and  happier." 


Justice  David  Brewer  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States, 
who  was  one  of  the  speakers  at  the  First  Congregational  Church,  spoke 
of  the  popular  demand  that  the  anarchists  must  go.    He  said  in  part : 

"What  shall  we  do?  Many  things  are  suggested.  On  every  side  we 
hear  strong  language  expressive  of  the  public  horror  at  the  crime.  'An- 
archists must  go;  anarchism  must  be  stamped  out.'  Some  are  eager  to 
take  the  law  into  their  own  hands  and  deal  out  summary  justice  upon  all 
who  bear  the  odious  name.  They  would  rejoice  to  see  every  anarchist 
speedily  put  to  death. 

66  Life  of  William  McKinley 

"Others  are  demanding  that  new  legislation  be  enacted,  while  execu- 
tives and  legislators  are  declaring  that  in  the  coming  winter  they  will  see 
to  it  that  laws  are  passed  to  drive  anarchism  from  our  borders.  I  may 
not  discuss  the  terms  of  proposed  legislation,  as  no  one  foresees  eitlier 
what  it  may  do  or  what  questions  may  arise  out  of  it. 

"But  there  are  lessons  to  be  drawn  from  the  assassination  of  President 
McKinley  by  an  anarchist  which  I  wish  to  notice.  One  which  should  be 
borne  home  to  every  citizen  of  the  nation,  whether  in  or  out  of  office,  is 
the  necessity  of  a  personal  respect  for  law.  We  denounce  the  assassination 
as  a  horrible  crime.  We  denounce  anarchism  as  the  spirit  of  lawlessness 
and  its  followers  as  outlaws  because  they  look  upon  all  forms  of  govern- 
ment as  wrong  and  all  men  in  office  as  their  enemies. 

"But  while  anarchism  may  be  the  extreme  of  lawlessness,  and 
anarchists  the  worst  of  outlaws,  every  breaking  of  the  law  breathes, 
though  perhaps  in  a  slight  degree,  the  same  spirit  of  lawlessness.  Exam- 
ple is  better  than  precept,  and  every  one  may  well  remember  that  he  does 
something  toward  checking  the  spirit  of  lawlessness  and  preventing  the 
spread  of  anarchism  when,  in  his  own  life,  he  manifests  a  constant  and 
willing  obedience  in  letter  and  spirit  to  all  the  mandates  of  the  law. 

"Again,  the  anarchist  declares  that  all  government  is  wrong.  He 
professes  to  be  the  enemy  of  all  rulers.  Social  institutions,  as  they  are, 
he  denounces,  pleading  that  they  are  unjust  and  oppressive.  Now,  if  the 
workings  of  the  social  order  are  made  such  as  to  insure  justice  and  peace 
and  comfort  to  all,  slowly  the  spirit  of  anarchism  w411  disappear,  for  all 
will  feel  that  society  as  it  exists  is  a  blessing  rather  than  a  curse  to  them. 


"And  each  one  of  us  may  in  his  place  and  life  help  to  make  all  those 
workings  of  society  cleaner  and  better,  gentler  and  purer — more  helpful 
to  those  who  need,  less  burdensome  to  those  who  toil  and  richer  in  all 
things  to  all  men. 

"If  the  American  people  shall  not  spend  all  its  energies  in  denuncia- 
tion of  this  awful  crime,  or  in  efforts  by  force  to  remove  anarchism  and 
anarchists  from  our  midst,  but,  moved  and  touched  by  the  sad  lesson, 
shall  strive  to  fill  the  social  life  with  more  sweetness  and  blessing,  then 
will  it  be  that  William  McKinley,  great  in  life,  will  become,  partly  on 
account  of  the  circumstances  of  his  death,  greater  and  more  influential 
in  the  future ;  an  enduring  blessing  to  the  nation  of  which  he  was  the 
honored  ruler." 


By  invitation  of  General  Horace  Porter,  the  United  States  ambassa- 
dor, the  resident  and  traveling  Americans  met  at  his  residence  to  adopt 

Our  Martyred  President  67 

resolutions  on  the  assassination  of  President  ]\IcKinley.  The  attend- 
ance was  numerous,  inckiding  many  ladies  dressed  in  mourning.  General 
Porter  presided  at  the  meeting.  Senator  Lodge,  Secretary  Vignaud  and 
Consul-General  Gowdy  were  the  vice-presidents. 

General  Porter,  in  feeling  terms,  announced  the  purpose  of  the  meet- 
ing. Senator  Lodge,  in  moving  the  adoption  of  the  resolutions,  elo- 
quently outlined  the  career  of  the  late  President  and  his  administration. 
The  senator  alluded  in  grateful  terms  to  the  touching  manifestation  of 
sympathy  shown  by  the  people  of  Paris  and  France  at  the  sorrow  of 
the  American  republic.     The  following  resolution  was  voted : 

"William  McKinley,  President  of  the  United  States,  is  dead.  He 
w^as  an  eminent  statesman,  soldier  and  patriot,  and  a  great  chief  magis- 
trate, whose  administration  will  stand  out  as  one  of  the  most  eventful 
and  illustrious  in  American  history.  He  has  fallen  at  the  zenith  of  his 
fame,  in  the  height  of  a  great  career,  by  the  hand  of  an  assassin.  The 
enormity  of  the  wanton  crime,  measured  by  the  grievous  loss,  has  brought 
sorrow  to  the  republic  and  all  her  citizens. 

"We,  Americans,  now  in  Paris,  desire  to  make  a  public  record  of  the 
feeling  which  at  this  hour  of  grief  w-e  share  with  all  our  countrymen. 
With  them  we  unite  in  profound  sorrow  for  the  untimely  death  of  Presi- 
dent McKinley,  as  w-ell  as  in  admiration  of  his  character  as  a  man  and  his 
great  public  services,  which  have  brought  so  much  honor  to  the  republic. 

"We  wish  to  declare  our  utter  abhorrence  of  the  foul  crime  to  which 
President  McKinley  fell  a  victim  and  of  the  teachings  which  produced  it. 

"To  her  whom  the  President  gave  a  lifelong  devotion  as  pure  as  it 
was  beautiful,  we  offer  our  deepest,  heartfelt  sympathy. 

"To  President  Roosevelt,  called  so  suddenly  and  under  such  sad 
conditions  to  the  presidency,  we  present  our  sincere  and  respectful  sympa- 
thy, and  w^ould  also  express  our  generous  confidence,  in  the  hope  and 
belief  that  his  administration  will  redound  to  his  own  honor  and  to  the 
gt  v^ral  welfare  of  our  country. 

■'We  are  profoundly  grateful  to  the  president  and  people  of  our  sister 
republic  for  their  quick  sympathy  and  touching  expressions  of  condolence 
at  this  moment  of  great  national  sorrow  of  the  LTnited  States." 

THE  REV.  DR.   H.  W.  THOMAS. 

"Li  these  great  hours  of  a  nation's  distress  we  have  forgotten  our 
debates,  and  the  one  thing  heard  from  all  our  hearts  is  that  our  martyred 
President  was  a  good  man ;  that  he  loved  the  people,  loved  his  country, 
loved  God,  and  was  trying  to  lead  in  the  ways  that  he  and  the  majority 
of  the  people  thought  best." 

68  Life  of  William  McKiniey 


"President  McKiniey  had  a  habit  of  leaning-  on  public  opinion.  It 
has  been  called  a  weakness.  It  may  be  a  weakness  in  a  reformer  or  a 
prophet.  But  in  a  president  it  is  strength,  as  Lincoln  knew.  For  being 
slow  to  go  to  war,  in  the  recent  affair  witli  Spain,  he  was  brutally 
denounced  by  those  who  are  his  eulogists  today.  In  holding  back  the 
government  from  war  until  he  felt  sure  that  the  people  insisted  on  war, 
the  President  acted  as  a  friend  of  peace  and  obeyed  the  letter  and  the 
spirit  of  the  constitution. 

"McKinley's  Buffalo  speech,  his  last  message  to  his  countrymen,  he 
could  not  have  made  ten  years  ago.  It  is  more  than  a  lesson  in  eco- 
nomics. It  teaches  that  an  American  statesman  must  have  an  open, 
receptive  mind.  He  must  be  willing  to  be  taught  by  events.  His  polit- 
ical wisdom  is  to  ascertain  and  express  the  sober  second  thought  of  the 


The  Rev.  Father  Kelly,  chaplain  of  the  Seventh  Regiment,  pro- 
nounced a  beautiful  eulogy  at  the  great  Auditorium  meeting  in  Chicago. 
Father  Kelly,  among  other  things,  said : 

"The  universal  and  heartfelt  sorrow  in  the  untimely  death  of  our 
noble  President  is  ample  evidence  of  the  Christian  and  manly  virtues 
which  have  placed  him  in  the  esteem  and  affection  of  his  fellow  men. 
The  more  good  a  man  does  in  this  world  to  the  greater  honor  and  glory 
of  God  and  for  the  benefit  of  God's  children — his  neighbors — the  more  he 
is  esteemed  and  the  more  general  is  the  grief  when  the  hand  of  death  is 
laid  upon  him. 

"Judging  by  this  standard,  great  must  have  been  the  moral  worth 
and  magnificent  beyond  compare  the  acts  of  kindly  brotherhood  per- 
formed by  our  lamented  President  during  his  life.  His  quahties  as  Presi- 
dent, as  husband,  and  as  man,  can  stand  the  searchlight  of  any  scrutiny, 
and  will  leave  their  impression  on  the  pages  of  our  history. 

"McKinley's  standard  of  manhood  was  not  measured  by  dollars.  His 
ideal  was  not  arrogance  of  power  and  authority.  Imbued  with  these 
high  ideals  and  living  up  to  them  in  public  and  private  life,  he  never 
worshiped  at  the  shrines  of  the  false  gods  of  modern  progress  and  avarice 
He  never  believed  that  the  end  justified  the  means.  He  never  did  a 
wrong  that  good  might  follow,  but  strove  on  all  occasions  to  follow  the 
laws  of  the  Great  Ruler — 'do  good  and  fear  no  one.'  " 


"The  title  that  is  most  likely  to  come  to  our  martyred  President  is 
that  of  'The  Well  Beloved.'     Washington  had  a  dignified  severity  that 

Our  Martyred  President  69 

left  a  space  between  himself  and  the  people.  Lincoln  was  loved  by  only 
half  the  nation  when  he  died.  The  old  animosities  between  the  North 
and  South  had  not  expired  when  Garfield  passed  away.  But  since 
^IcKinley  came  into  office  the  blue  and  the  gray  have  been  united.  He 
won  the  hearts  of  the  southern  people  and  cemented  a  nation. 

"His  was  the  average  American  life  in  a  glorified  form.  He  was 
pure,  simple,  genial  and  land.  So  long  as  he  dominated  our  affairs  he 
could  be  dealt  with  by  foreign  powers  with  sincerity,  and  this  is  the 
secret  of  the  great  influence  of  this  nation  in  the  administration  of  for- 
eign affairs." 


"President  McKinley  undoubtedly  will  pass  into  the  history  of  the 
United  States  as  one  of  the  great  Presidents.  None  of  his  predecessors 
ever  showed  so  broad  and  thorough  a  knowledge  of  the  main  questions 
relating  to  our  industry  and  commerce. 

"On  all  subjects  in  these  fields  he  showed  not  merely  talent  but 
genius.  A  high  evidence  of  this  was  given  in  his  speech  at  Buffalo  just 
before  he  was  shot.  Plaving  done  more  than  any  other  to  build  up  tlie 
ereat  industries  of  the  nation,  he  then  and  there  showed  how  new  markets 
could  be  found  and  how  our  industries  could  be  made  more  effective  m 
multiplying  our  relations  with  other  powers. 

"During  his  lifetime,  in  the  heat  of  partisan  strife,  he  was  charged 
A\  ith  being  devoted  to  the  interests  of  capital,  but  when  viewed  heretifter 
by  the  historian  it  certainly  will  be  seen  that  his  care  for  the  interests 
of  capital  was  the  result  of  his  devotion  to  labor  and  to  the  deepest 
interests  of  the  plain  people,  from  whom  he  sprang.  He  knew  that  the 
interests  of  capital  and  labor  cannot  be  disassociated.  Never  has  a 
President  planned  more  wisely  or  toiled  more  earnestly  for  the  laboring 



Senator  Hoar  made  the  principal  address  at  the  memorial  in  Wor- 
cester.    He  said  in  part : 

"The  voice  of  love  and  sorrow  to-day  is  not  that  which  cometh 
from  the  lips.  Since  the  tidings  came  from  the  dwelling  at  whose 
door  all  mankind  was  listening,  silence,  the  inward  prayer,  the  quiver- 
ing lip,  the  tears  of  women  and  bearded  men  have  been  the  token  of 
an  affection  which  no  other  man  left  alive  has  inspired. 

"This  is  the  third  time  within  the  memory  of  men  not  yet  old  that 
the  head  of  the  republic  has  been  stricken  down  in  his  high  place  by 
the  hand  of  an  assassin.    Each  of  them  was  a  man  of  the  people. 

"We  shall,  I  hope,  in  due  time,  soberly,  when  the  tempest  of  grief 

70  Life  of  William  McKinley 

has  passed  by,  find  means  for  additional  security  against  the  repetition 
of  a  crime  Hke  this.  We  shall  go  as  far  as  we  can  without  sacrificing 
personal  liberty  to  repress  the  doctrine  which  in  effect  is  nothing  but 
counseling  murder. 

"We  shall  also,  I  hope,  learn  to  moderate  the  bitterness  of  political 
strife,  and  to  avoid  the  savage  attack  on  the  motive  and  character  of 
men  who  are  charged  by  the  people  with  public  responsibilities  in  high 
places.  This  fault,  while  I  think  it  is  already  disappearing  from  ordi- 
nary political  and  sectional  controversy,  seems  to  linger  still  among 
our  scholars  and  men  of  letters. 

"The  moral  is,  not  that  we  should  abate  our  zeal  for  justice  and 
righteousness,  our  condemnation  of  wrong,  but  only  that  we  should 
abate  the  severity  of  our  judgment  of  the  motives  of  men  from  whom 
we  differ." 


As  a  last  tribute  to  their  beloved  President,  who  was  borne  to  his 
final  resting  place  on  September  19,  the  Grand  Army  Hall  and  Memorial 
Association  of  Chicago  adopted  fitting  resolutions  which  are  eulogistic 
of  the  life  of  that  noble  statesman  and  strongly  condemnatory  of  the 
outbursts  of  anarchy,  whose  adherent  made  a  martyr  of  the  nation's 
chief.  The  resolutions  were  framed  and  presented  by  a  committee 
composed  of  Francis  A.  Riddle,  Judge  Richard  S.  Tuthill,  Charles 
Fitz  Simmons,  W.  L  .B.  Jenney  and  John  C.  Black. 

The  memorial  as  it  was  unanimously  adopted  follows : 

"William  McKinley,  the  twenty-sixth  President  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  was  cruelly  slain  on  the  6th  day  of  September,  1901. 

"The  universal  grief  caused  by  the  malicious  deed  which  took  from 
the  world  this  good,  wise,  courageous  and  lovable  man  is  sincerely  shared 
by  the  members  of  the  Grand  Army  Hall  and  Memorial  Association 
of  Illinois.  We  come,  as  loyal  citizens  of  our  beloved  republic,  to  this 
temple  dedicated  to  patriotism,  recognizing  the  authority  as  well  as  the 
necessity  of  human  government,  with  an  unfaltering  trust  in  the  supreme 
reign  of  moral  laws  and  in  the  final  triumph  of  righteousness  throughout 
the  earth  in  this  hour  of  humiliation  and  grave  anxiety,  deepened  by 
inexpressible  sorrow,  to  manifest  our  loving  regard  for  a  departed  com- 
rade, to  emphasize  our  unmeasured  respect  for  one  who  was  lately 
the  honored  and  beloved  chief  magistrate  of  the  nation,  to  acknowledge 
the  priceless  benefits  which  have  resulted  to  our  common  country  from 
the  faithful  services  of  an  exalted  character,  and  to  express  our  sense 
of  indignation  for  the  malign  influences  and  malevolent  purposes  which 
led  to  the  most  inexcusable  and  villainous  assassination  known  in  the 
history  of  civilized  man. 

Our  Martyred  President  71 

"To  speak  in  praise  of  McKinley  would-  be  only  to  utter  exclama- 
tions of  gratitude  for  benefactions  which  flow  from  a  virtuous  life.  In 
everything  which  centers  in  the  fabric  of  a  great  and  good  character,  the 
life  and  career  of  William  McKinley  furnishes  one  of  the  brightest  and 
noblest  examples. 

"As  patriot,  soldier,  citizen,  statesman  and  Christian  man  he  leaves 
to  his  country  and  to  the  world  a  record  and  a  fame  among  the  most 
illustrious  and  exalted  of  all  those  who,  by  the  exercise  of  courage, 
wisdom,  patience  and  integrity,  have  achieved  the  highest  stations  in 
human  aft'airs  with  the  sole  purpose  of  promoting  the  welfare  of  their 
country  and  their  kind. 

"His  name  and  his  fame  will  be  alike  imperishable,  and  in  the  rec- 
ord of  the  good  deeds  of  one  human  life,  the  leaves  which  go  to  make 
up  his  will  be  unsurpassed  either  in  brilliancy  or  in  number.  He  was 
by  nature  a  strong,  earnest,  lovable  and  loving  man.  He  inherited 
integrity  of  purpose,  vigor  of  mind,  far-sighted  wisdom  and  a  clean 


'*AI1  else  that  goes  to  make  up  his  distinguished  career  and  to  crown 
the  years  of  his  life  with  unfading  glory  was  won  by  him  in  the  wide 
field  open  to  all  human  endeavor.  And  so  great  was  his  success,  so 
fascinating  was  his  unique  career  that  in  his  life  all  righteous  men  the 
world  over  appreciated  and  honored  his  exalted  character,  recognized 
his  unexampled  power,  and  felt  his  unequaled  and  salutary  influence  in 
the  affairs  of  men.  And  in  his  death  the  nation  mourns,  and  the  people 
weep  for  one  who  was  beloved.  And  so  at  last,  'having  served  his  own 
generation,  he  fell  asleep.' 

"But  looking  back  upon  the  record  of  our  country  for  the  past  forty 
years,  we  feel  it  our  imperati\'e  duty  to  pledge  anew  our  fealty  to  the 
government  and  institutions  which,  in  common  with  our  stricken  com- 
rade in  arms,  we  lielped,  as  citizen  soldiers  of  the  republic,  to  preserve. 
And  now,  as  citizens  marching  with  uncovered  heads  beneath  the  flag 
of  our  country,  so  greatly  loved  and  honored,  and  so  highly  advanced 
by  William  ]\IcKinley,  and  having  no  thought  or  hope  or  wish  but  that 
the  rights,  liberties  and  privileges  of  the  American  citizen  shall  be 
adequately  protected,  we  call  upon  all  those  in  authority  to  hearken  unto 
the  impressive  lesson  of  the  sad  event  which  calls  us  together  here. 


"The  rights  to  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  are  inaliena- 
ble.    They  are  the  necessary  incidents  of  every  human  being,  and  for 

72  Life  of  William  McKinley 

the  purpose  of  protecting  all  men  in  the  enjoyment  of  these  priceless 
blessings  guaranteed  by  the  constitution  of  our  country,  the  government 
which  we  honor  and  respect  was  instituted  by  the  fathers  of  the  nation. 
That  government  and  all  the  sacred  purposes  for  which  it  was  created 
we  cherish,  but  the  spirit  and  purpose  of  all  those  who  would  destroy 
or  subvert  its  objects,  cripple  or  restrain  its  powers,  molest  or  murder 
its  lawful  officers  and  servants,  we  denounce  and  condemn  to  the  utter- 
most. Anarchy  has  no  right,  legally  or  morally,  to  hide  its  monster 
head  beneath  our  flag  and  live. 

"The  spirit  of  anarchy  originates  in  sin,  feeds  on  hate,  fattens  on 
revenge,  and  revels  in  infamy.  Its  teachings  and  its  acts  alike  are 
criminal.  Its  teachers  and  its  disciples  have  no  motive  but  destruction, 
and  their  sole  aim  is  to  blot  out  civilization  and  crush  forever  all  sem- 
blance of  social  order  and  individual  right. 


"A  community  of  anarchists  is  a  den  of  vipers,  and  its  breath  is  the 
poison  of  death  to  everything  among  men  that  is  pure,  holy,  sweet, 
tender,  righteous  and  merciful.  The  vicious  spirits  who  could  suggest 
or  compass  the  hideous  deed  perpetrated  at  Buffalo  on  September  6 
have  no  right  either  in  life,  liberty  or  the  pursuit  of  happiness, 

"The  freedom  of  speech  and  the  liberty  of  the  press  do  not  imply 
license  to  destroy  the  government  by  which  alone  free  speech  and  a  free 
press  may  be  maintained,  and  the  people  of  the  United  States  have  the 
right  and  the  power  under  the  constitution  to  drive  out  and  forever 
prevent  all  associations,  combinations  and  conspiracies  of  malign 
individuals  whose  sole  aim  is  to  promote  vice,  commit  crime  and  destroy 
the  foundations  of  social  order." 


Where  meets  the  touch  of  lips — ■ 

Where  closes  clasp  of  hand — 
Where  sail  the  stately  ships — 

Where  blooms  each  flowering  land ; 
Where  palm  and  pine  trees  shed 

Their  balm  of  bough  and  leaf, 
A  world  bends  low  its  head 

In  brotherhood  of  grief. 

Our  Martyred  President  \  73 

Out   of   the   distance,    infinite,   vast — 

Echo  of  myriad  marching  feet — 
Riseth  a  prayer  when  all  is  past : 

"Take  him,  O  God :  his  life  was  sweet." 


Where  sultry  sun  beats  down — 

Where  shining  ice-fields  gleam — 
Where  pathless  forests  frown — 

Where  languid  islands  dream: 
Mankind  stands  at  salute 

Wherever  thought  has  birth; 
A  universe  is  mute, 

A  dirge  goes  round  the  earth. 

Out  of  the  distance — mystical,  tender — 

Whispered  appeal  to  forever  endure — 
Riseth  a  prayer  to  the  Great  Defender: 

"Take  him,  O  God :  his  life  was  pure." 


Where  breathes  a  clown  or  king — 
.  Where  prince  and  pauper  stride — 

Where  races  sigh  or  sing — 

Where  woe  or  pomp  abide : 
Downcast  and  soft  of  tread, 

Churl,  statesman,  beggar,  slave. 
Walk  for  a  moment  with  the  dead — 

A  world  weeps  at  a  grave. 

And  out  of  the  distance,  falling,  falling— 
INIurmured  appeal  for  the  martyred  dust — 

Cometh  the  prayer  of  the  nations  calling : 
"Take  him,'0  God:  his  life  was  just." 
Harold  Richard  Vynnc,  in  Chicago  Inter  Ocean. 


On  September  20,  1881,  the  Methodist  Ecumenical  Conference  was 
in  session  in  London,  when  the  news  of  President  Garfield's  death  was 
announced.  Prayers  were  offered  for  the  departed  President's  family 
and  for  the  American  republic.     Tributes  of  respect  were  passed  by  the 

74  Life  of  William  McKinley 

delegates  to  the  memory  of  the  martyred  executive.  On  Wednesday, 
September  7,  1901,  the  Methodist  Ecumenical  Conference  was  holding 
its  services  when  the  dastardly  act  of  the  assassin  of  President  McKin- 
ley was  made  known.  Bishop  Benjamin  W.  Arnett,  D.  D.,  of  the 
African  Methodist  Episcopal  church  was  the  presiding  officer. 

Bishop  Arnett  was  a  personal  friend  of  Mr.  McKinley,  and  one  of 
his  most  ardent  admirers.       In  his  address  he  said : 

"A  sad  calamity  has  befallen  our  nation  and  befallen  the  civilized 
world.  The  President  of  the  United  States,  William  McKinley,  is  a 
man  who  exemplifies  in  his  life  the  Christian  religion,  and  also  the  prin- 
ciples of  Methodism.  A  Christian  from  early  manhood,  he  has  pro- 
ceeded through  all  the  mazes  of  our  political  life,  and  he  stands  to-day 
without  a  stain  on  his  character  or  his  fame.  We  feel  that  we  ought 
to  give  expression  to  our  sentiment,  and  to  express  our  sympathy  in  this 

Bishop  Galloway,  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  church  (South)  said: 

"I  wish  I  could  command  my  feelings  this  morning  so  that  I  could 
speak  what  is  in  my  heart.     How  profoundly  grateful  we  are,  as  breth- 
ren of  the  other  side  of  the  sea  and  citizens  of  the  United  States,  for  the 
sentiments  that  have  been  expressed  by  our  brethren  here.     Wo  remem- 
ber twenty  years  ago  when  our  President  was  stricken  down  liy  the 
bullet  of  an  assassin,  how  earnestly  you  prayed  for  his  recovery,  and  we 
remember  that  your  gracious  queen  laid  a  wreath  of  flowers  upon  his 
coffin,  and  this  whole  nation  followed  at  his  bier  and  joined  us  in  weep- 
ing over  the  loss  of  our  honored  dead.     I  speak  for  the  southern  section 
of  my  great  country — that  section  which  was  once  separated  from  our 
brethren  in  the  north  by  clashing  interests  and  then  by  an  ever-to-bc- 
lamented  war.     I  have  long  been  glad  that  there  was  a  star  on  our 
national  flag  that  answers  to  the  name  of  Mississippi,  my  native  state. 
I  live  in  the  state  of  Jefferson  Davis,  who  will  go  down  to  history  as  the 
chief  of  a  lost  cause.     I  am  sure  there  is  not  a  citizen  in  that  great  com- 
monwealth to-day,  nor  has  there  been  for  many  years,  that  has  not  re- 
joiced that  we  have  been  restored  as  a  union,  that  w-e  are  all  members 
of  the  same  great  national  family,  that  we  sit  at  the  same  bountiful 
board,  and  are  all  equally  members  in  our  Father's  house.     We  cannot 
forget  that  ,others  have  done  so  much  to  bring  us  close  together,  nor 
forget  the  years  of  stormy  war;  w-e  cannot  forget  the  words  spoken  by 
this   noble   Christian  President,  who,  in  visiting   our   southern   section 
not  many  months  ago,  and  addressing  those  who  had  borne  arms  as^ainst 
the  great  principles  which  he  thouglit  to  be  right,  desired  that  all  the 
memories  of  that  struggle  should  be  wiped  away  from  the  feelings  of 
our  countrymen,  and  he  suggested  that  the  graves  of  the  Confederate 

Our  Martyred  President  75 

soldiers  should  be  protected  and  decorated  by  the  government,  alon 
with  those  which  contained  the  fallen  on  the  Federal  side.  We  at  thi 
conference  talked  yesterday  about  peace.  William  McKinley  was  the 
incarnation  of  peace.  But  above  everything  else  he  illustrated  those 
private  and  domestic  virtues  which  have  made  our  country  great,  and 
which  make  all  civilization  great. 

"Our  President  has  been  stricken  down,  for  whose  precious  life  we 
so  pray.  Great  as  a  statesman,  distinguished  as  a  leader,  lofty  in  his 
patriotism,  devoted,  not  only  as  a  citizen  of  our  great  country,  but  of  our 
Methodism — we  know  how  he  has  illustrated  these  virtues  in  turning 
away  from  the  cares  of  state  to  minister  during  her  illness  to  the  noble 
woman  who  has  walked  by  his  side  so  long.  The  country  that  has  pure 
homes  and  pure  fathers  and  husbands  must  be  a  great  country.  We 
reciprocate  these  kindly  expressions  from  our  brethren  on  this  side  of 
the  sea." 


Acting  Secretary  of  War  Sanger  received  the  following  announce- 
ment from  General  Schofield : 

"Military  Order  of  the  Loyal  Legion  of  the  United  States — Command- 
er y  in  Chief: 

'TniLADELPHiA,  Pa.,  Sept.  14,  1901. — I.  The  commander  in  chief 
announces  with  feeling  of  the  deepest  sorrow  that  the  president  of  the 
United  States,  Companion  Major  William  McKinley,  was  assassinated 
at  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  on  Sept.  6,  1901,  and  died  at  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  Sept. 
14,  1901. 

"2.  Appropriate  action  expressive  of  the  nation's  great  loss  and  of 
our  bereavement  will  be  taken  by  the  commanderies  of  the  order  at  the 
first  meeting  after  the  receipt  of  this  circular. 

"3.  The  colors  of  the  commanderies  will  be  draped  for  a  period  of 
ninety  days. 

"Lieutenant  General  John  M.  Schofield, 

"U.  S.  A.,  Commander  in  Chief. 
"John  P.  Nicholson,  Brevet  Lieutenant  Colonel,  U.  S.  V.,    • 
"Recorder  in  Chief." 

silence^  the  hushed  and  solemn  tribute  of  a  great  city. 

Five  minutes  of  silence  in  Chicago,  minutes  when  all  the  world 
seemed  dumb  and  motionless.  That  was  the  sum  and  crown  cf  Thurs- 
day's somber  ceremony.  It  was  2  130  o'clock  when  the  whirr  of  the  city 
ceased  suddenly  as  if  some  unseen  hand  had  fallen  upon  it.    The  raucous 

^^  Life  of  William  McKinley 

clangor  of  rushing  wheels  and  harsh  gongs  stopped,  the  dull  rumble  of 
unseen  engines  ceased,  and  in  the  crowded  streets,  where  multitudes  of 
men  and  women  stood  watching  the  solemn  pageantry,  a  stillness  so 
profound  and  perfect  fell  that  the  city  seemed  dead  and  ghostly,  its 
smokeless  buildings  and  its  voiceless  pavements,  like  the  towers  and 
vistas  of  a  lost  Atlantis. 

The  pause  was  so  brief  and  utter  that  it  is  not  possible  to  describe 
or  foreet  it.  Nature  was  at  the  moment  in  one  of  those  moods  that 
is  eloquent  of  silence.  The  clouds  hung  low  and  gray.  No  breeze 
murmured  in  the  high  places,  and  from  tower  and  spire  and  staff  the 
flags  drooped  sullen  and  listless.  The  floor  of  the  lake  w^as  leaden 
and  still. 

When  the  moment  of  silence  came,  great  steamers  bound  for  port 
or  pointed  toward  the  further  shore  stopped  their  throbbing  engines 
and  lay  adrift.  Fast  trains  rushing  toward  the  city  paused  and  stood 
still.  Street  cables  stopped,  electric  currents  were  shut  off  from  flying 
trolleys,  and  rumbling  elevated  trains  became  fixed  and  soundless. 

Even  the  voice  of  funeral  bells  tolling  in  the  residence  districts  of 
Chicago  fell  faint  and  far  during  that  five  minutes  of  silence.  There 
was  no  breeze  to  bear  the  dull  thunder  across  the  city,  and  so  it  was 
heard  in  the  downtown  streets  vaguely  as  an  echo. 

But  it  was  the  silence  of  the  million  people  wdio  surged  in  the  street 
that  was  most  eloquent.  Pushing  in  counter  currents  in  every  thorough- 
fare within  the  loop,  jostling  and  murmuring,  calling  to  friends  among 
the  marchers  and  spectators,  crooning  the  sad  measures  of  funeral 
march  or  hymn,  the  swarming  sea  of  humanity  made  a  murmur  that 
rose  dully  even  above  the  blare  of  bands  and  the  tramp  of  marching 
feet.  At  Michigan  avenue  and  Van  Buren  street,  as  the  parade  swept 
slowly  past,  there  was  almost  a  bedlam  of  unpremeditated  disorder. 
The  streets  were  choked  from  wall  to  w^all.  A  tide  of  new  spectators 
was  rushing  in  from  the  tributary  streets,  the  line  of  march  was  clogged 
again  and  again.  In  vain  the  mounted  police  and  patrolmen  charged 
upon  the  throng.  Women  shrieked  and  grew  faint  in  the  maelstrom 
and  men  seemed  to  be  fighting  for  place  of  escape.  It  was  in  the  midst 
of  this  bedlam  that  a  tall  horseman  in  the  parade  suddenly  reined 
his  horse. 

He  doffed  his  helmet  and,  waving  it  above  the  turbulent  crowd, 
shouted  "Hats  off!" 

At  once  the  sea  of  struggling  men  and  women  became  calm.  They 
stood  transfixed  and  silent  in  their  places.  Hats  withdrawn!  w^ere  held 
across  hearts,  and  women  bowed  their  heads  in  silent  prayer.  The 
murmurs  died  away.    The  cannon  that  was  booming  a  President's  salute 

Our  Martyred  President  "j'] 

spoke  110  more.  The  trumpets  hushed  the  funeral  fanfare,  the  niuftlecl 
drums  were  still.  The  men  with  arms  stood  at  salute  like  statues.  The 
long  column  halted.  And  the  wordless  panegyric  which  then  became 
eloquent  for  five  full  minutes  seemed  to  have  more  meaning  in  it  than 
all  the  rhetoric,  and  all  the  music,  and  all  the  black  and  purple  mourn- 
ing trappings  that  the  world  had  lavished  upon  the  memory  of  the 
great  dead.  As  by  some  incomparable  sympathy  the  multitude  seemed 
to  know^  that  at  that  moment  the  grave  at  Canton  was  closing  forever 
upon  the  murdered  President,  that  the  ultimate  time  had  come  for 
memory,  and  tears  and  prayers. 

When  the  clock  showed  that  the  half-hour  was  five  minutes  old, 
the  sound  of  singing  voices  coming  from  the  balcony  of  the  Chicago 
Club  intoned  the  first  line  of  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee."  Quavering 
at  first  and  thin,  the  chant  arose.  One  by  one  the  men  and  women  in 
the  streets  took  up  the  chorus,  till  the  volume  of  song,  piercing  and 
strong  bv  verv  contrast  \\A\X\  the  late  silence,  rose  into  mighty  diapason 
of  melody  that  was  vocal  with  sorrow,  worship  and  hope.  Along  the 
marching  column  the  bands  caught  the  spirit  of  the  stately  hymn,  and 
the  wave  of  music  that  swelled  in  unison  then  was  like  the  sound  of  a 
great  "Amen.'' 

The  whole  character  of  the  day's  ceremonial  in  Chicago  was  marked 
by  the  most  extraordinary  decorum.  It  spoke  in  the  subdued  voices 
of  the  people,  and  shone  in  the  grave  little  faces  of  the  children.  The 
lowering  skies  added  to  the  somber  aspect  of  the  city,  and  the  sad  or 
spiritual  motive  of  the  music  enhanced  the  meaning  of  the  demonstra- 
tion with  a  rare  and  exquisite  tenderness. 

An  hour  before  the  funeral  pageant  had  passed  away  a  gentle  rain 
began  to  fall  in  fitful  showers.  The  wind  sprang  up  again  and  whistled 
dismally  among  the  wires.  But  the  crowds,  steadfast  in  their  quiet 
sorrow,  remained  in  their  places  till  the  last  rank  had  passed. 



When  the  moment  for  silence  came  the  vacant  presidential  carriage 
halted  under  the  windows  of  the  Chicago  Club.  When  the  word  was 
given  to  move  forward  again  and  the  carriage  started  on  the  journey 
through  the  lane  of  loving  hearts  the  thousands  about  the  starting 
point  gazed  on  a  spectacle  that  in  its  significance  and  wonderful  les- 
son can  never  be  forgotten  by  any  who  saw  it.  The  Eighth  regiment 
of  the  Illinois  National  Guard,  consisting  of  colored  troops,  was  pre- 
ceded by  its  own  band,  the  members  of  which  were  only  a  few  feet 
away  from  the  empty  carriage.     All  about  and  behind  them  in  process 

78  Life  of  William  McKinley 

of  formation  were  the  old  warriors  of  the  Confederacy  and  the  Union. 
The  band  had  been  ordered  to  play  "Nearer,  My  God,  to  Thee."  In- 
stead these  black  men,  guided  by  some  inspiration  that  seemed  to  seize 
them  and  catch  up  in  its  embrace  the  tens  of  thousands  within  their 
hearing,  swung  forward  to  the  strains  of  "Dixie."  It  was  too  much 
for  hearts  already  full  to  overflowing,  and  the  pent-up  feeling  found 
vent  in  a  long  subdued  cheer,  a  cheer  of  blent  pain  and  delight,  an  un- 
graven  epitaph  flung  out  to  heaven  in  memory  of  the  martyr  whose 
acts  had  made  such  an  incident  possible.  It  was  the  only  moment  of 
all  that  long  march  that  a  cheer  was  heard  from  the  hundreds  of  thous- 
ands in  the  down-town  streets.  But  it  was  a  cheer  and  a  prayer  blended, 
a  benediction  and  not  a  sacrilege. 

In  a  secluded  little  spot  in  the  southeast  cornor  of  the  federal  build- 
ing square  is  perched  a  small  silk  flag  at  half-mast.  It  floats  from  the 
spot  where  President  William  IMcKinley  stood  more  than  a  year  ago 
when  with  fitting  words  he  laid  the  cornerstone  of  that  immense  structure. 
It  is  a  lonely  little  spot  and  entirely  hidden  from  view  of  the  street  by 
the  high  board  fence  which  incloses  the  grounds.  The  only  thing 
that  marks  it  is  the  little  block  of  masonry  upon  which  the  dead  Pres- 
ident stood  when  he  made  his  brief  address.  Yet  this  event  remained 
fast  in  the  memories  of  a  little  group  of  workmen  who  listened  with 
intense  interest  to  his  sincere  words  at  that  time  and  marveled  that  such 
a  man  should  not  be  the  choice  of  the  whole  people. 

Early  in  the  morning  from  the  windows  of  adjoining  buildings 
these  same  men  could  be  seen  trailing  to  this  memorable  spot  to  plant 
their  last  emblem  of  true  love  to  the  memory  of  their  beloved  Presi- 
dent. Later  in  the  afternoon,  when  Chicago  was  as  silent  as  a  new 
village  and  the  remains  of  William  McKinley  were  being  borne  to  their 
last  earthly  resting  place  in  Canton,  they  knelt  around  the  little  flag 
in  silent  prayer  and  for  minutes  not  a  word  was  spoken  aloud  by  any 
of  them.    Then  they  arose  and  left  the  yard  in  different  directions. 

An  incident  of  the  five  minutes  of  silence  was  the  cessation  of  all 
business  by  the  Postal  and  Western  Union  Telegraph  companies  dur- 
ing that  time.  At  2  :30  o'clock,  as  the  last  march  to  the  grave  was 
started  at  Canton,  word  was  sent  to  the  central  offices  of  the  com- 
panies in  Chicago  and  to  all  branch  offices,  and  the  great  systems 
became  silent.  No  message  was  sent  or  received  for  five  minutes,  and 
the  throbbing  wires  were  as  dumb  as  if  the  motive  power  had  been 
destroyed.  Operators  who  a  few  minutes  before  were  working  the 
telegraph  keys  to  send  messages  of  great  or  minor  importance  to  all 
parts  of  the  country  sat  motionless  in  their  chairs.  It  was  the  first 
time  in  the  history  of  telegraphy  that  business  had  been  stopped  so 

Our  Martyred  President 


generally  and  so  suddenly.  When  the  hands  of  the  clock  pointed  to 
2  :35  the  operators  bent  over  their  instruments  again  and  the  busy  click- 
ing of  keys  was  resumed. 

In  front  of  the  new  postoffice  building  on  the  Dearborn  street  side 
sat  a  woman  garbed  in  deep  mourning.  Her  little  son  stood  beside  her. 
During  the  entire  parade  she  did  not  raise  her  eyes  to  watch  the  march- 
ers. She  sobbed  as  though  her  heart  would  break.  The  marchers  had 
no  charms  for  her,  and  her  grief  was  shared  by  those  who  surrounded 
her.  When  the  parade  was  done  she  walked  away,  leading  her  boy  by 
the  hand,  never  uttering  a  word.  As  she  went  the  big  policeman  who 
had  made  a  place  for  her  remarked :  "That  woman  must  have  known 
some  great  sorrow.     Her  grief  was  pitiful." 

Acting  under  the  general  order  issued  by  President  Cassatt  of  the 
Pennsylvania  railroad,  Conductor  M.  O.  Ginty  of  the  New  York  and 
Chicago  express  brought  his  train  to  a  standstill  at  2  :30  o'clock.  As 
it  happened  the  train  was  four  hours  late,  and  at  that  time  was  about 
to  cross  the  Ohio  line  into  Indiana.  Upon  Ohio  soil,  however,  and  on 
the  edge  of  a  great  cornfield  far  from  any  station,  the  passengers  gath- 
ered to  do  reverence  to  the  memory  of  President  McKinley.  Rev. 
Mr.  Bell,  of  Dayton,  O.,  was  present  and  conducted  a  short  but  im- 
pressive religious  service.  There  were  about  100  people  in  the  au- 
dience, representing  many  difterent  states.  Some  of  the  women  wept 
at  the  eloquent  words  of  the  impromptu  prayer,  and  the  men,  includ- 
ing the  train  crew  from  engineer  to  flagman,  stood  with  uncovered 
heads.  The  sky  was  clear  from  horizon  to  horizon  and  the  wind 
rustling  in  the  drying  corn  stalks  was  the  only  accompaniment  to  the 
speaker's  words. 

Labor  paid  its  last  tribute  to  the  late  President  in  the  parade.  Mr. 
McKinley  had  been  an  honorary  member  of  Bricklayers  and  Stone  Ma- 
son's Union,  No.  21,  of  Chicago.  Nearly  the  full  membership  of  the 
organization  turned  out  to  honor  his  memory.  Following  the  banners 
of  the  organization  in  carriages  came  the  union  bricklayers,  each  with 
a  black  and  purple  rosette  on  his  left  shoulder  and  a  red  carnation  in 
his  buttonhole.  Headed  by  President  Gubbins  of  their  national  union, 
they  marched  almost  the  entire  line  with  bowed  heads. 

The  crowds  waiting  for  the  parade  at  the  corner  of  Michigan  ave- 
nue and  Jackson  boulevard  saw  all  the  representatives  of  the  foreign 
countries  stationed  in  Chicago,  as  they  were  conspicuous  by  their  uni- 
forms and  gold  braid.  These  were  heavily  draped  in  crepe.  Perhaps 
the  foreign  representative  most  admired  was  Dr.  W.  Wever,  the  Ger- 
man consul.  Dr.  Wever  was  dressed  in  the  full  uniform  of  the  Ger- 
man Hussars.     As  the  Deutscher  Kriegerverin  and  the  other  German 

go  Life  of  William  McKinley 

societies  came  along  the  consul  took  up  a  position  where  he  could  see 
the  faces  of  each  one  of  the  old  veterans.  The  doctor  stood  at  atten- 
tion while  all  passed,  and  was  sahited  by  each  of  the  former  residents 
of  the  Vaterland.  His  erect  military  figure  and  the  uniform  made  famous 
by  the  grandfather  of  the  present  emperor  of  Germany  was  recognized 
by  the  old  German  soldiers  long  before  they  reached  the  boulevard. 

As  the  strains  of  Chopin's  funeral  march  pealed  forth  from  the  great 
pipe  organ  in  the  Great  Northern  hotel  at  2  130  o'clock  every  guest  in 
the  crowded  lobby  with  uncovered  head  bowed  reverently  to  do  honor 
to  the  dead.  With  the  opening  notes  of  the  march  every  Hght  in  the 
big  hotel  ceased  to  shine,  and  the  dismal  surroundings  made  the  music 
all  the  more  impressive.  All  business  was  suspended  during  the  play- 
ing of  the  dirge,  the  doors  being  closed  for  the  first  time  since  the  hotel 
was  opened,  and  not  one  of  the  hundreds  of  guests  moved  till  the  organ 
was  stilled. 

As  the  G.  A.  R.  section  of  the  parade  was  turning  the  corner  of 
Washington  and  LaSalle  streets  two  gray-haired  old  veterans  dropped 
out  of  line.  One  w^as  more  feeble  than  the  other,  and  both  painfully 
cognizant  their  marching  days  were  over. 

"John,  I  can't  go  any  farther." 

"All  right,  Wilham,  let's  sit  right  down  here  on  the  curbstone. 
Fixed  comfortable?  There  goes  a  fellow  used  to  be  major  of  an  In- 
diana regiment.  He  was  brigaded  with  us.  Boys  don't  walk  as  spry 
as  they  used  to.  Lincoln,  Garfield,  and  now  McKinley.  Pretty  hard, 
ain't  it,  John  ?  Guess  we've  seen,  and  the  country,  too,  the  last  of  our 
soldier  Presidents.  Yet,  Roosevelt's  all  right.  I  know  he's  a  soldier 
President,  but  you  know  what  I  mean.  He  wasn't  with  Grant  or 
Tap"  Thomas,  'Old  Man'  Sherman  or  'Black  Jack'  Logan.  That's 
what  I  mean  by  soldiers.  Yet,  sir,  Pm  afraid  McKinley's  the  last  of  our 
kind.     Let's  go  home,  William.     I  can't  stand  any  more  of  this." 

A  tear  stole  out  of  the  corner  of  the  speaker's  eye  and  trickled  down 
his  cheek,  but  it  ran  its  course,  no  move  was  made  to  check  it.  And  there 
were  tears  in  other  folks'  eyes. 

A  man  with  a  package  of  crepe  badges  for  sale  was  shouting  his 
wares  loudly  in  the  streets  around  Haymarket  Square  while  the  West 
Side  division  was  being  formed  when  he  was  summoned  by  one  who 
stood  looking  on. 

"How  many  badges  have  you  ?"  the  vender  was  asked. 

The  badges  were  counted  out.  The  man  then  said:  "I  w^ill  buy 
them  all.  Here  is  your  money."  And  then  he  added:  "Now  give 
them  away  with  less  noise  than  you  have  been  making.  This  is  not 
the  time  and  place  for  such  aggressive  business  methods." 

Postmaster  General 

Our  Martyred  President  8i 

As  the  empty  carriage  of  the  Degeia  Greek  society,  bearing  only 
a  hfe  size  portrait  of  President  McKinley,  passed  around  the  corner 
of  Randolph  street  and  Fifth  avenue  the  procession  for  some  reason 
halted  for  a  moment.  The  crowds  pressed  around  the  vehicle,  eager 
to  get  near,  as  they  had  mistaken  it  for  the  one  in  which  the  Presi- 
dent rode  on  his  visits  to  Chicago. 

The  marshals  and  their  aids  were  trying  to  clear  the  way,  when  a 
Uttle  girl,  not  more  than  6  years  old,  darted  out  from  the  front  wall 
of  the  crowd  and  ran  toward  the  carriage.  Half  a  dozen  throats 
shouted  a  warning  to  her  as  she  dodged  near  the  horses'  heels,  but  she 
paid  no  heed. 

Reaching,  the  carriage  in  safety  the  little  one  paused  a  moment  and 
then  tenderly  tossed  a  handful  of  purple  asters  into  the  vehicle.  She 
threw  a  kiss  after  the  flowers  and  then  started  to  run  back  to  the  side- 
walk. A  strong  man  picked  her  up  and  bore  her  to  the  mother,  who 
had  just  missed  her  child. 

"I  gave  my  flowers  to  the  President,  mamma,"  said  the  little  girl 
as  she  was  set  down  at  her  mother's  feet. 

"She  did,  indeed,  ma'am,"  said  the  man  who  had  carried  the  child 
back,  as  he  motioned  to  a  group  of  men  who  had  seen  the  incident, 
smiling  approval  as  they  stood  with  their  hats  in  their  hands." — Chicago 


At  a  meeting  held  at  the  Auditorium  under  the  auspices  of  the  Mar- 
quette Club  on  the  evening  of  October  19,  1901,  at  which  all  the  members 
of  the  club  were  present,  together  with  the  invited  guests,  the  speakers, 
also  the  consuls  of  all  the  foreign  powers  represented  in  Chicago,  the  fol- 
lowing resolutions  were  adopted : 

"The  Marquette  club  stands  for  government — of  the  people,  by  the 
people,  for  the  people.  It  stands  for  laws  drastic  enough  to  not  only 
punish  those  who  would  destroy  the  government,  but  to  preserve  invio- 
late the  persons  of  those  duly  chosen  to  administer  it.  It  stands  for  the 
orderly  execution  of  the  law,  even  though  the  delays  incident  thereto 
shield  for  a  time  an  assassin  and  his  coadjutors,  who,  denying  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  law,  yet  on  occasion  clamor  for  its  protection. 

"In  common  with  Christendom,  it  mourns  the  tragic  death  of  the 
best-loved  man  in  all  America. 

"We,  its  members,  have  met  to  express  our  sentiments  concerning 
the  event,  yet  find  them  too  bewildered  and  confused  for  adequate  expres- 
sion.   For  the  pathetic  figure  of  that  adored  and  adoring  wife,  our  own 

82  Life  of  William  McKinley 

grief  m  the  loss  of  a  friend  and  fellow  member  of  the  club,  even  our  sor- 
row in  the  loss  to  the  republic,  are  mingled  with  a  wondering  horror  of 
the  crime  itself.  That  so  beautiful  and  useful  a  life  could  be  snuffed  out 
to  feed  the  monstrous  vanity  of  a  mortal  idiot,  \A-ho,  to  hear  his  sibilant 
name  hissed  for  a  moment  by  the  public  tongue,  clasped  the  hand  held 
out  to  him  in  friendship,  and  smote  and  smote  again. 

''But  our  noble  President  neither  lived  nor  died  in  vain.     For  be  it, 

"Resolved,  That  great  as  was  the  office  of  President  wdiich  William 
McKinley  filled,  most  greatly  did  he  fill  it,  so  that  out  of  evil  days,  fraught 
with  peril  to  the  republic,  his  wisdom  brought  us  to  a  happy  issue,  ex- 
alting our  nation  among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  making  our  people 
known  and  honored  everywhere  for  their  strength,  their  justice,  their 
moderation,  and  their  humanity. 

'That  fierce  as  was  the  light  which  beat  upon  the  eminence  he  occu- 
pied, it  did  not  shroud  him  in  the  mystery  of  a  burning  bush,  but  served 
only  to  illumine  and  make  plain  the  character  of  the  man,  so  that  we 
apprehended  and  knew  how  all  the  qualities  which  made  him  what  he 
was  had  their  mainspring  in  simple  goodness  and  faith  in  God. 

'That  if  it  is  destiny  that  so  dear  a  martyrdom  must  needs  be  to 
startle  the  American  people  into  a  sense  of  the  danger  which  menace  their 
government,  then  do  we  echo  the  dying  words  of  the  President,  'God's 
will  be  done,'  realizing,  as  never  before,  that  as  there  is  no  room  for  im- 
perialism on  American  soil,  neither  is  there  room  for  anarchy;  realizing, 
also,  as  never  before,  that  human  life  is  only  sacred  so  long  as  it  is  human, 
and  that  it  is  not  too  sacred  to  make  anarchy  punishable  with  death. 

"That  we  pledge  ourselves  to  this  new  work  of  extirpating  anarchy 
in  the  United  States,  whether  it  be  armed  with  the  assassin's  pistol  or 
the  liar's  pen.     'God's  will  be  done.'  " 


In  his  address  George  E.  Adams  said : 

"No  other  American  President  since  our  government  began  was 
ever  so  popular  during  his  term  of  office  as  President  McKinley  was  the 
day  he  was  assassinated.  True,  he  was  often  vilified  in  cartoons,  which 
their  authors  will  be  glad  to  have  forgotten.  So  were  Washington  and 
Lincoln  vilified.  The  abuse  heaped  upon  Washington  during  his  sec- 
ond term  had  at  least  this  show  of  excuse.  He  was  believed  to  be  cold  in 
manner,  aristocratic  in  feeling,  and  inclined  to  distrust  the  public  virtue 
and  the  political  intelligence  of  the  common  people.  The  vilification 
of  Lincoln  rose  out  of  the  passions  of  a  great  civil  war.  The  assaults 
upon  McKinley  by  pen  and  pencil  cannot  be  explained  except  by  a  craze 

Our  Martyred  President  83 

of  sensationalism.  They  did  not  impair  or  obscure  the  respect  and 
esteem  in  which  he  had  come  to  be  held  by  all  parties  in  all  sections  of 
the  country. 

"McKinley's  popularity  was  gained  gradually.  It  grew  stronger 
steadily,  from  first  to  last.  The  secret  of  it  was  sympathy  and  trust. 
The  people  of  this  country,  as  they  came  to  know  him,  saw  in  him  an 
embodiment  of  the  best  and  highest  forces  of  American  life.  Americans 
were  glad  to  think  of  him  as  a  typical  American.  Then  they  came  to 
see  that  this  man,  admirable  in  all  the  relations  of  private  life,  was  also  a 
cheerful  and  diligent  servant  of  the  people.  His  highest  ambition  was 
to  ascertain,  express  and  obey  public  opinion.  Long  before  his  first 
Presidential  term  w^as  ended  the  people  came  to  trust  McKinley,  because 
they  knew  that  he,  like  Lincoln,  had  implicit  confidence  in  the  sober  sec- 
ond thought  of  the  iVmerican  people. 

"When  we  heard  of  his  assassination  our  first  feeling  was  amazement. 
What  motive  could  any  one  have  to  raise  his  hand  against  him  ?  Our 
wonder  did  not  lessen  when  we  heard  that  he  had  been  shot  simply 
because  he  was  the  President,  the  chief  representative  of  government  in 
the  United  States.  What  can  we  do  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  such  a 
crime,  a  crime  as  stupid  as  it  was  atrocious  ?  W^e  can  make  new  criminal 
statutes  to  stay  the  hand  of  the  assassin.  Can  we  not  reach  those 
who  inspire  assassination  ?  We  believe  in  the  largest  liberty  of  speech. 
Those  who  think  present  institutions  are  defective  are  in  duty  bound  to 
say  so.  If  they  have  a  better  system  of  government  to  propose  it  is  their 
right  and  their  duty  to  ad\'Ocate  it.  But  it  is  hard  to  understand  how 
it  can  be  a  legitimate  exercise  of  free  speech  to  advocate  the  destruction 
of  civil  order  on  the  plea  that  some  new^  and  better  order  of  things,  as 
yet  undefined,  may  in  time  arise  out  of  the  ruins.  At  all  events,  those 
who  write  or  speak  must  be  held  responsible  for  the  probable  effect  of 
what  they  say.  If  they  knowingly  incite  to  murder  their  crime  is  no 
less,  because  they  deprecate  murder  in  the  same  breath." 

ADDRESS   OF    DR.    F.    W.    GUNSAULUS. 

Dr.  Frank  W.  Gunsaulus  said  in  part : 

''The  three  great  graves  which  have  received  the  dust  of  our 
martyred  Presidents  have  been  three  points  toward  which,  in  each  in- 
stance, God  has  led  his  Moses,  and  on  the  mountain  top,  lit  by  a  moment 
of  divine  success,  Moses  has  been  seen  looking  into  'the  promised  land. 
How  little  have  we  thought  that  our  Moses  was  to  die  there  and  enter  his 
grave  before  his  nation  reached  his  Canaan. 

Each  of  these  men  left  a  grave  which  is  such  an  altar  place,  the  sacri- 
fice was  so  made,  and  God  so  guides  history,  that  the  nation  is  inspired 


Life  of  William  McKinley 

to  march  unfalteringly  to  the  better  clay.  Slavery  assassinated  Abra- 
ham Lincoln.  And  never  until  that  moment  was  there  a  Canaan  before 
the  American  people  so  rich  and  secure  that  the  nation  was  sure  to  go 
forward,  leaving  the  precious  dust  of  its  leader  behind,  and  walking  in 
his  spirit  forevermore.  The  spoils  system  murdered  Garfield.  And 
never  until  it  had  shown  its  base  spirit,  kindling  a  brain  into  madness, 
was  our  country  certain  that  her  feet  pointed  Canaanward. 

"And  now  comes  anarchy,  its  Satanic  bomb  hissing  already  W'ith  ruin 
for  the  palaces  of  government  and  the  temples  of  religion,  its  loathsome 
face  sneering  at  virtue,  its  leprous  hand  grasping  the  instrument  of  mur- 
der, and  this  infernal  fiend  of  the  pit  has  slain  our  beloved  and  stainless 
knight.  From  these  graves  we  go  forth,  knowing  that  in  death  alone 
these  men  have  given  the  fatal  thrust  to  the  hellish  powers  which  assassi- 
nated them.  More  than  armies,  more  than  emancipation  proclamations, 
more  than  the  statutes  of  congress,  has  the  spirit  of  liberty  which  flowed 
out  of  Lincoln's  wound  slain  slavery.  More  than  resolutions  of  con- 
ventions, more  than  party  promises  or  official  orders,  the  awful  cost  and 
sacrifice  of  Garfield  and  the  spirit  flowing  from  his  wounds  have  fatally 
struck  the  spoils  system.  More  than  jails  or  scaffolds,  more  than  na- 
tional armaments  or  stringent  legislation,  the  gentle,  pure,  just  and  loving 
spirit  of  William  McKinley  flowing  from  his  wounds  will  at  last,  under 
God's  helping  hand,  annihilate  anarchy.  Civilization  costs,  but  it  is 
worth  all  it  costs.  These  three  graves  have  been  dug  in  the  heart  of  the 
American  people,  but  they  alone  will  keep  the  heart  of  the  nation  strong 
and  pure. 


'■'Our  late  President  was  arranged  for  in  the  long  development  of  his 
physical,  mental  and  spiritual  characteristics  through  heredity  and  by 
divine  providence,  and  God's  foresight  was  so  spacious  that  nothing  could 
have  come  of  it  all  save  a  great  man.  We  who  have  known  the  father- 
hood and  motherhood,  the  environment  and  atmosphere  which  were  his 
could  not  think  that  Providence  intended  him  to  be  other  than  strong, 
full  orbed,  well  poised,  harmonious,  and  a  valiant  soldier  whose  qualities 
shall  be  none  the  less  illustrious  a  century  hence  than  they  were  on  that 
day  when  he  lay  dead  on  his  shield.  His  career  has  been  the  career  of  a 
truly  great  man.  William  McKinley's  greatness  has  not  a  solitary  ele- 
ment of  the  theatrical  or  romantic  in  its  composition  or  influence.  His 
was  the  genius  which  is  so  full-orbed  and  harmonious  that  it  is  most 
likely  to  require  years  that  its  completeness  and  serviceableness  shall  be 
rightly  estimated. 

Our  Martyred  President  85 

"Washington  was  no  brilliant  genius,  and  he  beneficently  inaugurated 
the  movement  of  American  republicanism.  A  Napoleon  at  the  begin- 
ning of  our  governmental  experiment  would  have  Napoleonized  our 
youth.  Equally  unfortunate  would  we  have  been  had  our  experiment 
been  fathered  by  a  political  philosopher  of  extraordinary  visions. 

"Lincoln's  greatness  was  republican  greatness.  His  arm  was  strong 
when  public  sentiment  lifted  it,  and  he  was  able  to  incarnate  the  intellect 
and  conscience  of  the  republic.  McKinley's  greatness  was  of  this  type. 
He  did  listen  with  an  ear  close  to  the  ground  for  the  tread  of  the 
millions,  and  after  a  moment  which  assured  him  of  the  righteousness 
and  wisdom  of  public  sentiment,  he  was  erect  and  leading  them  Zion- 
ward.  His  imperialism  was  that  of  absolute  loyalty  to  the  people's  will 
after  the  people's  will  had  been  educated  by  a  knowledge  of  the  facts  in 
the  case.  The  quality  of  the  man's  nature,  his  great  public  services,  his 
practical  faith  in  the  institutions  and  processes  of  republican  government 
make  his  grave  a  rallying  point  for  all  those  elements  of  order  and 
progress  which  will  at  last  achieve  for  earth,  in  many  spirited  reality,  the 
City  of  God." 


Early  Manhood— War  Record — Lawyer  and  Politician. 

William  McKinley  was  born  at  Niles,  Trumbull  county,  Ohio,  on 
January  29,  1843,  being  now  58  years  old.  He  was  the  son  of  William 
McKinley,  Sr.,  and  Nancy  Campbell  Allison,  and  sprang  from  a  hnc 
that  had  figured  in  many  of  the  early  struggles  and  hardships  of  the 

McKinley's  boyhood  Hfe  really  began  at  Poland,  a  neat  little  village, 
about  eight  miles  south  of  Youngstown.  Main  street  is  its  principal 
thoroughfare,  which  is  well  shaded  with  handsome  trees.  It  is  crossed 
by  a  beautiful  and  picturesque  stream,  upon  whose  banks  the  village 
grist  mill  is  located.  Should  we  follow  Main  street  from  the  Methodist 
church,  up  hill  and  down  hill  to  its  terminus,  a  good-sized  common 
and  a  Presbyterian  church,  we  would  find  all  that  tends  to  make  up  a 
small  village. 

Here  we  come  in  contact  with  all  classes,  rich  and  poor  alike.  The 
various  stores,  the  postoffice,  in  which  McKinley  served  as  a  clerk  dur- 
ing vacation,  and  the  old  Sparrow  tavern,  which  is  now  falling  into 
decay,  all  are  found  on  Main  street. 

McKinley  was  but  a  child  when  his  parents  moved  from  Niles  and 
made  a  home  in  this  little  village  in  Mahoning  county.  His  surround- 
ings and  society  were  partly  agricultural  and  partly  mining,  for  Poland 
stands  well  by  both  these  industries.  It  is  the  center  of  a  rich  farming 
country,  and  its  appearance  partakes  more  of  this  characteristic  than  of 
coal  and  mining.  It  is  the  most  southern  township  of  the  original 
Western  Reserve.  One  of  the  original  land  company  from  Connecticut 
settled  at  this  point. 

In  this  old  Ohio  village  he  was  brought  up,  attending  the  public 
school  and  subsequently  the  academy,  which  was  an  excellent  institution 
for  those  times.  He  left  the  academy  when  about  seventeen,  and 
entered  Allegheny  College.  Here  he  remained  but  a  short  time,  return- 
ing to  Poland  in  consequence  of  illness.  Recovering,  he  did  not  again 
return  to  Allegheny,  but  taught  a  country  school.  At  this  period  in 
his  life  he  enlisted. 

Our  Martyred  President  87 

Life  at  Poland  until  the  war  broke  out  was  far  from  excitino-. 
Youths  like  McKinley  were  obliged  to  study  hard  and  not  infrequently 
do  odd  jobs  to  help  earn  money  for  books  and  tuition.  As  they  ad- 
vanced into  professions  it  was  often  necessary  to  teach  school,  clerk 
in  a  store,  work  on  a  farm,  or  take  up  some  other  occupation  during 
vacation.  The  McKinley  family  never  hesitated  to  do  this,  and  as  a 
result,  all  were  ecjuipped  with  good  educations.  Two  of  the  daughters 
became  excellent  teachers,  while  McKinley  himself,  as  before  stated, 
taught  one  term  of  winter  school  in  what  was  then  called  the  Kerr 
district.  This  old  schoolhouse  still  stands.  It  is  about  two  and  one- 
half  miles  by  road  southwest  of  Poland,  but  young  McKinley  usually 
strode  manfully  "across  lots"  to  shorten  the  distance.  Many  who  live 
m  Poland  still  remember  seeing  the  young  schoolmaster  climbing 
fences  and  making  his  way  over  the  rolling  surface  of  the  country  to 
and  from  his  duties.  He  was  thus  able  to  assist  in  defraying  the 
expenses  of  his  tuition  and  that  of  other  members  of  the  family  at  the 

This  sort  of  life,  as  all  know,  sharpens  the  intellect,  and  broadens 
the  mind,  and  has  a  tendency  to  shorten  the  period  between  boyhood 
and  young  manhood.  McKinley  was  a  real  boy,  full  of  fun,  loving- 
athletic  sports,  fond  of  horses,  hunting  and  fishing,  and  all  outdoor 
exercises,  and  yet  at  sixteen  we  find  him  taking  upon  himself  a  serious 
view  of  life. 

In  times  of  war,  young  men  are  filled  with  a  spirit  of  patriotism, 
and  will  leave  father,  mother,  home — yes,  all,  and  follow  the  "fife 
and  drum,"  inspired  with  love  of  freedom  for  our  beloved  country. 
Such  an  one  was  William  McKinley. 

The  little  town  of  Poland  was  not  to  be  outstripped  in  sending  men 
and  boys  to  help  the  cause  of  "freedom." 

In  the  old  inn  a  generation  ago,  could  be  heard  the  mutterings  and 
murmurings  of  the  mustering  hosts.  Here  young  men  and  boys  stood 
ready  and  eager  to  "shoulder  arms"  and  march  forth  as  quickly  as  the 
government  would  take  them.  Poland  prides  herself  to  this  day  that 
she  never  stood  the  draft.  As  th.e  murmurings  of  war  were  floating 
over  the  country,  this  little  village  was  not  asleep.  One  day,  as  they, 
were  gathered  in  the  old  tavern,  the  speaker  pointed  to  the  stars  and 
stripes,  and  exclaimed  with  much  feeling:  "Our  country's  flag  has 
been  shot  at.  It  has  been  trailed  in  the  dust  by  those  who 
should  defend  it,  dishonored  by  those  who  should  have  cherished  and 
loved  it.  And  for  what?  That  this  free  government  may  keep  a 
race  in  the  bondage  of  slavery.  Who  will  be  the  first  to  defend  it?" 
The  hush  which  fell  upon  them  was  overpowering.     Did  it  last  long? 

88  Life  of  William  McKinley 

Behold  them  now  as  they  step  forth  one  by  one,  among  them  a  slight 
boyish  tigure,  with  gray  eyes  tihed  with  the  fire  of  patriotism.  Who 
was  this  youtli  ?    Wihiam  McKinley,  scarcely  eighteen  years  old. 

Let  us  now  see  the  religious  side  of  his  life.  The  church  records 
show  that  in  1858,  when  he  was  hardly  sixteen,  young  McKinley 
united  with  the  Methodist  Episcopal  church  of  Poland.  He  had  a 
deep  rehgious  nature  and  was  ever  alive  to  the  c[uestions  asked  in  the 
Bible  class.  The  pastor,  Rev.  W.  Day,  D.  D.,  was  a  man  of  great 
influence  and  subsequently  became  eminent  in  his  profession. 

Young  McKinley's  record  in  the  church  was  that  of  an  earnest, 
persevering  Christian,  who  discharged  all  duties  faithfully.  He  studied 
the  Bible  with  as  much  zeal  and  energy  as  he  did  law,  and  later  on  the 
great  cjuestions  of  state,  leaving  no  stone  unturned  so  as  to  reach  the 
bottom  of  the  subject.  Thus,  in  his  youth,  this  American  statesman, 
the  beloved  and  martyred  President,  must  have  worked  very  hard. 
A  close  student,  he  was  always  up  to  the  standard  in  the  academy.  The 
midnight  oil  was  burned  by  him  in  a  course  of  law  reading. 

Thus,  as  leader  of  the  village  debating  society,  assisting  the  post- 
master, teaching  school,  doing  odd  jobs,  a  constant  attendant  at  church, 
asking  and  answering  questions  in  the  Bible  class ;  all  summed  up,  these 
were  indeed  busy  days  for  William.  His  constitution  was  good,  his 
disposition  cheerful,  and  with  a  hopeful  heart,  he  was  enabled  to  go 
through  all  this. 

When  the  guns  of  Sumter  sounded  the  call  to  arms,  he  dropped  his 
books,  shouldered  a  musket  and  marched  off  into  Virginia  with  the 
Twenty-third  Ohio.  Col.  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  was  the  commander. 
A  few  incidents  tell  better  the  kind  of  soldier  he  was  than  would  an 
extended  account  of  his  service.  When  the  battle  of  Antietam  oc- 
curred he  was  a  sergeant  in  the  commissary  department.  That  battle 
began  at  daylight.  Before  daylight  men  were  in  the  ranks  and  pre- 
paring for  it.  Without  breakfast,  without  coffee,  they  went  into  the 
fight,  and  it  continued  until  after  the  sun  had  set.  Early  in  the  after- 
noon, naturally  enough,  with  the  exertion  recjuired  of  the  men.  they 
were  famished  and  thirsty,  and  to  some  extent  broken  in  s]^irit.  The 
commissary  department  of  that  brigade  was  under  Sergeant  McKin- 
ley's administration  and  personal  supervision.  From  his  hands  every 
man  in  the  regiment  was  served  at  the  front  with  hot  coffee  and  warm 
meals,  a  thing  that  had  never  occurred  under  similar  circumstances 
in  any  other  army  in  the  world.  He  passed  under  fire  and  delivered, 
with  his  own  hands,  these  things  so  essential  for  the  men  for  whom  he 
was  laboring. 

Our  Martyred  President  89 

Governor  R.  B.  Hayes,  in  writing  reminiscences  of  Major  McKin- 
ley,  said  of  this  incident : 

"Coming  to  Ohio  and  recovering  from  wourids,  I  called  upon  Gov- 
ernor Tod  and  told  him  this  incident.  With  the  emphasis  that  dis- 
tinguished that  great  war  governor,  he  said:  'Let  McKinley  be  pro- 
moted from  sergeant  to  lieutenant,'  and  that  I  might  not  forget,  he 
requested  me  to  put  it  upon  the  roster  of  the  regiment,  which  I  did, 
and  IVIcKinley  was  promoted.  As  was  the  case,  perhaps,  with  very 
many  soldiers,  I  did  not  keep  a  diary  regularly  from  day  to  day,  but 
I  kept  notes  of  what  was  transpiring.  When  I  knew  that  I  was  to 
come  here,  it  occurred  to  me  to  open  the  old  note-book  of  that  period 
and  see  what  it  contained,  and  I  found  this  entry : 

"  'Saturday,  13th  December,  1862. — Our  new  Second  Lieutenant, 
McKinley,  returned  today — an  exceedingly  bright,  intelligent  and  gen- 
tlemanly young  officer.      He  promises  to  be  one  of  the  best.' 

"He  has  kept  the  promise  in  every  sense  of  the  word." 

Another  incident,  and  one  wdiich  closed  his  active  career  as  a  sol- 
dier, occurred  at  the  battle  of  Cedar  Creek.  It  showed  that,  young 
though  he  was,  no  personal  consideration  deterred  him  from  doing  his 
duty.  His  commander  had  but  to  give  him  orders,  and  with  all  the 
dasli  of  a  veteran  w^arrior,  he  rode  through  a  hail  of  shot  and  shell  to 
deliver  them.  General  Russell  Hastmgs,  then  a  lieutenant  in  McKin- 
ley's  regiment,  and  his  warm  friend,  afterwards  told  the  story  of  that 
gallant  deed.  It  appears  that  General  Crook's  corps,  some  6,000  strong, 
found  itself  opposed  to  the  whole  of  General  Early's  army.  Some 
sharp  fighting  ensued.  General  R.  B.  Hayes,  who  was  in  command 
of  his  brigade,  seeing  that  he  could  accomplish  nothing  without  rein- 
forcements, fell  back  towards  Winchester.  General  Hastings  said  of 
the  event : 

"Just  at  that  moment  it  was  discovered  that  one  of  the  regiments 
was  still  in  an  orchard  where  it  had  been  posted  at  the  beginning  of 
the  battle.  General  Hayes,  turning  to  Lieutenant  McKinley,  directed 
him  to  go  forward  and  bring  away  that  regiment,  if  it  had  not  already 
fallen.  McKinley  turned  his  horse  and,  keenly  spurring  it,  pushed  it  at 
a  fierce  gallop  obliquely  toward  the  advancing  enemy. 

"None  of  us  expected  to  see  him  again,  as  we  watched  him  push  his 
horse  through  the  open  fields,  over  fences,  through  ditches,  while  a 
well-directed  fire  from  the  enemy  w^as  poured  upon  him,  with  shells 
exploding  around,  about,  and  over  him. 

"'Once  he  was  completely  enveloped  in  the  smoke  of  an  exploding 
shell  and  we  thought  he  had  gone  down.     But  no,   he  was  saved  for 

90  Life  of  William  McKinley 

better  work  for  his  country  in  his  future  years.  Out  of  this  smoke 
emerged  his  wiry  httle  brown  horse,  with  McKinley  still  firmly  seated 
and  as  erect  as  a  hussar, 

"McKinley  gave  the  Colonel  the  order  from  Hayes  to  fall  back, 
saying,  in  addition,  'He  supposed  you  would  have  gone  to  the  rear 
without  orders.'  The  colonel's  reply  was,  T  was  about  concluding  I 
would  retire  without  waiting  any  longer  for  orders.  I  am  now  ready 
to  go  wherever  you  shall  lead,  but,  lieutenant,  I  "pintedly" 
believe  I  ought  to  give  those  fellows  a  volley  or  two  before  I  go.'  Mc- 
Kinley's  reply  was,  'Then  up  and  at  them  as  quickly  as  possible,'  and 
as  the  regiment  arose  to  its  feet  the  enemy  came  on  into  full  view. 
Colonel  Brown's  boys  gave  the  enemy  a  crushing  volley,  following  it 
up  with  a  rattling  fire,  and  then  slowly  retreated  toward  some  woods 
directly  in  their  rear.  At  this  time  the  enemy  halted  all  along  Brown's 
immediate  front  and  for  some  distance  to  his  right  and  left,  no  doubt 
feeling  he  was  touching  a  secondary  line,  which  should  be  approached 
with  all  due  caution.  During  this  hesitancy  of  the  enemy,  McKinley 
led  the  regiment  through  these  woods  on  toward  Winchester. 

"As  Hayes  and  Crook  saw  this  regiment  safely  off,  they  turned, 
and,  following  the  column,  with  it  moved  slowly  to  the  rear,  down  the 
Winchester  pike.  At  a  point  near  Winchester,  McKinley  brought  the 
regiment  to  the  column  and  to  its  place  in  the  brigade.  McKinley 
greeted  us  all  with  a  happy,  contented  smile — no  effusion,  no  gushing 
palaver  of  words,  though  all  of  us  felt  and  knew  one  of  the  most  gallant 
acts  of  the  war  had  been  performed. 

"As  McKinley  drew  up  by  the  side  of  Hayes  to  make  his  verbal 
report,  I  heard  Hayes  say  to  him,  T  never  expected  to  see  you  in  life 
again.'  " 

General  Sheridan  also  paid  tribute  to  McKinley's  zeal,  when  he 
galloped  down  the  line  from  Winchester,  shouting,  "Face  the  other 
way,  boys,  we're  going  back !"  On  that  famous  ride  he  met  Lieutenant 
McKinley,  and  that  young  ofiicer  carried  the  news  through  General 
Hayes'  brigade,  so  that  when  the  advance  was  ordered  the  brigade  Avas 
in  place,  and  another  Union  victory  was  achieved. 

Lieutenant  McKinley  was  made  captain  on  July  25,  1864,  aild  was 
brevetted  major  by  President  Lincoln  for  gallant  conduct  on  the  fields 
of  Opequan,  Fisher's  Hill  and  Cedar  Creek.  He  was  with  the  old 
Twenty-third  in  all  its  fights  and  was  mustered  out  with  the  regiment 
in  July,  1 86 5. 

McKinley's    military    life    and    advancement,    as    indicated    by    the 

Our  Martyred  President  91 

official  records,  was  most  commendable.  He  enlisted  as  a  private  in 
Company  E  of  the  Twenty-third  O.  V.  I.,  June  11,  1861 ;  was  pro- 
moted to  commissary  sergeant,  April  15,  1862;  was  promoted  to  sec- 
ond lieutenant  of  Company  D,  September  23,  1862;  was  promoted  to 
captain  of  Company  G,  July  25,  1864;  was  detailed  as  acting  assistant 
adjutant  general  of  the  First  division,  First  army  corps,  on  the  staff  of 
General  Carroll:  was  brevetted  major,  March  13,  1865,  and  was  mus- 
tered out  of  service  July  26,  1865. 

William  Henry  Smith  says  of  McKinley:  "His  success  on  merit 
during  the  war  of  the  rebellion  has  had  its  counterpart  in  civil  life  in 
the  public  service.  When  someone  remarked  in  the  presence  of  General 
Hayes  that  Major  McKinley  possessed  many  brilliant  cjualities  as  a 
public  man;  that  he  was  skillful  in  debate  and  tactful  as  a  leader,  but 
was  lacking  in  business  ability,  he  received  this  reply:  'A  man  who 
before  he  had  attained  the  age  of  twenty-one.  kept  up  the  supplies  for 
the  army  of  General  Crook  in  active  service  in  the  field,  is  not  lacking 
in  Imsiness  ability.  Fie  has  capacity  equal  to  any  enterprise,  for  any 
position  in  life,  even  the  highest. 


After  his  military  career,  McKinley  returned  to  his  home  in  Ohio, 
where  he  entered  upon  the  study  of  law  with  Judge  Charles  E.  Gidden, 
at  Poland,  afterward  taking  a  course  of  study  at  the  Albany,  New  York, 
Law  School,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1867.  McKinley's  early 
life  was  favored,  in  that  he  had  not  only  true  and  noble  parents  to 
guide  him,  but  in  his  civil  career,  had  such  a  man  as  Judge  Gidden, 
who  is  spoken  of  as  being  of  high  character,  eloquent  and  forceful  ad- 
dress, and  a  voice  which,  when  once  heard,  was  never  forgotten. 

He  commenced  his  law  practice  in  Canton,  Ohio,  to  which  place 
he  removed,  and  was  elected  district  attorney  of  Stark  county,  in  which 
capacity  he  served  ten  years,  and  was  re-nominated,  but  not  elected, 
as  the  enemy,  as  ever,  was  on  the  alert,  and  caused  his  defeat.  But 
this  did  not  daunt  him,  and  as  the  town  of  Canton  grew  in  importance, 
his  law  practice  increased. 

These  events  would  naturally  lead  him  into  politics,  and  we  find  him 
now  launching  out  on  that  great  sea,  whose  waves  carried  him  to  the 
highest  and  most  honored  position  an  American  citizen  can  attain. 

January  25th,  1871,  Major  McKinley  was  married  to  Miss  Ida 
Saxton,  daughter  of  J.  A.  Saxton,  a  banker,  of  Canton.  That  event 
had,  in  after  years,  no  doubt,  much  to  do  with  the  strong  hold  on  the 
affections  of  the  people,  acquired  by  Major  McKinley.   His  wife  became 

92  Life  of  William  McKinley 

an  invalid  early  in  their  married  life.  The  two  little  girls  born  to  them 
died  in  childhood,  and  Major  McKinley  devoted  all  the  time  he  could 
spare  from  public  duties  to  comforting  his  helpmate.  No  more  beautiful 
example  of  marital  devotion  was  ever  seen  than  that  of  William  Mc- 
Kinley to  the  gentle  invalid,  who  survives  him,  and  is  enshrined  with 
him  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen. 

Major  McKinley  was  first  elected  to  Congress  in  1876.  He  was 
nominated  by  the  republicans,  who  had  little  hope  of  electing  him.  His 
opponent  was  Judge  L.  D.  Woodsworth,  the  then  incumbent  of  the 
office,  and  a  democratic  wheelhorse.  There  was  a  democratic  majority 
in  the  district,  the  old  eighteenth  of  1800.  Few  expected  this  could 
be  overcome,  but  Major  McKinley  overcame  it,  having  a  clean  majority 
of  1,300  votes. 

It  was  particularly  felicitous  for  Major  McKinley  that  his  first  four 
years  in  congress  were  coincident  with  the  administration  of  President 
Hayes.  The  youngest  member  of  congress,  he  had  the  intimate  and 
near  friendship  of  the  ruler  of  the  nation.  Of  course,  no  direct  political 
advancement  could,  or  did,  grow  out  of  this  friendship. 

He  made  no  plunge  into  legislative  work  during  his  first  session. 
The  records  do  not  contain  any  speech  of  his,  nor  does  his  name  appeai; 
on  any  important  committee.  He  studied  and  learned,  and  after  his 
first  speech  in  1878,  on  the  Wood  tariff  bill,  he  was  recognized  as  a 
man  of  power.  A  place  on  the  ways  and  means  committee  was  given 
him,  and  for  thirteen  years  he  remained  there.  It  is  impossible  to 
summarize  his  congressional  career  in  the  limited  space  this  volume 
affords,  but  his  tariff  record,  which  was  the  main  work  of  his  legis- 
lative career,  is  treated  in  another  chapter.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  up 
to  the  time  of  his  unseating  by  the  democrats  in  the  forty-eighth  con- 
gress, he  was  attending  carefully  and  energetically  to  all  his  duties, 
and  had  come  to  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  ablest  members  of  the 
house.  So  satisfied  with  his  services  were  the  people  of  his  district 
that  though  the  democrats  sought  to  defeat  him  by  gerrymandering  his 
district,  he  won  in  every  case  until  1890. 

The  unseating  of  McKinley  by  the  democratic  majority  in  the  forty- 
eighth  congress  in  no  wise  affected  his  popularity  at  home.  He  had 
been  a  modest  and  faithful  servant  of  the  people.  In  every  undertaking 
he  had  stood  four-square  to  all  the  winds  which  blew,  and  his  friends 
and  neighbors  in  his  native  state  never  intended  to  permit  such  a 
devoted  public  servant  to  go  into  retirement.  The  experiment  of  put- 
ting an  untried  democrat  in  the  place  so  long  occupied  1)y  Major  Mc- 
Kinley had  not  been  a  conspicuous  success,  and  tliere  were  many  people 
who,  despite  their  party  affiliations,  disliked  the  manner  in  which  the 

Our  Martyred  President  93 

major  liad  been  deprived  of  his  seat.  It  was  generally  admitted  that  he 
knew  more  about  the  real  needs  of  his  constituency  which  might  be  reme- 
died by  legislation,  than  any  other  man.  That  he  was  honest,  and 
untiring  in  his  efforts  to  do  his  full  duty  towards  his  people,  all  knew. 

The  democrats,  however,  did  not  propose  to  allow  him  to  go  back 
to  congress,  if  they  could  help  it.  No  doubt  was  entertained  as  to  his 
becoming  a  candidate  in  1884,  and  the  democrats  tried  to  head  him  off 
by  their  favorite  scheme  of  gerrymandering  the  district  again.  The 
effort  was  unsuccessful.  A  hot  canvass  followed  Major  McKinley's 
nomination,  and  when  the  votes  were  counted,  it  was  found  that  he 
had  secured  a  majority  of  1,500,  despite  the  best  efforts  of  the 

When  the  major  appeared  in  Washington  in  March,  1885,  he  found 
many  friends  to  welcome  him  back.  There  was  plenty  of  work  for 
him  to  do,  and  he  applied  himself  to  it  diligently.  The  index  to  the 
Congressional  Record  for  that  period  contains  nearly  a  page  of  memo- 
randa showing  the  part  he  took  in  the  legislation  of  the  country. 

He  was  never  a  flambuoyant  talker,  and  spoke  in  the  house  only  when 
he  had  something  weighty  to  say.  This  was  recognized  long  before 
his  leadership  was  established,  and  he  had  attentive  listeners  whenever 
he  arose  to  speak.  During  this  session  he  delivered  an  address  in 
memory  of  the  murdered  President  Garfield,  that  was  eloquent  in  its 
simplicity,  and  worthy  of  commendation,  because  of  the  high  range  of 
its  thought,  and  the  lessons  of  patriotism  and  duty  which  it  inculcated. 

Another  speech  uttered  at  that  session,  is  memorable  because  it 
shows  his  long  and  earnest  sympathy  with  the  laboring  man.  Major 
McKinley  was  brought  up  amidst  the  great,  throbbing  iron  and  steel 
industries  of  the  country.  He  had  seen  the  struggle  of  the  workingmen 
to  secure  proper  recognition  of  their  rights,  and  he  felt  for  them  the 
keenest  sympathy.  This  was  manifested  in  various  ways,  and  was 
specially  emphasized  in  the  debate  on  the  bill  submitted  to  the  house 
by  the  committee  on  labor,  providing  for  "the  speedy  settlement  of 
controversies  and  differences  between  common  carriers  engaged  in  inter- 
state and  territorial  transportation  of  property  or  passengers,  and  their 

There  is,  perhaps,  more  of  sarcasm  in  his  remarks  than  he  usually 
permitted,  but  it  was  an  open  fight,  and  he  was  doubtless  prepared  to 
meet  the  issue  to  the  utmost  end,  and  to  permit  no  unanswered  attacks 
on  the  policy  of  his  party  and  the  principles  he  professed  to  believe  in. 
Congressman  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  had  moved  an  amendment  to 
the  bill,  which  precluded  board  of  arbitration  from  administering  oaths 
subpcenaing  witnesses,  compelling  attendance,  etc.,  and  in  defending 

94  Life  of  William  McKinley 

the  amendment,  he  had  declared  that  the  only  remedy  possible,  by  legis- 
lation, for  the  evils  complained  of,  was  equal  laws.  "Let  us  distribute 
the  burdens  of  our  civilization,"  he  said,  'equally  upon  labor  and  capital. 
That  is  all  we  can  do.  Make  capital  pay  its  share  of  the  burdens;  take 
from  labor  the  burdens  which  have  been  unequally  imposed  upon  it. 
Say  by  equal  laws  there  shall  be  a  great  distribution  of  the  burdens; 
that  the  burden  shall  no  longer  gall  this  burden-bearing  back,  and  that 
labor  shall  have  a  just  and  equal  consideration  under  our  laws  with 
capital.  I  say  to  my  democratic  friends,  this  bill  is  not  in  the  direction 
they  want  us  to  go.  This  is  not  the  remedy  for  the  burdens  upon 
oppressed  labor.  But  there  is  a  remedy :  Let  us  reduce  taxation.  Let 
us  go  back  to  the  old  democratic  doctrine  of  free  and  equal  rights 
to  all." 

Upon  obtaining  the  floor.  Major  McKinley  said: 

"Mr.  Chairman :  I  rise  to  oppose  the  amendment  of  the  gentleman 
from  Kentucky.  The  whole  purpose  of  the  amendment  is  to  destroy 
whatever  of  good  results  may  be  expected  from  the  passage  of  this  bill ; 
and  I  can  readily  see  why  a  gentleman  who  is  opposed  to  this  system 
of  settling  differences  between  employer  and  employee  should  offer  the 
amendment  which  is  here  proposed.  I  am  quite  sure,  Mr.  Chairman, 
that  the  fervent  and  eloquent  words  of  my  distinguished  friend,  will 
be  welcomed  by  the  laboring  men  of  the  land  as  a  sovereign  cure  for 
their  evils  and  their  discontent.  I  feel  very  certain  that  the  general 
platitudes  in  which  he  has  indulged,  about  the  equality  of  all  men  in 
this  country,  and  the  dignity  of  labor,  and  the  general  statement  that 
the  way  to  help  these  workingmen  is  to  reduce  taxation,  will  be  accepted 
by  them  as  a  never-failing  remedy.  I  am  sure  every  laboring  man  in 
this  country  will  hail  with  acclamation,  these  soft  words  as  a  panacea 
for  all  his  troubles. 

'T  am  opposed  to  the  amendment,  because  I  believe  in  the  principle 
and  tendency  of  the  bill.  I  would  amend  it  in  some  particulars  if  I 
could.  The  bill  confers  no  rights  or  privileges  touching  arbitration 
which  are  not  now  enjo3^ed  by  common  carriers  and  those  engaged  in 
their  service.  It  leaves  them  where  it  finds  them,  with  the  right  of 
voluntary  arbitration,  to  settle  their  difficulties  through  a  peaceful  and 
orderly  tribunal  of  their  own  selection.  It  only  follows  tlie  principle 
recognized  in  many  states  of  the  Union,  notably  in  Ohio  and  Massachu- 
setts, and  gives  national  sanction  and  encouragement  to  a  mode  of 
settlement  of  grievances  between  employer  and  employee,  w^hich  is 
approved  by  the  best  judgment  of  the  country,  and  the  enlightened 
sentiment  of  all  civilized  peoples. 

"While  the  bill  does  not  compel  arbitration,  its  passage  here  will  not 

Our  Martyred  President  95 

be  without  influence  as  a  legislative  suggestion  in  commending  the  prin- 
ciple to  both  capital  and  labor  as  the  best  and  most  economic  way  of  com- 
posing differences  and  settling  disagreement  which  experience  has  un- 
formly  shown,  in  the  absence  of  an  amicable  adjustment,  results  in  loss 
to  all  classes  of  the  community,  and  to  none  more  than  the  workingmen 

"If  by  the  passage  of  this  simple  measure  arbitration  as  a  system 
shall  be  aided  to  the  slightest  extent,  or  advanced  in  private  or  public 
favor,  or  if  it  shall  serve  to  attract  the  thoughtful  attention  of  the  people 
to  the  subject,  much  will  have  been  accomplished  for  the  good  of  our 
communities,  and  for  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the  people. 

"I  am  in  favor  of  this  bill  for  what  it  is,  and  only  for  what  it  is. 
It  does  not  undertake  to  do  impossible  things,  or  cross  the  line  of  safety. 
I  will  regret  if  it  shall  deceive  anybody,  and  if  it  is  the  purpose  of  any- 
body to  make  believe  that  its  passage  is  a  cure  for  the  evils  and  dis- 
content which  pervade  society,  I  must  disclaim  now  any  part  or  share 
in  such  purpose  or  expectation,  for  it  will  not,  and  can  not,  and  nobody 
supposes  it  will.  It  simply  provides  that  when  the  railroad  companies 
operating  through  tv/o  or  more  states,  or  in  the  territories,  shall  agree 
upon  and  consent  to  an  arbitration,  this  bill  will  aid,  encourage  and 
assist  the  parties  concerned  to  get  at  the  truth,  to  probe  to  the  bottom, 
ascertain  the  facts  of  the  situation,  by  which  the  board  will  be  enabled 
to  act  intelligently  and  justly  to  all  interests  involved.  This  is  the 
whole  of  it  in  scope  and  extent,  and  cannot  and  will  not  deceive  any  one. 

"It  is  said  there  is  no  way  to  enforce  the  judgment  of  the  arbitration, 
and,  therefore,  it  is  a  nullity.  I  have  the  least  concern  on  that  score.  I 
have  no  fear  that  after  the  railroad  corporation  and  its  employees  have 
united  in  an  arbitration,  its  judgment  will  be  disobeyed  or  not  acquiesced 
m  as  final  and  conclusive.  Neither  will  venture,  in  the  absence  of  fraud, 
to  ignore  the  award  of  a  tribunal  of  their  own  selection,  in  which  both 
have  voluntarily  confided  for  the  settlement  of  their  differences.  We 
need  borrow  no  trouble  on  that  account.  Refusal  to  obey  the  judgment 
,  of  the  arl;itration  would  be  the  exception  and  not  the  rule,  and  an  award 
honestly  reached  will  be  sacredly  observed.  Nor  am  I  troubled  because 
there  i^  no  compulsion  to  arbitrate  in  the  first  instance.  Either  party 
provided  for  in  the  bill,  believing  it  has  a  g^enuine  grievance,  and 
inviting  the  other  to  arbitrate,  will  occupy  a  vantage  ground  which  the 
other  can  not  long  successfully  defy.  There  is  a  sense  of  fair  play 
among  the  people  which,  when  crystallized  into  public  judgment,  is  as 
potent,  ay,  more  potent  than  statute  or  judicial  decree.  No  railroad 
corprration,  no  labor  union,  no  body  of  laboring  men  could  long  hold 
out  against       fair  and  e^juitable  demand,  backed  by  a  willingness  to 

96  Life  of  William  McKinley 

submit  the  justice  of  that  demand  to  a  board  of  competent  arbitrators.  In 
any  view  there  is  no  harm  in  trying  this  experiment ;  and  in  this  effort, 
small  and  inconsequential  as  it  may  seem  to  be,  I  am  confident  we  are 
moving-  in  the  right  direction  and  nothing  but  good  can  result." 
In'closing  his  remarks.  Major  McKinley  said : 
"I  believe,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  arbitration  as  a  principle.     I  believe  it 
should  prevail  in  the  settlement  of  international  differences.     It  repre- 
sents a  higher  civilization  than  the  arbitraments  of  war.     I  believe  it  is 
in  close  accord  with  the  best  thought  and  sentiment  of  mankind.     I  be- 
lieve it  is  the  true  way  of  settling  differences  between  labor  and  capital. 
I  believe  it  will  bring  both  to  a  better  understanding,  uniting  them  closer 
in  interest,  and  promoting  better  relations,  avoiding  force,  avoiding  un- 
just exactions  and  oppression,  avoiding  the  loss  of  earnings  to  labor, 
avoiding  disturbances  to  trade  and  transportation;   and  if  this   house 
can   contribute   in   the  smallest   measure,   by   legislative  expression   or 
otherwise,  to  these  ends,  it  will  deserve  and  receive  the  gratitude  of 
all  men  who  love  peace,  good  order,  justice  and  fair  play." 

This  speech,  taken  in  connection  with  Major  McKinley' s  subse- 
quent acts  as  governor  of  Ohio,  during  the  acute  labor  disturbances  of 
1894,  show  his  love  of  justice,  and  his  constant  effort  to  achieve  by 
lawful  and  reasonable  means,  the  greatest  possible  good  to  society. 

His  undeniable  trust  in  the  wisdom  of  the  people  was  again  ex- 
hibited during  this  congress,  when  the  bill  concerning  the  presidential 
succession  was  under  discussion.  Fault  had  been  found  with  the  exist- 
ing law — that  framed  by  the  founders  of  the  republic — as  being  inade- 
quate, and  a  committee  of  the  house  had  formulated  a  bill,  making  the 
succession — in  case  of  the  death  or  disability  of  the  president  and  vice- 
president,  run  to  the  cabinet  ministers.  Major  McKinley  disagreed 
with  the  provisions  of  the  bill,  and  offered  an  amendment,  in  the  nature 
of  a  substitute,  for  the  pending  bill.  In  explaining  the  scope  of  his 
amendment,  he  said : 

"Mr.  Speaker,  my  substitute  preserves  the  existing  law  as  it  was 
made  in  1792,  and  leaves  the  presidential  succession  where  we  find  it 
in  that  law ;  and  the  only  new  provision  I  propose  is  that  we  shall  never 
be  without  a  president  pro  tempore  of  the  senate,  and  never  be  without 
a  speaker  of  the  house  of  representatives.  And  to  this  end  my  substitute 
provides  that  the  congress  shall  assemble  at  midday  on  the  4th  day  of 
March  succeeding  the  election  of  representatives  in  congress,  for  the 
purpose  of  electing  a  speaker.  And  it  further  provides,  that  in  the  event 
of  the  speakership,  or  the  presidency  pro  tempore  of  the  senate  becom- 
ing vacant  during  the  recess,  the  president  of  the  United  States  shall 
forthwith  assemble  the  house  in  which  such  vacancy  exists,  for  the 

Secretary  of  War 

Our  Martyred  President  97 

purpose  of  electing  a  presiding  officer.  It  preserves  intact  the  law  as  our 
forefathers  made  it,  and  executes  with  certainty  their  purpose,  and  that 
of  the  law  itself.  It  avoids  the  dangerous  step  taken  by  the  present 
bill,  which  takes  away  from  the  people  of  the  country,  in  whom  all 
power  resides,  the  rigiit  to  fill  a  vacancy  in  the  presidency  in  a  certain 
contingency,  that  contingency  being  the  death  or  removal  of  both 
president  and  vice-president  of  the  United  States.  I  would  leave  that 
power  with  the  people,  where  it  properly  belongs.  I  am  opposed  to  any 
step  in  the  opposite  direction.  My  substitute  follows  the  pathway  of 
the  founders  of  the  government,  which,  in  my  judgment,  is  the  path 
of  safety." 

Major  McKinley's  substitute  was  defeated,  but  the  bill  passed.  Was 
it  fate  that  he  should  be  the  first  president  v.diose  successor  should  be 
inducted  into  the  high  office  under  the  provisions  of  that  bill  ? 

In  the  fiftieth  and  fifty-first  congresses.  Major  McKinley  was^ 
chiefly  engaged  in  the  handling  of  tariff  measures,  which  will  be  con- 
sidered in  another  chapter.  It  was  in  1890  that  he  was  finally  defeated 
for  congress.  In  the  fifty-first  congress  he  had  succeeded  in  securing 
the  enactment  of  the  protective  tarift'  bill  that  bore  his  name,  and  as  a 
result  had  been  made  the  target  for  all  sorts  of  vile  abuse  by  opponents 
throughout  the  country.  The  free  traders  of  Ohio  clamored  for  his 
defeat,  and  to  accomplish  it  another  gerrymander  was  resorted  to.  Stark 
county  was  put  into  a  district  with  Wayne,  Medina  and  Holmes  counties, 
and  Ex-Lieutenant  Governor  Warwick,  a  popular  democrat,  was  nomi- 
nated against  Major  McKinley.  One  year  before  the  counties  compris- 
ing the  new  district  had  given  Campbell,  the  democratic  candidate  for 
governor,  2,900  majority,  but,  despite  this  fact  and  the  combination 
against  him  of  all  the  power  democracy  could  bring  to  bear,  he  was  de- 
feated by  only  363  votes.  The  largest  vote  ever  cast  in  the  district  was 
brought  out,  and  the  Major  polled  2,500  more  votes  than  had  been 
given  Benjamin  Harrison  for  president  in  1888. 

When  in  congress  ]\Ir.  McKinley  served  on  the  committee  of  the 
revision  of  laws,  the  judiciary  committee,  the  committee  of  expenditures 
of  the  postoffice  department  and  the  committee  on  rules;  and  when 
General  Garfield  was  nominated  for  the  presidency,  McKinley  was 
assigned  to  the  committee  on  wa^'s  and  means  in  his  place,  and  he  con- 
tinued to  serve  on  the  last  named  committee  until  the  end  of  his  congres- 
sional career. 

His  Last  Term  in  Congress.     Record  on  the  Tariff. 

Major  McKinley  rounded  oat  his  congressional  career  in  the  51st 
congress  with  the  passage  of  the  protective  tariff  law  known  as  the  Mc- 
Kinley bill.  The  remarkable  wisdom  displayed  in  handling  that  meas- 
ure indicated,  probably,  that  he  had  fulfilled  his  destiny  as  a  legislative 
factor,  and  thenceforth  his  vi^ork  for  the  people  was  to  be  in  executive 
channels.  No  greater  fame  could  have  come  to  him  than  the  shaping 
of  that  law,  which  pledged  his  party  to  a  principle,  and  which  proved  of 
such  benefit  to  the  nation.  In  considering  his  final  services  in  tlie 
house,  it  may  be  well  to  take  a  backward  glance  at  his  record,  especially 
as  related  to  the  tariff  question,  and  give  an  idea  of  the  cause  of  the 
power  he  wielded. 

The  tariff  cjuestion  was  not  a  new  one  in  the  history  of  American 
legislation  when  William  McKinley  took  his  place  in  the  house  of  rep- 
resentatives at  Washington.  It  had  been  thrashed  over  by  the  colo- 
nists, who  objected  to  and  sought  to  evade  exactions  of  the  mother 
country  long  before  the  declaration  of  independence  was  written.  How 
to  protect  the  people,  to  develop  the  country  and  to  prevent  suffering 
among  the  producing  classes,  were  questions  that  the  colonists  and 
the  continental  congress  struggled  with,  and  that  their  successors  in 
administrative  affairs  found  great  difficulty  in  settling.  Some  of  the 
states,  before  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  passed  laws  for  the 
express  purpose  of  protecting  home  industries  against  the  better  organ- 
ized and  cheaper  manufacturers  of  Europe.  Pennsylvania  in  the  pre- 
amble to  her  tariff  law,  said : 

"Whereas,  although  the  fabrics  and  manufactures  of  Europe  and 
other  foreign  parts  imported  into  this  country  in  times  of  peace,  may  be 
afforded  at  cheaper  rates  than  they  can  be  made  here,  yet  good  policy, 
and  a  regard  for  the  well-being  of  divers  useful  and  industrious  citizens 
who  are  employed  in  the  making  of  like  goods  in  this  state,  demand 
of  us  that  moderate  duties  be  laid  on  certain  fabrics  and  manufactures 
imported,  which  do  most  interfere  with,  and  which  (if  no  relief  be 
given)  will  undermine  and  destroy  the  useful  manufactures  of  the  like 
kind   in   this  country." 

At  that  early  day  it  was  clearly  seen  that  industries  could  not  be 


Our  Martyred  President  99 

built  up  in  this  country  if  they  had  to  compete  with  foreign  manufac- 
tures on  equal  terms.  But  the  protective  idea,  in  its  full  efflorescence, 
had  not  yet  come  into  being.  The  school  of  political  economists  then 
holding  sway— Richards,  Adam  Smith,  Say  and  others— favored  free 
trade.  In  theory  that  is  as  beautiful  as  socialism  in  its  essence — and 
as  impractical.  But  the  fact  was  not  appreciated  then,  nor  for  years 
afterward.  When  the  constitution  was  adopted  the  subject  of  raising 
revenue  for  the  expenses  of  government  was  discussed  and  congress 
was  given  power  to  "regulate  commerce."  What  that  meant  was  long 
a  subject  of  debate,  and  while  the  proponents  of  protection  declared 
it  meant  a  tariff  for  the  protection  of  American  industries,  the  oppo- 
nents were  as  sure  as  they  could  be  of  anything  that  it  meant  that 
congress  should  only  "regulate  commerce,"  so  far  as  to  provide  reve- 
nues for  the  government.  Though  the  question  has  been  discussed  ever 
since,  there  are  still  those  who  hold  to  the  belief  that  all  protective  laws 
are  unconstitutional,  and  do  violence  to  the  intent  of  the  framers  of 
our  organic  law. 

Major  McKinley  was  one  of  those  who  held  to  the  broader  meaning 
of  the  fathers  of  the  republic.  He  followed  Daniel  Webster,  who  in  a 
speech  in  Albany.  N.  Y.,  in  1847,  said: 

"Now,  in  the  early  administration  of  the  government,  some  trusts 
and  duties  were  conferred  upon  the  general  government,  about  which 
there  could  not  be  much  dispute.  It  belonged  to  the  general  govern- 
ment to  make  war  and  peace,  and  to  make  treaties.  There  was  no 
room  for  dispute  as  to  these  powers;  they  were  liable  to  no  great  di- 
versity of  opinion.  But  then  comes  the  other  power,  which  has  been, 
and  is  now,  of  the  utmost  importance — that  of  regulating  commerce. 
What  does  that  import?  On  this  part  of  the  constitution  there  has 
sprung  up  in  our  day  a  great  diversity  of  opinion.  But  it  is  certain  that 
when  the  constitution  had  been  framed,  and  the  first  congress  assem- 
bled to  pass  laws  under  it,  there  was  no  diversity  of  opinion  on  it,  no 
contradictory  sentiments.  The  power  of  regulating  commerce  granted 
to  congress  was  most  assuredly  understood  to  embrace  all  forms  of  regu- 
lation belonging  to  those  terms  under  other  governments — all  th.e 
meaning  implied  in  the  terms,  in  the  same  language,  employed  in  all 
laws,  and  in  the  intercourse  of  modern  nations.  And  I  consider  it  as 
capable  of  mathematical  demonstration — as  capable  of  demonstration 
as  any  problem  in  Euclid,  that  the  power  of  discriminating  in  custom 
house  duties  for  the  protection  of  American  labor  and  industry,  was 
understood,  not  by  some,  but  by  all,  by  high  and  low,  everywhere,  as 
included  in  the  regulation  of  trade." 

Rufus  Choate  and  other  eminent  men  held  similar  views,  but  con- 

100  Life  of  William  McKinley 

gress  thrashed  the  question  over  and  over  again,  until  the  year  1893, 
when,  after  the  passage  of  the  Wilson  bill,  which  repealed  the  McKin- 
ley act,  the  country  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  protective  theory 
was,  if  not  absolutely  right,  at  least  productive  of  greater  good  to  the 
people  than  the  free  trade  theory. 

In  the  controversies  leading  up  to  this  conclusion  from  1878,  Major 
McKinley  bore  a  conspicuous  part.  He  did  not  gain  a  foremost  place 
as  a  matter  of  chance,  nor  because  there  were  no  leaders  of  consequence 
on  his  side.  When  he  made  his  first  speech  in  congress  on  the  subject 
of  tariff,  he  was  in  company  with  those  veterans,  Morrill,  of  Vermont, 
and  Judge  William  D.  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania.  They  w^re  masters 
of  all  the  arguments  to  be  used  on  the  subject  of  protection  of  Ameri- 
can industries,  yet  they  listened  to  this  youth  from  the  west,  and  ad- 
mired the  logical  manner  in  which  he  presented  the  subject,  his  won- 
derful knowledge  of  the  facts,  and  the  splendid  manner  in  which  he 
drove  home  his  arguments.  It  was  no  fortuitous  combination  of  cir- 
cumstances which  thus  branded  him  as  a  leader  among  leaders.  It 
was  hard,  systematic  work,  such  as  he  had  all  his  life  been  accustomed 
to  do.  When  a  young  lawyer  in  Canton,  it  is  said,  an  able  and  cunning 
lawyer  of  an  adjacent  town,  knowing  that  Major  McKinley  was  a 
protectionist,  proposed  to  debate  the  question  with  him.  The  major 
agreed,  but  the  opponent  was  too  strong  for  him.  A  bright  intelligence, 
sophistry,  and  long  practice  enabled  the  elder  man  to  win  a  victory. 
The  incident  galled  Major  McKinley.  He  recognized  his  unprepared- 
ness  for  the  contest,  and  said  to  a  friend :  "Hereafter  no  man  shall 
overcome  me  so;  I  know  that  I  am  right  in  this  matter,  and  I  know 
that  I  can  show  that  I  am  right  by  and  by."  From  that  time  on 
he  studied  assiduously.  Books,  and  men,  and  conditions,  were  scru- 
tinized, and  everything  in  the  way  of  knowledge  they  had  to  impart 
was  absorbed  by  the  major.  It  is  said  that  those  who  traveled  with 
him,  or  who  met  him  away  from  home,  were  amazed  at  his  persistent 
inquiry  respecting  material  things  which  might  suggest  a  lesson  in 
American  prosperity.  The  railways,  their  mileage,  their  traffic,  their 
dividends,  their  proposed  extensions ;  the  mills,  what  they  produced, 
how  many  hands  they  employed,  how  the  working  people  lived;  what 
comforts  and  luxuries  they  were  able  to  enjoy;  the  distinctive  trade  of 
any  city  in  which  he  happened  to  stop;  whether  it  was  on  the  increase, 
or  was  decreasing,  and  why.  Of  the  agricultural  interests  of  the  coun- 
try it  was  said  he  could  tell  the  husbandmen  more  than  they  knew, 
and  yet  he  drew  them  out  on  all  occasions.  Add  to  these  facts  the 
further  statement  that  his  3^outh  was  spent  within  sound  of  the  roar 
of  iron  furnaces,  and  that  the  greatest  industrial  development  the  world 

Our  Martyred  President  loi 

ever  saw  was  going  on  during  his  congressional  career,  and  it  is  easy 
to  see  that  no  man  could  have  been  better  equipped  than  he  to  lead  hi^- 
party  in  the  matter  of  legislation,  and  ultimately  to  become,  through 
its  agency,  the  chief  executive  of  the  nation.  No  man  ever  had  a 
stronger  sense  of  duty,  or  a  more  steadfast  adherence  to  principle  than 
Major  McKinley,  and  when  he  stood  up  in  the  house,  April  15,  1878, 
to  speak  on  the  Wood  tariff  bill,  he  said : 

"I  am  opposed  to  the  pending  bill  from  a  high  sense  of  duty — a 
duty  imposed  upon  me  by  the  very  strong  convictions  which  I  enter- 
tain after  an  examination  of  its  several  features,  and  from  the  convic- 
tion that  should  the  proposed  measure  become  a  law,  it  will  be  nothing- 
short  of  a  public  calamity." 

He  discussed  the  general  features  of  the  bill,  and  declared  that  if 
enacted  into  law  it  would  decrease  the  national  revenues,  lower  wages 
and  impoverish  the  working  classes.  After  he  had,  with  masterly  skill, 
dissected  the  measure  and  shown  its  weaknesses,  he  concluded : 

"Mr.  Chairman,  the  proposed  bill  is  a  piece  of  patchwork,  and 
abounds  in  inconsistencies.  It  is  an  attempt  to  conciliate  two  schools 
of  political  science  and  pleases  neither.  It  has  marched  out  into  the 
broad  field  of  compromise  and  come  back  with  a  few  supporters,  it  is 
true,  who  are  opposed  to  the  original  bill  as  reported.  It  is  neither 
free  trade,  tariff  reform,  nor  protective  tariff.  It  has  none  of  the 
virtues  of  either,  but  the  glaring  faults  of  all  systems.  It  is  an  attempt 
to  change  a  law  which  does  not  improve  the  old  one.  It  is  an  experi- 
ment opposed  by  all  experience.  It  introduces  uncertainty  into  the 
business  of  this  country,  when  certainty  is  essential  to  its  life.  I  can 
not  better  characterize  it  than  by  cjuoting  the  language  of  the  distin- 
guished gentleman  from  New  York  (Mr.  Wood)  in  speaking  of  a  tariff* 
bill  pending  in  June,  1864,  in  this  house.  Speaking  of  that  bill  (and 
his  words  seem  prophetic  as  applied  to  his  own),  he  said:  'The  com- 
mittee has  given  us  a  bill  which  I  regard  as  an  exceedingly  crude  and 
improper  measure ;'  and  that  is  what  the  country  has  already  said  of  the 
pending  bill,  and  it  is  what  I  believe  will  be  the  verdict  of  this  house 
when  a  vote  is  reached. 

*'What  the  country  wants  above  all  else  at  this  critical  period  is  rest 
— rest  from  legislation,  safety  and  security  as  to  its  basis  of  business, 
certainty  as  to  the  resources  of  the  government,  immunity  from  legis- 
lative tinkering.     None  of  these  are  afforded  by  the  present  bill. 

"Mr.  Chairman,  there  never  was  a  time  in  the  history  of  this  coun- 
try, more  inauspicious  than  the  present  for  the  dreamer  and  the  theorist 
to  put  into  practical  operation  his  impracticable  theories  of  political 
science.     The  country  does  not  want  them;  the  business  men  of  the 

102  Life  of  William  McKinley 

country  do  not  want  them.  They  want  quiet  to  recuperate  their  wasted 
forces,  and  I  am  sure  I  utter  no  sentiment  new  or  original  when  I  say 
that  if  this  house  will  promptly  pass  the  appropriation  bills  and  other 
pressing  legislation,  and  follow  it  with  an  immediate  adjournment,  the 
people  will  applaud  such  a  course  as  the  work  of  statesmen  and  the 
wisdom  of  men  of  affairs." 

It  was  in  this  manner,  calmly  but  forcibly,  that  he  entered  upon  the 
work  in  congress,  with  which  his  name  was  thenceforth  to  be  stead- 
fastly allied.  Four  years  later,  owing  to  the  changed  condition  of 
national  affairs,  he  advocated  a  friendly  revision  of  the  tariff  by  a 
commission  appointed  for  that  purpose.  The  commission  was  appointed 
by  President  Arthur,  June  7,  1882,  and  was  composed  as  follows: 
John  L.  Hayes,  of  Massachusetts,  chairman;  Henry  W.  Oliver,  Penn- 
sylvania; Austin  M.  Garland,  Illinois;  Jacob  A.  Ambler,  Ohio;  Robert 
P.  Porter,  District  of  Columbia;  John  W.  H.  Underwood,  Georgia; 
Duncan  F.  Kenner,  Louisiana;  Alexander  F.  Boteler,  West  Virginia, 
and  William  H.  McMahon,  New  York.  The  result  of  the  labors  of  the 
commission  was  reported  to  congress  in  1883,  and  Major  McKinley 
was  one  of  the  most  active  participants  in  the  debate  which  resulted. 
The  bill  became  a  law,  but  in  1884  the  democrats  took  up  the  question 
again.  Congressman  W.  R'.  Morrison,  of  Illinois,  introduced  a  meas- 
ure known  as  the  Morrison  horizontal  bill.  The  democrats  were  dis- 
satisfied with  the  republican  measure,  and  declared  that  Judge  Kelley, 
of  Pennsylvania,  Major  McKinley.  and  others  did  not  have  sufficient 
ability  to  frame  a  tariff  law,  and  had  therefore  turned  the  matter  over  to 
a  commission  of  experts.  In  the  debate  on  the  bill  Major  McKinley 
met  the  objections  which  had  been  urged  against  the  commission  bill, 
and  displayed  his  remarkable  familiarity  with  the  subject  by  taking 
up  the  various  schedules  and  pointing  out  the  errors  of  the  ways  and 
means  committee.     In  his  speech  he  said : 

'Tt  is  gratifying  to  know  that  at  last  the  true  sentiment  of  the  demo- 
cratic party  of  the  country  dominates  the  party  in  which  it  has  so  long 
been  in  the  majority,  and  no  longer  submits  to  the  dictation  of  a  factious 
minority  within  its  own  ranks.  It  is  gratifying  because  the  people  can 
no  longer  be  deceived  as  to  the  real  purpose  of  the  party,  which  is  to 
break  down  the  protective  tariff  and  collect  duties  hereafter  upon  a  pure 
revenue  basis,  closely  approximating  free  trade.  Patent  platforms  and 
the  individual  utterances  of  democratic  statesmen  will  no  longer  avail, 
and  false  pretenses  can  no  longer  win. 

"The  bill  reported  from  the  committee  on  ways  and  means  is  a 
proposition  to  reduce  the  duties  upon  all  articles  of  imported  merchan- 
dise, except  those  embraced  in  two  schedules,  to-wit,  spirits  and  silks, 

Our  Martyred  President  103 

twenty  per  cent.  It  is  to  be  a  horizontal  reduction,  not  a  well  matured 
and  carefully  considered  revision.  Its  author  makes  no  such  claim  for 
it,  but  confesses  in  his  recent  speech,  that  while  a  revision  and  adjust- 
ment are  essential,  they  are  believed  to  be  unattainable  at  the  present 
session  of  congress,'  " 

In  further  discussing-  the  measure,  Major  McKinley  said: 

"What  can  be  said  of  the  capacity  of  the  majority  of  the  committee 
on  ways  and  means  as  evidenced  by  the  bill  before  us?  It  is  a  confes- 
sion upon  its  face  of  absolute  incapacity  to  grapple  with  the  great  sub- 
ject. The  Morrison  bill  wall  never  be  suspected  of  having  passed  the 
scrutiny  of  intelligent  experts  like  the  tariff  commission.  This  is  a 
revision  by  the  cross-cut  process.  It  gives  no  evidence  of  the  expert's 
skill.  It  is  the  invention  of  indolence — I  will  not  say  of  ignorance,  for 
the  gentlemen  of  the  majority  of  the  committee  on  ways  and  means  are 
competent  to  prepare  a  tariff  bill.  I  repeat,  it  is  not  only  the  invention 
of  indolence,  but  it  is  the  mechanism  of  a  botch  workman.  A  thousand 
times  better  refer  the  question  to  an  intelligent  commission,  which  will 
study  the  question  in  its  relation  to  the  revenues  and  industries  of  the 
country,  than  to  submit  a  bill  like  this. 

"They  have  determined  upon  doing  something,  no  matter  how  mis- 
chievous, that  looks  to  the  reduction  of  import  duties ;  and  doing  it,  too, 
in  spite  of  the  fact  that  not  a  single  request  has  come  either  from  the 
great  producing  or  consuming  classes  of  the  United  States  for  any 
change  in  the  direction  proposed.  With  the  power  in  their  hands,  they 
have  determined  to  put  the  knife  in,  no  matter  where  it  cuts,  nor  how 
much  blood  it  draws.  It  is  the  volunteer  surgeon,  unbidden,  insisting 
upon  using  the  knife  upon  a  body  that  is  strong  and  healthy,  needing 
only  rest  and  release  from  the  quack  whose  skill  is  •limited  to  the  hori- 
zontal amputation,  and  whose  science  is  barren  of  either  knowledge  or 
discrimination.  And  then  it  is  not  to  stop  with  one  horizontal  slash ; 
it  is  to  be  followed  by  another,  and  still  another,  until  there  is  nothing 
left  either  of  life  or  hope. 

"It  is  \vell,  if  this  bill  is  to  go  into  force,  that  on  yesterday  the 
other  branch  of  congress,  the  senate,  passed  a  bankruptcy  bill.  It  is  a 
fitting  corollary  to  the  Morrison  bill ;  it  is  a  proper  and  necessary  com- 
panion. The  senate  has  done  wisely  in  anticipation  of  our  action  here 
in  providing  legal  means  for  settling  with  creditors,  for  wiping  out 
balances,  and  rolling  from  the  shoulders  of  our  people  the  crushing 
burdens  which  this  bill  will  impose." 

The  next  assault  upon  the  tariff  which  Major  McKinley  met  was 
in  1 888,  when  Roger  O.  Mills,  of  Texas,  presented  what  is  knowai  as 
the  Mills  bill.     This  bill  was  fixed  up  by  the  majority  of  the  ways  and 

I04  Life  of  William  McKinley 

means  committee  to  suit  themselves.  It  was  completed  and  printed 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  minority,  and  without  consideration  or 
discussion  in  the  fuU  committee.  This  naturally  incensed  Major  McKin- 
ley, who  was  a  member  of  the  committee.  The  minority  made  re- 
peated efforts  to  obtain  from  the  majority  of  the  committee  data  from 
'which  the  bill  was  constructed,  but  without  avail.  Major  McKinley 
•[prepared  and  presented  to  the  house  the  views  of  the  minority  of  the 
committee  on  the  Mills  bill,  and  the  document  is  said  to  be  one  of  the 
ablest  ever  prepared  on  the  subject.  The  minority  condemned  the  bill, 
declaring  it  to  be  a  radical  reversal  of  the  tariff  policy  of  the  coun- 
try which  for  the  most  part  had  prevailed  since  the  foundation  of 
the  government,  and  under  which  the  country  had  made  industrial 
and  agricultural  progress  without  a  parallel  in  the  world's  history. 
The  schedules  were  analyzed  and  their  inconsistency  and  unworthi- 
ness,  from  a  republican  standpoint,  referred  to.  In  closing,  the  report 
asserted  that  the  minority  regarded  the  bill  not  as  a  revenue  reduction 
measure,  but  as  a  direct  attempt  to  fasten  upon  this  country  the  British 
policy  of  free  foreign  trade. 

A  few  weeks  after  the  presentation  of  this  report.  Major  McKinley 
delivered  a  speech  in  the  house  against  the  bill.  It  was  a  masterly 
effort,  prepared  with  all  possible  care,  and  it  is  declared  to  have  been 
one  of  the  most  convincing  speeches  on  the  subject  ever  uttered.  There 
was  no  argument  which  the  democrats  advanced  to  which  he  had  not 
a  ready  answer,  and  the  clearness  with  which  he  presented  his  points, 
and  remarkable  grasp  of  the  numerous  details  which  he  possessed,  as- 
tounded even  those  who  were  familiar  with  his  career,  and  knew  tlie 
care  with  which  he  examined  every  subject  brought  to  his  attention 
while  in  the  performance  of  his  duty. 

In  the  course  of  his  address,  he  spoke  as  follows : 

"From  1789  to  1888,  a  period  of  ninety-nine  years,  there  have  been 
forty-seven  years  when  a  democratic  revenue  tariff  policy  has  prevailed, 
and  fifty-two  years  under  the  protective  policy,  and  it  is  a  noteworthy 
fact  that  the  most  progressive  and  prosperous  periods  of  our  history  in 
every  department  of  human  effort  and  material  development,  were 
during  the  fifty-two  years  when  the  protective  party  was  in  control 
and  protective  tariffs  were  maintained,  and  the  most  disastrous 
years — years  of  want  and  wretchedness,  ruin  and  retrogression,  eventu- 
ating in  insufficient  revenues  and  shattered  credits,  individual 
and  national — were  during  the  free  trade  or  revenue  tariff  eras 
of  our  history.  No  man  lives  who  passed  through  any  of  the  lat- 
ter periods  but  would  dread  their  return,  and  would  flee  from  them 
as  he  would  escape  from  fire  and  pestilence,   and  I  believe  the  party 

Our  Martyred  President  105 

which  promotes  their  return  will  merit  and  receive  popular  condem- 
nation. What  is  the  trouble  with  our  present  condition?  No  coun- 
try can  point  to  greater  prosperity  or  more  enduring  evidences  of 
substantial  progress  among  all  the  people.  Too  much  money  is  being 
collected,  it  is  said.  We  say,  stop  it;  not  by  indiscriminate  legislation, 
but  by  simple  business  methods.  Do  it  on  simple,  practical  lines,  and 
we  will  help  you.  Buy  up  the  bonds,  objectionable  as  it  may  be,  and 
pay  the  nation's  debt,  if  you  cannot  reduce  taxation.  You  could  have 
done  this  long  ago.  Nobody  is  chargeable  for  the  failure  but  your  own 

"Who  is  objecting  to  our  protective  system?  From  what  quarter 
does  the  complaint  come?  Not  from  the  enterprising  American  citi- 
zen; not  from  the  manufacturer;  not  from  the  laborer,  whose  wages 
it  improves;  not  from  the  consumer,  for  he  is  fully  satisfied,  because 
under  it  he  buys  a  cheaper  and  better  product  than  he  did  under  the 
other  system;  not  from  the  farmer,  for  he  finds  among  the  employees 
of  the  protected  industries  his  best  and  most  reliable  customers;  not 
from  the  merchant  or  the  tradesman,  for  every  hive  of  industry  in- 
creases the  number  of  his  customers  and  enlarges  the  volume  of  his 

"This  measure  is  not  called  for  by  the  people;  it  is  not  an  American 
measure;  it  is  inspired  by  importers  and  foreign  producers,  most  of 
them  aliens,  who  want  to  diminish  our  trade  and  increase  their  own; 
who  want  to  decrease  our  prosperity  and  augment  theirs,  and  who  have 
no  interest  in  this  country  except  what  they  can  make  out  of  it.  To 
this  is  added  the  influence  of  the  professors  in  some  of  our  institutions 
of  learning,  who  teach  the  science  contained  in  books,  and  not  that 
of  practical  business.  I  would  rather  have  my  political  economy 
founded  upon  the  every  day  experience  of  the  puddler  or  the  potter  than 
the  learning  of  the  professor;  or  the  farmer  and  factory  hand  than  the 
college  faculty.  There  is  another  class  who  want  protective  tariffs  over- 
thrown. They  are  the  men  of  independent  wealth,  with  settled  and 
steady  incomes,  who  want  everything  cheap  but  currency;  the  value 
of  everything  clipped  but  coin — cheap  labor,  but  dear  money.  These 
are  the  elements  which  are  arrayed  against  us." 

The  Mills  bill,  though  passed  by  the  house,  was  defeated  in  the 
senate,  and  no  one  man  contributed  more  to  that  result  than  Major 
McKinley.  He  had  been  for  ten  years  at  work  almost  incessantly  upon 
the  subject  of  tariff.  He  had  ransacked  the  pages  of  history,  explored 
native  industries,  quizzed  all  classes  of  people,  and  had  learned  all  there 
was  to  know.  He  was  not  an  expert  as  to  the  iron  industry  alone.  He 
knew  all  about  wool,  about  glassware,  a1)Out  lace,  sugar,  drugs,  lum- 
ber, wheat,  coal,  and  the  myriad  commodities  which  are  in  daily  use 

io6  Life  of  William  McKinley 

by  society.  As  a  result  of  these  studies  and  experiences,  he  had  ah-eady 
hoisted  the  banner  of  protection  for  protection's  sake.  Other  leaders 
of  the  party  had  wobbled  somewhat  in  times  past  on  the  subject  of 
protecting  home  industries  by  l&vying  a  tariff.  There  had  been  talk  of 
a  "tariff  for  revenue  only"  in  the  party,  and  "a  revenue  tariff  with  in- 
cidental protection,"  but  Major  McKinley  listened  to  no  doctrine  on 
the  tariff  question  which  did  not  embody,  without  equivocation,  the  idea 

of  protection. 

When  congress  assembled  in   1889,   Major  McKinley,   then  chair- 
man of  the  committee  on  ways  and  means,  set  about  preparing  a  tariff 
bill  which  had  for  its  object  the  double  purpose  of  reducing  the  then 
surplus  revenue,  and  of  revising  and  harmonizing  the  several  sched- 
ules of  the  tariff  law.     The  work  was  done  completely  and  systematic- 
ally.    It  caused  no  disturbance  in  business  circles,  because  everybody 
knew  there  would  be  no  violence  done  to  the  existing  law,  and  that 
business   would  be  in  no  wise  unsettled.     To  get  at   facts,   however, 
everybody  interested,  high  and  low,  was  heard  by  the  committee,  and  no 
one  worked  as  hard  during  all  this  period  as  Major  McKinley.     The 
bill  was  drawn,   and  said   to  be  the  most  complete,   symmetrical  and 
patriotic  law  ever  framed.     It  is  not  necessary  here  to  enter  into  details 
concerning  it.     Sufhce  it  to  say  that  it  stimulated  manufactures  in  a 
most  remarkable  degree,  and  brought  amazing  prosperity  to  the  coun- 
try.    Before  these  results  were  brought  about,  however,  another  con- 
gressional election  had  been   held,   and  a  democratic  house  had  been 
chosen.     That  body,  in  accordance  with  party  principles,  took  up  the 
tariff   question,    and   finally   passed   the   Wilson   bill,    which    President 
Cleveland  declared  an  act  of  "party  perfidy  and  party  dishonor,"  and 
said  if  the  house  should  at  last  concur  in  it,  "they  would  not  dare  to 
look  the  people  of  the  country  in  the  face." 

The  speeches  of  Major  McKinley  on  the  bill  bearing  his  name  show 
the  honesty  of  his  convictions,  and  the  superb  consistency  with  which 
he  maintained  himself  amidst  conflicting  opinions  and  seeming  dis- 
aster. The  return  of  a  democratic  house  in  1890,  after  the  passage  of 
the  McKinley  bill,  and  his  own  defeat  as  the  result  of  another  gerry- 
mander, did  not  alarm  him.  He  regarded  it  as  only  an  insignificant 
incident  in  a  great  conflict.  To  the  weak-kneed  among  his  friends, 
those  who  could  not  penetrate  the  future  as  unerringly  as  he  did,  he 
said :  "Be  firm ;  This  is  only  a  cross  current,  a  chop  sea ;  the  tide  of 
truth  flows  surely  on  beneath." 

The  passage  of  the  Wilson  bill  demoralized  industry,  and  commer- 
cial depression  ensued  that  was  only  relieved  when  under  the  admin- 
istration of  President  WilHam  McKinley  the  Dingley  tariff  bill  was 


Governor  of  Ohio. 

After  his  defeat  for  congress  in  1890,  nothing-  in  the  ordinary  course 
of  events  could  have  prevented  Major  McKinley  from  becoming  gov- 
ernor of  Ohio.  He  had  apparently  made  no  plans  looking  toward  such 
a  consummation,  but  the  drift  of  talk  set  toward  him  at  once  as  the 
man  to  be  nominated  by  the  next  republican  state  convention.  He  was 
recognized  as  a  man  of  broad  views — his  home  folk  never  regarded 
him  as  a  man  of  one  idea — and  he  had  met  all  the  duties  which  had  been 
thrust  upon  him  so  well  that  he  inspired  the  people  with  the  utmost  confi- 
dence. He  w^as  a  safe  man,  his  rectitude  uncjuestioned,  his  devotion  to 
principle  unshakable.  But  Ohio  had  many  able  men  who  aspired  to 
the  governorship.  ]\Iajor  McKinley  stated  to  his  friends  that  he  would 
be  pleased  with  the  nomination  for  governor,  but  would  not  enter  into 
a  contest  for  it. 

When  the  legislature  met  In  January  the  representatives  of  the  peo- 
ple were  interviewed,  and  the  sentiment  in  favor  of  Major  McKinley 
was  so  overwhelming  that  thenceforth  no  other  man  was  spoken  of  for 
tiie  place  by  the  re]iublicans.  In  the  campaign  for  congress  he  had 
made  such  a  splendid  canvass  that  the  republicans  felt  sure  he  would 
redeem  the  state  for  them.  James  E.  Campbell,  who  had  been  elected 
governor  in  1889,  by  a  plurality  of  10,872,  had  declared  that  he  had 
made  Ohio  a  permanently  democratic  state,  and  in  order  to  keep  it  so, 
the  democratic  leaders  thought  the  defeat  of  Major  McKinley  for  con- 
gress would  be  essential.  Consequently,  they  had  unmercifully  gerry- 
mandered the  state,  so  that  even  should  the  republicans  carry  it  by  20,000 
plurality,  they  could  not  hope  to  secure  more  than  seven  out  of  twenty- 
one  congressmen.  But  the  republicans  were  in  no  wise  dismayed.  Con- 
fidence in  the  party  success  became  strong,  and  an  unusually  large 
number  of  candidates  for  nomination  on  the  republican  state  ticket  pre- 
sented themselves  before  the  convention,  which  was  held  in  Columbus  in 
June,  but  there  was  only  one  name  mentioned  for  the  gubernatorial 
nomination — that  of  William  McKinley. 

When  McKinley  arrived  at  Columbus  he  received  a  great  ovation. 
It  was  one  of  the  most  enthusiastic  conventions  Ohio  had  seen  since  the 


io8  Life  of  William  McKinley 

war  of  the  rebellion.  Ex-Governor  Foraker  nominated  Major  McKinley 
in  a  characteristically  brilliant  speech,  and  upon  motion  of  Ex-Governor 
Foster,  the  nomination  was  unanimously  conferred  upon  the  major.  In 
his  speech  of  acceptance.  Major  McKinley  made  an  admirable  presenta- 
tion of  the  issues  of  the  day,  particularly  as  to  currency  and  the  tariff, 
and  stirred  his  auditors  to  a  high  pitch  of  enthusiasm.  The  platform 
endorsed  the  "patriotic  doctrine  of  protection,"  and  likewise  the 
"amended  coinage  act  of  the  last  republican  congress,  by  which  the 
entire  production  of  the  silver  mines  of  the  United  States  is  added  to 
the  currency  of  the  people." 

The  democrats  nominated  Governor  James  E.  Campbell,  who  had  in 
the  previous  campaign  defeated  Senator  Foraker. 

The  campaign  was  formally  opened  in  August,  at  Niles,  McKinley's 
birthplace.  But  in  the  interim,  the  major  spoke  at  soldiers'  reunions, 
"harvest  homes,"  etc.  August  22c\,  at  Niles,  he  made  his  first  formal 
speech  in  the  campaign.  There  was  a  large  political  and  industrial 
parade,  which  was  reviewed  by  the  gubernatorial  candidate  from  the 
veranda  of  the  house  in  which  he  was  born.  From  the  day  of  his 
nomination  until  his  election,  he  made  13c  speeches,  and  visited  eighty- 
four  out  of  the  eighty-eight  counties  of  the  state.  His  speeches  were 
always  apt,  and  no  man  stirred  the  people  more  than  he,  though  many 
of  the  campaign  orators  were  more  eloquent.  There  was  not  one,  how- 
ever, who  surpassed  him  in  earnestness,  or  who  more  clearly  defined 
the  issues  of  the  campaign.  As  a  result,  he  was  elected  by  a  splendid 

His  administration  as  governor  during  the  two  terms  was  unos- 
tentatious. He  was  the  same  plain  "Major"  McKinley  he  had  been 
throughout  his  congressional  career.  Red  tape  was  abolished,  and 
any  one  who  had  any  business  with  the  executive  could  always  reach 
him.     In  his  fi.rst  inaugural  address,  he  said: 

"I  approach  the  administration  of  the  office  with  which  I  have  been 
clothed  by  the  people  deeply  sensible  of  its  responsibilities,  and  resolved 
to  discharge  its  duties  to  the  best  of  my  ability.  It  is  my  desire  to  co- 
operate with  you  in  every  endeavor  to  secure  a  wise,  economical  and 
honorable  administration,  and,  so  far  as  can  be  done,  the  improvement 
and  elevation  of  the  public  service." 

This  was  the  key  note  of  his  work  as  governor.  He  endeavored  to 
give  to  the  public  institutions  the  benefit  of  the  services  of  the  best  men 
of  the  state;  and  while  there  was  never  any  question  as  to  his  stalwart 
republicanism,  he  always  tried  to  prevent  inefiiciency  and  demoraliza- 
tion in  the  management  of  the  state  institutions  through  the  intro- 
duction of  extreme  partisanship.    At  the  inception  of  his  administration 

Our  Martyred  President  lOQ 

he  realized  the  tendency  to  extravagance  in  public  institutions,  and  he 
advocated  economy  from  the  start,  and  insisted  upon  it  through  his 
gubernatorial  career.  He  approved  of  liberal  appropriations  for  neces- 
sities, and  saw  that  abundant  provision  was  made  for  tlie  care  of  the 
helpless  and  unfortunate  wards  of  the  state. 

He  never  attempted  to  build  up  a  personal  machine,  but  acted  fairly 
and  justly  by  every  interest  in  the  state,  according  to  his  best  judgment. 
Notwithstanding  the  arduous  labor  he  had  performed  in  connection  with 
national  affairs,  he  displayed,  as  governor,  a  thorough  knowledge  of 
the  needs  of  the  state,  and  his  various  messages  to  the  legislature  were 
models  of  simplicity  and  directness.  He  advocated  the  preservation 
and  development  of  the  canals  of  the  state,  the  improvement  of  country 
roads,  just  laws  relating  to  labor,  and  other  measures  for  the  general 

The  governor's  sense  of  justice  was  exemplified  in  his  first  inaugural 
address,  when  he  came  to  consider  the  subject  of  gerrymandering.  He 
had  several  times  been  the  victim  of  this  vicious  practice,  but  he  did 
not  permit  his  personal  experiences  to  sway  him  in  pronoinicing  upon 
the  matter.  He  told  the  legislature  that  it  would  be  necessary,  under 
the  new  census,  to  redistrict  the  state,  and  said  : 

"Make  the  districts  so  fair  in  their  relation  to  the  political  divisions 
of  our  people,  that  they  will  stand  until  a  new  census  shall  be  taken. 
Make  them  so  impartial  that  no  future  legislature  will  dare  disturb  them 
until  a  new  census  and  a  new  congressional  apportionment  will  make  a 
change  imperative.  Extreme  partisanship  in  this  arrangement  should  be 
avoided.  There  is  a  sense  of  fair  play  among  the  people  which  is  prompt 
to  condemn  a  flagrant  misuse  of  party  advantage  at  the  expense  of  pop- 
ular suffrage.  Partisanship  is  not  to  be  discouraged,  but  encouraged  in 
all  things  where  principle  is  at  stake;  but  a  partisanship  which  would 
take  from  the  people  their  just  representation,  as  in  the  case  of  the  con- 
gressional redistricting  by  the  last  legislature,  is  an  abuse  of  power 
which  the  people  are  swift  to  rebuke." 

Governor  ilcKinley  gave  considerable  time  to  the  subject  of  taxa- 
tion during  his  term  of  office,  and  called  attention  to  the  danger  of 
recklessly  authorizing  local  indebtedness.  This  he  believed  to  be  such 
an  evil  that  he  declared,  "the  creation  of  local  indebtedness  of  counties 
and  municipalities,  should  not  be  authorized  by  the  general  assembly 
without  submission  to  the  people,  except  for  great  emergency." 

Governor  McKInley's  first  term  expired  In  1893,  and  he  was  re- 
nominated without  opposition.  His  democratic  competitor  was  the 
Hon.  L.  T.  Neal.     Governor  McKInley  was  elected  by  80,000  plurality. 

In  a  preceding  chapter  Governor  McKinley's   sympathy  with  the 

no  Life  of  William  McKinley 

laboring  man  has  been  pointed  out.  In  1886,  in  the  national  house  uf 
representatives,  he  advocated  the  biU  providing  for  arbitration  between 
railroad  corporations  and  their  employes,  and  during  his  first  term  as 
governor  of  Ohio,  a  law  creating  a  state  board  of  arbitration  was  passed. 
He  always  favored  legislation  for  the  protection  of  workingmen  in 
hazardous  occupations,  and  of  procuring  for  them  such  considerate  treat- 
ment as  of  right  belonged  to  them,  and  which  could  be  secured  by  the 
enactment  of  laws.  In  1892  he  recommended  legislation  for  the  safety 
and  comfort  of  the  employes  of  steam  railroads;  in  1893  he  repeated  the 
recommendation,  and  specifically  urged  the  furnishing  of  automatic 
couplers  and  air  brakes  for  all  railroad  cars  used  in  the  state.  In  the 
same  year  he  called  attention  to  the  wonderful  developemnt  of  street 
railways  and  the  application  of  electricity  thereto,  and  urged  that  legis- 
lative requirements  should  be  made,  looking  to  the  safety  of  employes 
and  the  traveling  public.  He  recommended,  also,  that  the  legislature 
should  require  that  all  street  cars  should  be  furnished  with  "vestibules," 
to  protect  the  motormen  and  conductors  from  the  severe  weather  to 
which  they  are  exposed.  The  legislature  acted  on  his  recommendation 
and  passed  such  a  law. 

But  these  were  not  all  his  services  to  the  cause  of  labor.  He  ahvays 
recommended  arbitration  of  labor  difiiculties  when  they  were  brought  to 
his  attention,  and  bent  every  effort  to  secure  such  an  outcome.  In  this 
way  the  strike  of  the  miners  in  the  Massillon  district  was  brought  to 
a  close,  after  every  other  effort  at  settlement  had  failed.  About  twenty- 
five  mines  were  involved,  and  2,000  mine  workers  had  been  idle  for 
eight  months.  The  loss  of  earnings  and  business  consequent  upon  the 
strike,  amounted  to  about  $1,000,000.  When  Governor  McKinley  was 
consulted  about  a  settlement,  he  got  the  parties  together,  and,  with  the 
aid  of  the  state  board  of  arbitration,  a  solution  of  the  trouble  was  speed- 
ily reached.  This  was  accomplished  without  cost  to  the  state,  and 
with  no  violence  or  malicious  destruction  of  property. 

The  year  1894  is  memorable  for  the  labor  troubles  which  occurred. 
It  was  in  that  year  that  the  railway  men  of  the  country,  under  the 
direction  of  Eugene  V.  Debs,  quit  work  and  tied  up  nearly  every 
transportation  line  in  the  country.  The  national  government  ordered 
out  troops  to  see  that  there  was  no  interference  with  the  carrying  of 
mails,  and  nearly  all  of  the  states,  from  coast  to  coast,  had  their  local  sol- 
diery under  arms.  In  Ohio,  the  miners'  strike,  in  June,  caused  trouble, 
and  a  disposition  was  manifested  to  destroy  property  and  interfere  with 
the  rights  of  people  not  parties  to  the  control.  Governor  McKinley  was 
prompt  to  act.  He  called  out  regiment  after  regiment  until  nearly  every 
national  guardsman  in  the  state — some  3,600 — was  on  duty. 

Our  Martyred  President  HI 

The  governor's  action  served  notice  upon  everybody  that  he  pro- 
posed to  uphold  the  dignity  and  the  good  name  of  the  state,  as  long  as 
there  was  a  soldier  left  to  obey  his  orders.  For  sixteen  days  he  re- 
mained incessantly  at  his  post,  giving  orders,  seeing  to  the  comfort  of 
the  men  and  repressing  any  attempt  to  use  the  military  rashly  or  unlaw- 
fully. The  troops  were  in  the  field  many  weeks,  but  the  people  had  no 
cause  to  complain  of  their  doing  more  than  their  bounden  duty.  The 
spirit  of  the  governor  inspired  the  troops,  and,  indeed,  the  whole  state. 
What  he  did  was  right  at  the  time,  and  in  the  right  way.  He  had 
been  through  four  years  of  active  service  during  the  war,  and  he  knew 
better  than  did  the  young  men  in  tlie  coal  valleys  of  the  state,  what  it 
meant  to  march  and  to  fight. 

During  that  summer  of  trial,  it  is  related  that  an  employer  of  a 
large  number  of  men  then  on  strike  asked  the  governor  what  he  would 
do  about  ordering  out  the  militia  in  a  certain  contingency,  which  it 
was  supposed  might  be  reached.     The  governor  answered : 

'Tt  is  needless  to  ask  what  a  public  officer  of  Ohio  wall  do.  He  does 
his  duty.  The  practical  question  is  wliat  can  we  do,  and  what  will 
your  employees  do;  what  can  we  all  do  properly  to  divert  the  necessity 
of  using  force?  That  is  the  question  for  immediate  solution,  at  which 
I  have  been  engaged  for  some  days."  He  had  already  secured  the 
attendance  of  the  state  board  of  arbitration,  and  that  day  a  meeting 
between  the  parties  interested  was  held  in  his  office,  and  before  mid- 
night the  tidings  were  sent  abroad  that  the  great  strike  on  the  Hocking 
Valley  railway  was  ended.  This  was  brought  about  without  expense  to 
the  state,  and  without  any  disturbance  of  the  public  peace. 

By  daylight  the  next  day,  July  i8,  the  thousands  of  freight  loaded 
cars  that  had  stood  on  switches  for  three  weeks,  the  numerous  coal 
mines  stopped  through  sympathy  for  the  strikers,  or  for  want  of  trans- 
portation facilities,  and  the  four  thousand  men  who  had  been  forced 
into  idleness,  began  to  stir.  In  less  than  twenty-four  hours  all  through 
the  Hocking  Valley,  every  industry  was  in  operation,  and  the  credit  for 
this  happy  outcome  was  due,  in  no  small  degree,  to  the  worthy  governor 
of  the  state. 

Another  incident,  showing  how  swift  and  effective  were  the  gov- 
ernor's methods,  occurred  in  1895.  "^vhen  the  Hocking  Valley  mines 
were  suffering  because  of  a  strike.  January  7  a  meeting  was  held  at 
Nelsonville  of  the  Trades  Labor  Union,  comprising  the  Hocking  A^alley 
mining  district,  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  an  organization  and  formu- 
lating a  plan  to  relieve  the  distress  and  destitution  existing  among  the 
miners  and  their  families.  After  a  full  discussion  of  the  situation,  a 
committee  was  appointed  to  wait  upon  Governor  IMcKinley  and  present 

112  Life  of  William  McKinley 

to  him,  on  behalf  of  the  miners,  the  memorial  adopted  at  the  meeting-. 
January  8,  the  committee  called  upon  the  governor,  and  made  a  state- 
ment relative  to  the  condition  of  the  miners,  and  the  need  of  prompt 
relief.     The  governor  listened  courteously,  and  suggested  that  the  men 
return  to  Nelsonville  and  request  the  mayor  to  call  a  meeting  of  the 
citizens  to  consider  the  question  of  relief.    When  apprised  of  the  result 
of  such  a  meeting,  he  promised  to  take  immediate  action  looking  toward 
the  carrying  out  of  their  wishes.     The  meeting  of  citizens  was  called, 
as  the  governor  had  suggested,  and  the  matter  discussed.     The  sense 
of  the  gathering  was  that  relief  must  be  immediate  and  must  come  from 
the  state.     Consequently,  a  telegram  was  sent  to  the  governor,  which 
he  received  at  ii  45  p.  m.,  January  9,  saying,  'Tmmediate  relief  needed." 
This  was  enough  for  the  governor.     He  at  once  sent  messengers  to  the 
proprietor  of  wholesale  groceries,  a  dealer  in  vegetables,  flour,  etc.,  a 
transfer  company,  and  the  qfiicials  of  the  Hocking  Valley  railroad  com- 
pany, to  meet  him  immediately  at  his  rooms.     The  subject  of  the  meet- 
ing was  the  purchase  of  a  carload  of  provisions  and  its  shipment  early  in 
the  morning.    The  supplies  were  purchased  and  loaded  in  the  cars  before 
5  o'clock  the  next  morning.     As  a  result  of  the  diligence,  within  nine 
hours  after  the  receipt  of  the  message,  the  carload  of  provisions  was  in 
Nelsonville  ready  to  be  distributed  to  the  hungry. 

Governor  McKinley  not  only  purchased  the  supplies,  but  also  as- 
sumed payment  for  them.  He  did  not  intend  to  ask  the  state  to  pay 
for  this  carload  of  provisions,  the  cost  of  which  was  nearly  $1,000,  but 
some  of  his  friends  learned  that  he  had  assumed  the  obligation,  and  they 
at  once  took  the  matter  in  hand,  and  secured  from  state  officers  and 
heads  of  departments  the  larger  proportion  of  the  amount,  which  they 
turned  over  to  him ;  and  this  sum,  added  to  his  own  subscription,  liqui- 
dated the  obligation  assumed  by  him. 

This,  of  course,  did  not  suffice  to  permanently  relieve  the  distress 
existing,  and  at  various  times  thereafter,  during  January  and  February, 
the  governor  was  called  upon  for  assistance.  He  met  each  appeal 
promptly,  and  at  various  times  appointed  committees  to  visit  the  dis- 
tressed sections,  and  report  as  to  the  real  situation.  February  19,  he 
addressed  a  communication  to  the  boards  of  trade  and  chamber  of 
commerce  in  Cincinnati,  Columbus,  Cleveland  and  Toledo,  requesting 
the  appointment  of  committees  to  visit  the  mining  districts  and  inves- 
tigate and  report  on  the  conditions  there  existing. 

The  relief  v,'ork  was  prosecuted  systematically,  and  even  when  the 
governor  w^as  out  of  the  city,  his  orders  were  to  see  that  every  appeal 
for  help  w^as  fully  met.  These  Instructions  were  followed,  and  tlie 
chairman  of  the  general  relief  committee  reported  at  the  close  of  the 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury 

Our  Martyred  President  113 

work  that  the  promptness  with  which  Governor  McKinley  acted,  and 
the  hberal  contributions  made,  prevented  hunger  and  suffering  on  the 
part  of  the  miners. 

The  final  report  of  the  chairman  of  the  general  relief  committee, 
made  February  17,  showed  2,723  miners  out  of  employment,  repre- 
senting a  population  of  10,000.  It  was  further  declared  that  the  families 
of  these  miners  had  been  made  comfortable,  during  a  period  of  several 
weeks,  by  the  efforts  of  the  relief  committee,  the  cost  being  $32,796.95. 

One  other  feature  of  the  reign  of  Governor  McKinley  needs  to  be 
mentioned,  because  it  shows  how  strongly  he  felt  that  the  supremacy  of 
the  law  should  be  maintained  at  all  times.  At  Buffalo,  when  he  saw 
that  attack  made  upon  the  assassin,  he  said :  "See  that  no  harm  comes 
to  him."  He  anticipated  that  an  outraged  populace  might  take  sum- 
mary vengeance  upon  the  miscreant,  and  such  action  did  not  meet  his 
views.  In  October,  1894,  at  the  request  of  the  authorities  of  Fayette 
county,  he  ordered  the  militia  to  Washington  Court  House.  A  heinous 
crime  had  been  committed  there,  the  criminal  had  been  apprehended 
and,  with  proper  regard  for  his  rights,  had  been  given  a  fair  trial.  The 
verdict  was  guilty  and  the  culprit  was  sentenced  to  the  limit  of  punish- 
ment fixed  by  law.  This  did  not  satisfy  some  of  the  boisterous  spirits 
in  the  community,  and  an  attempt  was  made  to  lynch  the  prisoner.  The 
mob  was  held  back  for  some  time  by  the  militia,  under  command  of 
Colonel  Coit.  The  soldiers  were  stationed  in  the  courthouse.  When 
the  excitement  was  at  its  height,  an  attack  was  made  upon  the  court- 
house, and  the  guardsmen  fired  upon  the  mob,  killing  three  people.  A 
great  uproar  resulted,  many  declaring  the  soldiers  should  not  have  fired. 
A  military  court  was  instituted  to  inquire  into  the  conduct  of  Colonel 
Coit,  and  he  was  absolved  from  all  blame.  Governor  McKinley,  true  to 
his  convictions,  sustained  the  brave  officer.     He  said : 

"The  law  was  upheld,  as  it  should  have  been,  and,  as  I  believe  it 
always  will  be  in  Ohio — but  in  this  case  at  fearful  cost.  Much  as  the 
destruction  of  life  which  took  place  is  deplored  by  all  good  citizens, 
and  much  as  we  sympathize  with  those  who  suffered  in  this  most 
unfortunate  affair,  surely  no  friend  of  law  and  order  can  justly  con- 
demn the  national  guard,  under  command  of  Colonel  Coit.  for  having 
performed  its  duty  fearlessly  and  faithfully,  and  in  the  face  of  great 
danger,  for  the  peace  and  dignity  of  the  state. 

"Lynching  cannot  be  tolerated  in  Ohio.  The  law  of  the  state  must 
be  supreme  over  all,  and  the  agents  of  the  law,  acting  within  the  law, 
must  be  sustained. 

"The  proceedings  and  findings  of  the  court  of  inquiry  have  been 

carefully  considered  by  me.    I  hereby  announce  my  approval  of  the  con- 


114  Life  of  William  McKinley 

elusions  of  said  court,  which  find  that  Colonel  Coit  and  his  officers  and 
enlisted  men  of  Fourteenth  Infantry,  O.  N.  G.,  acted  with  prudence 
and  judgment,  and  within  the  law,  supporting  the  civil  authority  of 
Fayette  county,  and  in  the  aid  of  it,  and  acting  in  pursuance  of  lawful 
orders,  and  that  they  performed  their  duty  with  singular  fidelity,  and 
that  through  them  the  majesty  of  the  law,  and  government  by  law,  was 
vindicated  and  sustained." 

One  year  later  another  attempt  at  lynching  was  made  at  Tiffin, 
Seneca  county.  The  sheriff  and  his  deputies  resisted  the  mob  and  called 
upon  the  governor  for  aid.  With  amazing  celerity  he  started  four  com- 
panies from  as  many  different  cities,  to  the  scene  of  the  trouble,  and 
their  prompt  arrival  prevented  the  threatened  disgrace. 


Financial  Troubles.     Loyalty  to  Friends. 

An  unfortunate  event,  and  one  which  brought  to  its  central  figure 
much  grief  and  humihation,  but  nothing  savoring  of  dishonor,  occurred 
while  Major  McKinley  was  governor  of  Ohio.  It  involved  him  in 
financial  ruin,  the  result  of  his  too  great  confidence  in  a  life-long  friend. 
But  though  one  friend  seemingly  betrayed  him,  the  episode  raised  up  a 
host  of  friends  for  the  gentle  and  earnest  man  who  so  bravely  met  the 
crisis,  and  in  a  short  time  all  the  difficulties  were  adjusted.  The  gov- 
ernor found  himself  untrammeled  by  debt,  as  a  result  of  the  persistent 
and  unsolicited  action  of  his  friends,  and  his  future  in  no  way  jeopard- 
ized by  the  trying  experience  through  which  he  had  passed. 

An  impartial  historian  cannot  pass  over  this  episode.  It  has  been  the 
subject  of  too  many  mis-statements,  and  justice  demands  that  a  clear 
presentation  of  the  facts  shall  be  made. 

In  the  beginning  it  may  be  said  that  one  of  Governor  McKinley's 
warmest  friends  in  Ohio  was  Robert  L.  Walker,  of  Youngstown.  They 
had  known  each  other  from  boyhood,  and,  measured  by  the  ordinary 
standards,  both  had  achieved  success  in  life.  Governor  McKinley  had 
climbed  high  in  the  estimation  of  the  people ;  had  irremovably  fixed  his 
name  in  the  legislative  annals  of  his  country,  and  occupied  the  highest 
office  in  the  gift  of  the  people  of  his  state. 

Mr.  Walker  was  a  capitalist,  banker,  and  the  head  of  numerous 
manufacturing  enterprises.  Among  these  were  the  Farmers'  National 
Bank  of  Youngstown,  and  the  Girard  Savings  Bank,  of  both  of  which 
he  was  the  president.  The  Youngstown  Stamping  Company,  a  stove 
works,  and  several  coal  mines  were  also  among  his  possessions.  Con- 
sequently, Mr.  Walker  was  a  leading  man  in  the  community,  and  one 
who  was  most  highly  respected.  His  wealth  was  estimated  at 

When  Major  McKinley  returned  to  Canton  after  the  war,  and  deter- 
mined to  study  law,  he  soon  found  himself  in  need  of  money.  It  was 
not  a  difficult  task  for  him  to  obtain  it,  for  he  had  a  reputation  for  integ- 
rity, and  he  had  the  assurance  that  any  financial  obligation  he  contracted 
would  be  discharged  to  the  utmost  farthing.  It  was  not  strange,  there- 
fore, in  view  of  the  long  acquaintance  between  Major  McKinley  and 


ii6  Life  of  William  McKinley 

Mr,  Walker,  and  the  differences  in  their  circumstances,  that  he  should 
turn  to  Mr.  Walker  for  assistance.  It  was  immediately  forthcoming, 
and  was  repaid  in  good  time.  Subsequently,  when  fully  launched  on 
his  political  career.  Major  McKinley  had  need  for  money.  The  cam- 
paign expenses  during  his  first  race  for  congress  were  heavy,  and  there 
was  a  mortgage  on  some  of  his  wife's  property  which  had  to  be  paid. 
In  these  straits  Major  McKinley  secured  a  loan  of  $2,000  from  Mr. 
Walker.  This  loan  was  paid  within  two  years,  out  of  his  salary  as 
congressman,  and  from  time  to  time  other  loans  were  made  to  him. 
Major  McKinley's  income  was  practically  $5,000  a  year — his  salary 
as  a  congressman.  He  may  have  had  an  occasional  fee  as  a  lawyer,  but 
it  was  nothing  he  could  count  on.  His  expenses,  largely  on  account  of 
the  illness  of  Mrs.  McKinley,  were  heavy,  and  swallowed  up  his  salary. 
To  meet  his  campaign  assessments  during  the  early  part  of  his  career, 
he  had  to  borrow  money,  and  Mr.  Walker  was  usually  the  man  to  fur- 
nish it.  After  Major  McKinley  had  attained  fame  in  congress,  no  more 
campaign  assessments  were  levied  upon  him,  and,-  being,  an  abstemious 
and  studious  man,  not  at  all  given  to  social  display,  he  managed  to 
accumulate  about  $20,000,  which  was  invested  in  real  estate  and  securi- 
ties.    His  chief  real  estate  possession  was  his  modest  home  in  Canton. 

In  the  early  part  of  1893,  Mr.  Walker  informed  Governor  McKinley 
that  he  was  greatly  in  need  of  money,  and  asked  that  he  endorse  certain 
notes.  These  notes  Mr.  Walker  proposed  to  have  discounted.  The 
governor  did  not  think  it  necessary  to  inquire  into  or  investigate  the 
affairs  of  Mr.  Walker.  It  was  enough  that  his  friend — the  man  who 
had  stood  by  him  in  time  of  need — wanted  assistance,  and  he  rendered  it. 

The  governor  endorsed,  as  he  supposed,  about  $15,000  worth  of 
Mr.  Walker's  paper,  and  dismissed  the  matter  from  his  mind.  The 
notes  were  made  payable  in  thirty,  sixty,  and  ninety  days,  and  the  gov- 
ernor's endorsement  made  them  easily  negotiable. 

February  17,  1893,  Mr.  Walker's  affairs  went  to  ruin.  An  assign- 
ment was  made  by  Mr.  Walker,  and  Youngstown  was  astonished  beyond 
measure  at  the  news.  The  failure  of  the  Youngstown  Stamping  Com- 
pany to  meet  a  judgment  for  $12,000  caused  the  assignment,  and  the 
next  day  the  other  Walker  enterprises  were  engulfed  in  ruin.  Efforts 
were  begun  at  once,  by  commercial  agencies  and  newspapers,  to  learn 
the  extent  of  the  failure.  Banks  began  to  dig  up  their  Walker  paper, 
and  soon  the  governor  began  to  receive  dispatches  from  various  parts 
of  the  state  concerning  notes  which  he  had  endorsed.  He  had  an 
engagement  to  attend  a  banquet  of  the  Ohio  Society  in  New  York  at 
this  time,  but  he  canceled  it  and  went  at  once  to  Youngstown.  There 
he  ascertained  that  instead  of  having  endorsed  $15,000  worth  of  paper 

Our  Martyred  President  117 

for  his  friend,  he  was  liable  for  nearly  $100,000.  He  had  been  led  Lo 
believe,  also,  that  the  notes  had  been  discounted  in  but  three  banks,  but 
now  it  appeared  many  banks  had  them,  and  the  governor  was  dumb- 
founded. He  held  a  conference  with  his  friends,  and  told  them  that 
fully  one-half  the  notes  he  had  endorsed  were  made  out  to  take  up  old 
notes  that  he  had  endorsed,  and  which  had  not  been  paid.  Investiga- 
tion showed  that  the  old  notes  were  still  outstanding,  and  that  the  new- 
notes  added  to  the  liabilities,  until  the  original  debt  had  been  quintupled. 
Mr.  Walker's  liabilities  were  about  $200,000,  and  his  assets  not  one-half 
that  sum.  The  governor  was  not  interested,  financially,  in  any  of  Mr. 
Walker's  enterprises. 

The  conference  with  his  Youngstown  friends  was  an  earnest  one, 
and  various  ways  of  meeting  the  situation  were  suggested.  At  the  con- 
clusion of  the  meeting,  the  governor  said :  'T  can  hardly  believe  this, 
but  it  appears  to  be  true.  I  don't  know  what  my  liabilities  are,  but 
whatever  I  owe  shall  be  paid,  dollar  for  dollar."  He  at  once  proceeded 
to  put  this  resolution  into  effect.  Mrs.  McKinley  owned  property 
valued  at  $75,000,  which  had  been  left  by  her  father.  On  the  22d  of 
February,  five  days  after  the  assignment  of  Mr.  Walker,  the  governor 
and  his  wife  made  an  unqualified  assignment  of  all  their  property  to 
trustees,  to  be  used,  without  preference,  for  the  equal  benefit  of  their 
creditors.  The  trustees  were :  H.  H.  Kohlsaat,  of  Chicago ;  Myron 
T.  Herrick,  of  Cleveland,  and  Judge  Wm.  R.  Day,  of  Canton. 

Mrs.  McKinley  was  urged  by  friends  to  retain  an  interest  in  her 
property,  but  she  declined  to  do  so.  Instead  she  turned  it  all  over  to 
Mark  A.  Hanna,  of  Cleveland,  to  go  toward  liquidating  the  claims 
against  her  husband.  Governor  McKinley,  when  asked  at  this  time  for 
an  explanation  of  the  situation,  said: 

"I  did  what  I  could  to  help  a  friend  who  had  befriended  me.  The 
result  is  known.  I  had  no  interest  in  any  of  the  enterprises  Mr.  Walker 
was  carrying.  The  amount  of  my  endorsements  is  in  excess  of  any- 
thing I  dreamed.  There  is  but  one  thing  for  me  to  do — one  thing  I 
would  do — meet  this  unlocked  for  burden  as  best  I  can.  I  have  this 
day  placed  all  my  property  in  the  hands  of  trustees,  to  be  used  to  pay 
my  debts.  It  will  be  insufficient,  but  I  will  execute  notes  and  pay  them 
as  fast  as  I  can.  I  shall  retire  from  politics,  take  up  the  practice  of  law, 
and  begin  all  over  again." 

His  friends,  however,  had  no  intention  of  allowing  him  to  do  any- 
thing of  the  kind.  Already  the  Chicago  Inter-Ocean  had  started  a  fund 
to  relieve  the  governor  of  his  liabilities,  and  money  was  rapidly  pouring 
m  from  those  who  sympathized  with  him.  Governor  McKinley.  how- 
ever, refused  to  accept  this  expression  of  good  feeling.     He  forbade 

ii8  Life  of  William  McKinley 

the  paper  to  continue  to  receive  money,  and  returned  that  taken  in  to 
the  subscribers. 

Then  some  of  his  friends  determined  to  raise  a  fund  by  private  sub- 
scription, and  pay  the  governor's  debts.  The  men  who  undertook  to 
do  this  were:  M.  A.  Hanna,  and  Myron  T.  Herrick,  of  Cleveland; 
P.  D.  Armour,  Marshall  Field,  and  H.  H.  Kohlsaat,  of  Chicago;  and 
Bellamy  Stover  and  Thomas  McDougall,  of  Cincinnati.  The  fund  was 
managed  by  Mr.  Kohlsaat,  who  afterwards  said  of  the  matter : 

"One  of  the  chief  reasons  why  the  subscription  plan  was  adopted 
was  because  a  number  of  subscriptions  were  received  anonymously  and 
could  not  be  returned.  There  were  over  4.000  subscriptions  sent  in, 
and  when  the  last  piece  of  paper  was  taken  up,  bearing  Major  McKin- 
ley's  name,  no  more  subscriptions  were  received,  and  some  were  returned. 
No  list  of  the  subscribers  was  kept,  and  Governor  McKinley  does  not 
know  to  this  day,  Xvith  the  possible  exception  of  four  or  five  names,  who 
contributed  the  money. 

"When  Governor  McKinley  saw  the  publication  of  the  subscription 
scheme  he  wrote  to  me  absolutely  declining  to  receive  a  dollar.  Mr. 
Hanna  and  his  other  friends  told  him  to  leave  the  matter  alone,  for  if 
his  friends  wished  to  assist  him  they  should  have  the  privilege." 

Myron  T.  Herrick  was  treasurer  of  the  fund,  and  took  up  the 
paper  as  fast  as  it  was  presented.  When  the  indebtedness  had  all  been 
repaid,  the  trustees  deeded  back  to  Governor  and  Mrs.  McKinley  the 
property  they  had  been  so  willing  to  sacrifice  to  preserve  the  governor's 
credit.  The  incident  cannot  be  considered  as  a  reflection  on  the  busi- 
ness ability  of  Governor  McKinley.  He  did  what  almost  any  man 
would  have  done  under  like  circumstances,  and  when  he  found  his  con- 
fidence had  been  betrayed,  he  prepared  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  prevent 
any  one  from  suffering  through  an  act  of  his. 


No  episode  in  all  Major  McKinley's  career  shines  out  more  clearly 
than  his  high  sense  of  honor  as  evinced  in  his  devotion  to  the  interests 
of  his  political  friends  in  national  conventions.  At  no  time  did  he 
allow  ambition  to  mislead  him,  though  there  were  times  when  he  must 
have  been  sorely  tempted.  That  he  was  in  line  for  the  nomination  for 
the  presidency  he  must  have  known,  and  felt,  but  there  is  nowhere  evi- 
dence of  his  self-seeking.  He  went  to  conventions  instructed  to  do 
certain  things,  or  pledged  to  certain  interests,  and  all  the  glory  and 
honor  the  v^^orld  had  to  offer  could  not  have  induced  him  to  betray  the 
trust  reposed  in  him. 

The  Ohio  republican  state  convention  of  1884  was  held  at  Cleve- 

Our  Martyred  President  119 

land,  in  April.  Major  McKinley  went  to  Cleveland  fresh  from  a  tariff 
debate  in  congress,  and  was  made  permanent  chairman  of  the  conven- 
tion. The  Blaine  following  manifestly  was  in  the  majority  at  the  con- 
vention, bnt  the  Sherman  men  had  the  best  organization,  and  most  of 
the  "old-time"  politicians  of  the  state  were  pronouncedly  in  favor  of  the 
Ohio  senator.  The  great  struggle  at  the  convention  was  on  the  election 
of  four  delegates-at-large.  Although  it  was  well  understood  that  For- 
aker's  first  choice  was  Sherman,  the  Blaine  men  generously  acquiesced 
in  his  election  by  acclamation  as  a  delegate-at-large.  A  number  of 
names  were  then  presented  for  the  remaining  three  places,  and  a  sensa- 
tion was  created  when  one  delegate  mounted  a  chair  and  nominated 
Major  McKinley. 

Major  McKinley  from  his  place  as  presiding  officer  thanked  the  con- 
vention, but  said  that  he  could  not  allow  his  name  to  go  before  it  at  this 
time,*  as  he  had  promised  that  he  would  not  allow  his  name  to  be  used 
while  the  names  of  certain  candidates  were  before  the  convention.  The 
uproar  became  tumultuous.  A  majority  of  the  delegates  w-ere  plainly 
in  favor  of  the  election  of  Major  McKinley  by  acclamation,  although 
there  w^as  some  objection.  One  of  the  delegates,  assuming  the  preroga- 
tives of  the  chair,  put  the  motion,  and  declared  it  carried.  Major  Mc- 
Kinley ruled  that  the  motion  had  not  prevailed.  General  Grosvenor 
mounted  the  platform  and  the  second  time  put  the  motion  and  declared 
it  carried. 

Again  Major  McKinley  ruled  that  the  motion  had  not  prevailed  and 
insisted  on  the  vote  being  taken  on  the  names  already  submitted,  exclud- 
ing his  own.  Once  more  General  Grosvenor  arose — this  time  to  a  point 
of  order.  He  insisted  that  Major  McKinley  had  been  elected  by  accla- 
mation, and  that  the  convention  had  now  to  elect  two  more  delegates- 
at-large.  The  chair  overruled  the  point  of  order,  and  a-mid  tumultuous 
confusion  ordered  the  balloting  to  go  on.  A  delegate  arose  and  asked 
the  convention  to  consider  Major  McKinley  as  having  been  put  in  nomi- 
nation, despite  his  declination.  At  this  there  w^ere  thunders  of  cheers. 
From  early  in  the  balloting  it  was  evident  that  Major  McKinley  was 
bound  to  be  elected.  Counties  that  had  favored  other  candidates  aban- 
doned them  and  voted  solidly  for  the  Major.  After  between  300  and, 
400  votes  had  been  cast  for  Major  McKinley  and  it  was  recognized 
by  everybody  that  he  had  already  been  elected,  a  motion  was  made  that 
he  be  elected  by  acclamation.  Further  contest  was  stopped,  and  Major 
McKinley  was  elected  a  delegate-at-large  by  acclamation. 

In  the  national  convention  at  Chicago  Major  McKinley  bore  himself 
modestly,  but  his  great  quality  of  leadership  came  to  the  front  by  force 
of  circumstances.     He  only  spoke  two  or  three  times  from  the  floor  of 

I20  Life  of  William  McKinley 

the  convention,  but  every  time  he  arose  he  attracted  attention,  and  the 
influence  he  exerted  was  remarkable.  At  the  critical  time  during  the 
convention  his  was  the  voice  that  rallied  the  Blaine  forces.  Three  bal- 
lots had  been  taken.  Blaine  gained  on  each  ballot.  The  final  and 
desperate  effort  was  made  by  the  other  candidate  under  the  lead  of  the 
dashing  Foraker,  in  Sherman's  behalf,  for  an  adjournment.  There  was 
pandemonium,  and  there  threatened  to  be  a  panic. 

In  the  midst  of  the  storm  Major  McKinley  arose.  He  waved  his 
hand  and  the  tumult  ceased.  Calm  and  like  granite  he  stood  the  master 
spirit  of  the  convention.  His  short  speech  was  carried  in  clarion  tones 
all  over  the  immense  hall.  As  a  friend  of  Blaine,  he  said,  he  recognized 
and  respected  the  rights  of  the  friends  of  other  candidates  to  secure  an 
adjournment,  and  concluded : 

The  excitement  in  the  convention  hall  had  become  intense.  Theo- 
dore Roosevelt,  the  youthful  Nev/  Yorker,  who  came  finally,  in  oppo- 
sition to  his  wishes,  to  be  associated  with  Major  McKinley  on  a 
presidential  ticket;  George  W.  Curtis,  the  editor  of  Harper's  Weekly, 
and  others,  were  on  chairs  yelling  to  be  heard.  General  Henderson,  of 
Missouri,  the  chairman,  was  trying  to  quell  the  tumult,  and  the  massive 
and  phlegmatic  Dutcher,  of  New  York,  one  of  President  Arthur's  adher- 
ents, was  trying  with  might  and  main  to  secure  recognition  from  the 

In  the  midst  of  the  confusion  Major  McKinley  arose.  Though 
not  a  tall  man,  he  seemed  to  tower  above  those  around  him.  His  face 
was  pale,  like  a  piece  of  marble  statuary,  except  that  his  eyes  fairly 
blazed.  In  clarion  tones  his  voice  rang  out,  and  the  tumult  ceased. 
It  was  evident  that  he  was  the  dominating  spirit  of  that  convention. 
For  a  moment  he  stood  like  a  splendid  granite  column,  and  then,  silence 
having  been  secured,  said  that,  as  a  friend  of  Blaine,  he  respected  the 
rights  of  the  other  candidates  to  secure  an  adjournment.  He  did  not 
say  he  favored  an  adjournment,  but  added : 

"Let  the  motion  be  put  and  let  everybody  favorable  to  the  nomina- 
tion of  Blaine  vote  against  it." 

That  settled  it.  Under  Major  McKinley's  leadership,  assumed 
spontaneously  and  boldly,  the  Blaine  men  accepted  the  challenge,  the 
motion  for  an  adjournment  was  voted  dow^n,  and  the  victory  was  won. 
It  was  not  defeat  that  Major  McKinley  turned  aside — the  situation  was 
not  so  serious  as  that — but  in  a  crisis,  when  the  Blaine  men  were  getting 
demoralized  and  the  convention  was  turning  itself  into  a  mob,  the  Major, 
leaping  to  the  front,  by  one  command  marshaled  the  Blaine  men  into 
line  and  pressed  them  forward  to  their  already  sighted  victory.  Major 
McKinley  was  chairman  of  the  committee  on  resolutions  at  that  conven- 

Our  Martyred  President  121 

tion,  and  when  he  appeared  to  read  the  platform  he  received  an  ovation 
that  was  one  of  the  features  of  that  great  event. 

Major  McKinley's  next  appearance  at  a  repubhcan  national  conven- 
tion was  in  1888,  and  this  time  he  came  at  the  head  of  the  Ohio  dele- 
gation, and  in  John  Sherman's  behalf.  At  this  convention  no  candidate 
had  been  able  to  secure  a  majority.  Sherman,  Alger,  Allison,  Harrison, 
Gresham,  and  Depew,  all  had  a  strong  following,  but  none  was  near  a 
nomination.  Major  McKinley,  at  the  head  of  the  Ohio  delegation, 
instructed  to  vote  solidly  for  Sherman,  was  one  of  the  heroes  of  the 
convention.  His  entrance  at  each  session  was  greeted  with  the  wild- 
est enthusiasm.  Day  and  night  he  was  at  work  among  the  various 
state  delegations,  laboring  to  secure  votes  for  Ohio's  great  financier. 
On  the  sixth  ballot  a  delegate  voted  for  William  McKinley,  and  was 
greeted  by  cheers  which  swelled  again  and  again  before  silence  could 
be  restored.  The  next  state  that  was  called  cast  seventeen  votes  for 
Major  McKinley,  and  ag^ain  the  cheers  broke  forth.  The  drift  was 
unmistakably  setting  toward  McKinley  like  an  ocean  tide. 

Everyone  expected  to  see  the  Garfield  nomination  of  1880  repeated. 
But  they  were  disappointed.  The  roll  call  was  interrupted  by  the  Major, 
who,  leaping  upon  a  chair  at  the  end  of  the  middle  aisle,  pale,  but  calm 
and  determined,  uttered  a  speech  which,  unpremeditated  as  it  was,  has 
seldom  been  surpassed  for  eloquence,  candor  and  unselfish  loyalty.  In 
it  he  declared  his  inability  to  be  a  candidate  with  honor  to  himself,  and 
proclaimed  his  unswerving  loyalty  to  the  Ohio  chieftain.  The  tide  was 
turned.  On  the  seventh  ballot  Benjamin  Harrison  was  named,  but 
McKinley  w-ent  home  to  Ohio  stronger  than  ever  in  the  hearts  of  his 
fellow  men. 

Some  time  before  the  republican  national  convention  of  1892,  held 
in  Minneapolis,  Minn.,  June  7,  Governor  McKinley  had  privately  and 
publicly  expressed  himself  as  in  favor  of  the  renomination  of  President 
Harrison.  Having  committed  himself,  the  governor  stood  by  his  decla- 
ration. He  was  elected  a  delegate-at-large  as  a  Harrison  man,  and  the 
understanding  was  that  Ohio  would  vote  solidly  for  the  President's 

The  convention  elected  Governor  McKinley  its  permanent  chairman. 
R.  M.  Nevin,  of  Dayton,  was  his  alternate.  Before  he  took  the  chair 
as  presiding  officer  the  governor  specifically  charged  Mr.  Nevin  to  vote 
for  Harrison.  Only  one  vote  was  taken  on  the  nomination  for  presi- 
dent. When  Ohio  was  called  ex-Governor  Foraker  said  Ohio  asked 
time  for  a  consultation,  and  after  a  pause  the  vote  of  the  state  was 
announced  as:  Harrison,  2  votes;  William  McKinley,  44.  Chairman 
McKinley  immediately  sprang  from  his  seat  and  shouted: 

"I  challenge  the  vote  of  Ohio!" 

122  Life  of  William  McKinley 

A  brief  and  animated  debate  then  ensiiecl  between  ex-Governor 
Foraker  and  Governor  McKinley,  in  which  Foraker  told  the  chairman 
that  he  had  ceased  to  be  a  member  of  the  Ohio  delegation  on  assuming 
the  post  of  presiding  officer,  and  could  not  be  recognized.  Finally  a 
roll  call  of  the  Ohio  delegation  was  ordered,  and  this  resulted,  McKin- 
ley, 45;  Harrison,  i.  The  only  vote  for  Harrison  cast  by  the  Ohio 
delegation  was  that  cast  by  Governor  McKinley's  alternate.  President 
Harrison  was  renominated  on  the  first  and  only  ballot,  but  the  governor 
had  182  votes  cast  for  him  despite  the  fact  that  he  was  not  a  candidate. 
At  the  conclusion  of  the  balloting  Governor  McKinley  took  the  floor 
and  moved  that  the  president's  nomination  be  made  unanimous,  and 
the  motion  carried.  The  governor  was  chosen  chairman  of  the  com- 
mission that  officially  notified  the  president  of  his  nomination. 

The  result  of  the  campaign  of  1892  was  a  surprise  to  both  the  leading 
political  parties.  Grover  Cleveland,  the  democratic  candidate  for 
president,  was  elected,  and  both  the  house  and  senate  had  large  demo- 
cratic majorities.  The  political  revolution  was  remarkable,  and  was 
largely  due  to  the  populist  movement,  and  to  fusion  between  the  popu- 
lists and  democrats  in  the  south  and  west.  The  clamor  for  the  free 
coinage  of  silver,  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i,  and  the  industrial  depression 
which  set  in  in  1893,  brought  Governor  McKinley  into  the  public  eye 
as  the  man  calculated  to  restore  prosperity  to  the  country.  Meanwhile 
he  adhered  strictly  to  his  duties  as  governor  of  Ohio. 


Great  Campaign  of  1894. 

The  years  1893  and  1894  were  years  of  sore  trial  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States.  The  incoming  of  a  democratic  administration  and 
the  fear  that  the  tariff  would  be  again  overhauled  had  frightened  timid 
people.  Other  influences  combined  to  augment  the  general  distrust,  and 
soon  a  panic  ensued,  which  was  widespread,  and  devastating  in  its 

Corporations  were  pushed  to  the  wall,  banks  closed  their  doors, 
solvent  firms  sought  refuge  in  the  hands  of  receivers,  great  financial 
institutions  resorted  to  extraordinary  combinations  i-n  the  hope  of  stem- 
ming the  almost  resistless  tide,  the  people  took  alarm  and  drained  the 
savings  banks  of  their  deposits,  orders  for  merchandise  and  commodities 
stopped,  and  whole  communities  of  wage-earners  were  discharged  from 
mines,   mills,   factories  and  workshops. 

In  the  face  of  financial  gloom  and  despair,  the  financiers,  the  busi- 
ness men,  the  captains  of  industry,  exhibited  courage,  determination 
and  the  highest  order  of  patriotism.  They  risked  their  fortunes  in  the 
effort  to  stem  the  current  rapidly  running  against  them.  They  stood 
in  the  ranks  with  angry  and  panic-stricken  men  and  women  and  pointed 
out  the  folly  of  withdrawing  money  from  sound  and  well-managed 
banks.  They  kept  open  their  mills  and  factories  until  forced  to  close 
for  want  of  orders.  They,  by  their  enterprise,  forced  a  return  of  some 
gold  to  our  shores.  The  tide  of  calamity  following  the  advent  of  the 
democratic  party  to  power  at  one  time  bade  fair  to  engulf  the  business 
interests  of  the  nation. 

Labor,  likewise,  acted  heroically.  Reduction  of  wages  was  accepted. 
Factories  went  on  half  time  without  a  protest  from  the  employees,  and 
thousands  daily  joined  the  mournful  army  of  the  unemployed  with  the 
cherished  hope  that  a  few  weeks  would  bring  about  better  times.  Here 
and  there  the  cry  went  up  for  bread  or  v;ork,  and  at  such  gatherings 
the  socialistic  spirit  naturally  came  to  the  front.  The  hundreds  of 
thousands,  however,  suddenly  emerging  from  a  long-  period  of  pros- 
perity, did  not  feel  at  once  the  pinch  of  poverty.  They  were  ])eaceable 
and  hopeful,  and,  like  the  business  men  of  the  country,  turned  to  the 

124  Life  of  William  McKinley 

party  In  power  for  some  remedy — to  the  party  which  promised  so  much 
to  the  wage-earner. 

And  what  was  the  remedy  offered?  In  the  late  summer  of  1894  a 
tariff  bill  was  passed  which  deepened  the  shade  in  the  picture  above 
given.  It  brought  about  greater  suspense  in  our  industries.  It  filled 
with  uncertainty  every  branch  of  industry  and  trade.  In  fact,  millions 
of  anxious,  careworn  American  citizens  who  had  looked  for  statesman- 
like action  found  only  indifference  and  incapacity  both  in  the  law  and 
the  methods  employed  to  secure  its  passage.  Nothing  was  being  done 
to  turn  the  tide  and  relieve  the  people.  With  no  steady,  courageous 
hand  and  comprehensive  brain  at  the  helm,  national  legislation  had 
drifted  into  an  uncertainty  that  bewildered  even  the  friends  of  the  admin- 
istration. At  this  crisis  the  calm  wisdom,  vast  experience,  infinite 
industrial  knowledge  and  courageous  determination  of  William  Mc- 
Kinley was  called  for  by  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  the  most 
unmistakable  manner.  It  does  not  detract  from  the  achievements  or 
reputation  of  any  other  contemporary  republican  leaders  to  say  that 
there  never  was  in  time  of  peace  such  a  universal  demand  for  a  states- 
man, and  it  is  doubtful  if  there  ever  was  another  such  campaign  as  that 
which  McKinley  opened  in  September,  1894. 

In  this  man,  merely  the  governor  of  one  of  our  forty-four  states,  the 
people  recognized  a  statesman  of  courage  and  action.  He  was  in  touch 
with  the  labor  and  with  the  industrial  and  the  financial  interests  of  the 
country.  In  such  an  emergency  they  could  rely  upon  his  advice  being 
sound  and  for  the  good  of  the  country.  It  is  said  by  those  who  know, 
that  there  was  not  a  state  in  the  north  at  this  crisis  in  the  nation's  history 
that  did  not  clamor  for  McKinley.  The  Ohio  republican  state  com- 
mittee was  almost  in  despair  at  the  demands  that  came  for  McKinley's 
time.  Every  county  in  Ohio  wanted  him  to  speak  in  it.  and  it  was  a 
physical  impossibility  for  the  committee  to  meet  the  demands  and 
requests  which  poured  in  upon  it.  He  was  not  only  wanted  because 
of  his  pleasing  personality  and  earnest  devotion  to  the  republican  party, 
but  because  he  of  all  others  was  best  able  to  crystallize  the  sentiment  of 
protection  and  win  the  country  back  again  to  the  American  system,  undei' 
which  the  nation  was  prosperous  and  the  people  contented  and  happy. 

In  commenting  on  this  campaign,  Mr.  Samuel  G.  McClure,  wdio  was 
with  McKinley  part  of  the  time,  says :  "It  is  a  simple  statement  of  facts 
to  say  that  the  tours  made  by  McKinley  in  the  past  seven  weeks  have 
no  parallel  in  American  political  history.  The  swings  around  the  circle 
made  by  Presidents  Cleveland  and  Harrison  are  the  only  journeys  in 
recent  years  wdiich  may  be  compared  to  them,  and  they  were  not  in  any 
strict  sense  of  the  word  political  at  all.     The  desire  to  see  the  chief  exe- 

Our  Martyred  President  125 

cutive  of  the  nation  in  both  of  these  cases  and  to  do  him  honor  were  the 
great  moving  causes  tiiat  prompted  display  and  large  attendance.  But 
in  the  tours  which  McKinley  made,  the  ofikial  function  was  entirely 
absent.  In  its  stead  was  the  wish  to  honor  the  greatest  exponent  of  a 
great  cause  and  to  hear  the  tariff  di::,cussed  by  its  master.  On  the  part 
of  McKinley  it  was  very  far  from  a  matter  of  self-seeking.  For  years 
he  has  always  been  at  the  service  of  the  republican  party  whenever  it 
saw  fit  to  command  him  and  it  was  in  his  power  to  comply.  He  had 
made  remarkable  tours  before  this  one,  and  in  each  instance  at  the  request 
of  the  committee  where  he  was  called  to  speak.  This  was  conspicu- 
ously the  case  this  year. 

"The  combined  tours  far  exceeded  the  distance  half  round  the  world. 
It  is  one  of  the  marvels  of  the  man  that  he  was  able  to  undergo  all  the 
fatigue  which  this  immense  feat  implies,  and  yet  close  the  campaign  in  as 
good  health  as  when  he  began  and  without  having  lost  a  pound  iii 
weight.  Very  often  he  was  the  last  of  the  little  party  to  retire,  and 
almost  invariably  he  was  the  first  to  rise.  He  seemed  tireless,  and  every 
state  committee  in  the  Mississippi  valley  and  beyond  it  apparently  took 
it  for  granted  that  the  gallant  champion  of  'patriotism,  protection  and 
orosperity'  could  not  be  over-worked.  When  he  consented  to  make 
one  speech,  for  them,  the}-  forthwith  arranged  half  a  dozen  short  stops 
en  route,  and  kept  him  talking  almost  constantly  from  daybreak  till  late 
at  night.  He  agreed  to  make  forty-six  set  speeches  in  all  during  the 
campaign,  and  when  he  had  concluded  he  had  not  only  made  them,  but 
had  spoken  at  no  less  than  325  other  points  as  well.  For  over  eight 
weeks  he  averaged  better  than  seven  speeches  a  day.  At  least  two  of 
these  daily  were  to  large  audiences  where  he  was  compelled  to  talk  for 
an  hour  or  more.  The  others  varied  from  ten  minutes  to  half  an  hour 
in  length,  and  were  frequently  addressed  to  crowds  of  five  thousand 
people.  On  several  occasions,  as  the  special  train  was  hurrying  him 
along,  he  was  called  out  for  a  talk  before  he  had  breakfasted,  and  would 
find  to  his  surprise  that  one,  two  or  three  thousand  persons  had  gathered 
at  that  early  hour  to  see  and  hear  him.  It  was  not  McKinley  who  sought 
nil  this,  it  was  the  people  who  sought  McKinley. 

"It  did  not  require  any  great  perception  to  discover  that  the  glow- 
ing accounts  which  the  press  associations  carried  about  his  meetings 
were  in  fact  modest  and  moderate  narratives  of  what  transpired  daily. 
The  correspondents  were  expected  to  give  non-partisan  accounts,  and 
did  so,  though  some  of  the  democratic  papers,  which  were  served  by  the 
press  associations,  were  growling  at  what  they  assumed  was  the  exag- 
geration the  correspondents  were  guilty  of.  The  fact  is.  the  meetings 
were  not  overdrawn  in  the  least.     If  anything,  the  press  narratives  did 

126  Life  of  William  McKinley 

not  do  them  full  justice,  simply  because  to  have  done  so  would  have 
called  forth  general  protests  from  the  democratic  papers  and  the  charge 
that  the  accounts  were  highly  colored.  It  is  not  strange  that  this  should 
be  the  case.  No  one  who  was  not  with  McKinley  part  or  all  of  the 
time  can  form  an  adequate  conception  of  the  enthusiasm  and  interest 
with  which  he  was  received  in  all  parts  of  the  nation.  It  had  to  be  seen 
to  be  realized." 

Another  graphic  story  of  this  campaign  was  told  by  Harry  Miner, 
the  correspondent  of  the  Cincinnati  Times-Star,  who  accompanied  Gov- 
ernor McKinley.     Said  Mr.  Miner: 

"Governor  McKinley  is  winding  up  what  has  been,  perhaps,  the 
most  remarkable  political  campaigning  tour  made  by  any  man  in  this 
country.  He  has  spoken  in  sixteen  states,  namely,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illi- 
nois, Missouri,  Kansas,  Nebraska,  Iowa,  Minnesota,  Wisconsin,  Michi- 
gan, Kentucky,  Louisiana,  West  Virginia,  Tennessee,  Pennsylvania  and 
New  York.  He  has  made  as  many  as  twenty-three  speeches  in  one  day, 
most  of  them,  of  course,  being  short.  It  has  been  estimated  by  those 
who  have  been  with  him  that  he  has  addressed  two  million  people. 

"The  audiences  which  have  flocked  to  hear  McKinley  have  been  enor- 
mous. In  many  places  the  crowds  that  went  to  hear  him  were  the  largest 
ever  gathered  in  those  places  upon  any  occasion. 

"People  traveled  for  great  distances  to  hear  him.  At  Lincoln,  Neb., 
there  were  among  his  hearers  500  cowboys  who  had  ridden  ninety  miles 
on  their  mustangs  for  the  sole  purpose  of  hearing  protection's  chief 
exponent.  At  St.  Paul  there  were  several  men  in  the  audience  who  came 
300  miles  from  their  homes  in  Dakota  to  hear  him  speak,  and  at  Hunt- 
ington, West  Virginia,  a  man  traveled  200  miles  to  hear  McKinley' s 

"It  is  probable  that  the  largest  meeting  was  at  Hutchinson,  Kansas, 
where  the  number  of  outsiders  was  estimated  at  not  less  than  30,000, 
coming  from  Texas,  Nebraska,  Missouri,  Oklahoma  and  Indian  Terri- 
tory. In  the  Eastern  States  the  crowds  were  very  large,  but  perhaps  not 
quite  so  much  so  as  in  the  Western  States.  It  is  estimated  that  the 
crowd  at  Albany  numbered  not  less  than  10,000  persons.  At  Utica, 
Syracuse  and  Philadelphia  many  thousands  were  turned  away  from  the 
doors  of  the  large  halls,  and  huge  as  the  crowd  was  it  was  not  so  large 
as  the  crowd  outside,  which  was  not  even  able  to  get  inside  of  the  doors. 

"It  was  a  good  deal  easier  for  McKinley  to  talk  to  audiences  this 
year  on  political  issues  than  it  was  two  years  ago.  These  great  popular 
demonstrations  would  seem  to  indicate  two  things — that  McKinley  is 
respected,  confided  in  and  admired  by  the  people  of  the  country,  and 
that  the  people  want  to  know  about  protection.    Before  he  was  telling 

Our  Martyred  President  127 

the  people  what  would  happen;  now  he  was  telling  them  how  to  undo 
what  they  had  already  done.  His  prophecy  of  two  years  before  has  been 
proved  by  events  to  be  correct. 

"It  would  hardly  be  fair  to  accuse  the  committees  that  had  charge  of 
McKinley  of  being  unfeeling,  but  it  is  certainly  true  that  they  worked 
him  like  a  horse,  or  more  properly  speaking,  like  that  tireless  and  amiable 
animal,  the  uncomplaining  mule.  From  the  moment  that  a  state  com- 
mittee laid  hands  on  him  they  worked  him  without  cessation,  making 
him  get  up  at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning,  take  a  bite  of  breakfast  and 
rush  out  and  make  a  speech,  and  then  keep  on  making  speeches  until  late 
at  night.  No  word  of  complaint  ever  came  from  McKinley,  but  he  was 
most  awfully  tired  out.  But  once  did  he  say  anything  which  indicated 
that  he  felt  he  was  being  overworked.  He  addressed  two  immense  meet- 
ings in  Syracuse,  N.  Y.,  finishing  his  last  speech  shortly  after  ten  o'clock. 
His  train  was  not  to  leave  until  eleven,  and  on  his  way  to  the  hotel  after 
the  last  meeting  he  turned  to  the  Mayor  and  expressed  assumed  surprise 
that  he  was  to  be  allowed  to  waste  a  full  hour  which  he  might  have  put 
in  in  making  another  speech.  The  Mayor  was  not  familiar  with  McKin- 
ley's  dry  humor  and  hastened  to  apologize  for  not  having  arranged  a 
third  meeting. 

"However,  the  next  night  at  Philadelphia,  McKinley  had  a  chance  to 
make  three  speeclies,  and  did  so. 

"McKinley  found  a  queer  feature  of  political  campaigning  in  the 
South.  Political  meetings  there  are  usually  held  on  Sunday.  The  rea- 
son for  this  is  that  men  in  the  country  districts  are  adverse  to  losing  a 
day's  time  from  their  work  and  demand  that  political  stumpers  shall  do 
their  talking  on  the  Sabbath  day.  McKinley  was  asked  to  make  a  few 
speeches  in  Mississippi  and  Alabama  on  Sunday,  while  returning  from 
New  Orleans,  but  he  gently  declined,  of  course." 

One  of  the  most  interesting  of  these  meetings  was  that  held  at  New 
Orleans,  in  October.  The  Protectionists  of  that  state  had  been  clamor- 
ous for  Governor  McKinley's  services,  but  had  been  repeatedly  refused 
by  the  Ohio  State  Committee.  Finally  a  representative  came  to  plead 
the  case,  and  consent  was  given,  the  Governor's  dates  in  Ohio  being  can- 
csled.  His  trip  through  the  South  was  an  ovation.  Enthusiastic  crowds 
greeted  him  all  along  the  line,  and  at  several  places  he  spoke  briefly.  The 
meeting  in  New  Orleans  was  held  in  an  immense  amphitheater  accommo- 
dating more  than  12,000  people.  It  was  packed  to  the  doors  by  an 
audience  that  was  assuredly  anxious  to  be  enlightened.  Tl:e  New 
Orleans  Picayune,  a  radical  Democratic  newspaper,  gave  the  following 
account  of  the  affair: 

"McKinley  appears  a  little  ur.der  middle  height,  and  this  defect  of 

128  Life  of  William  McKinley 

under  size  is  increased  by  the  exceeding  squareness  and  solidity  both  of 
form  and  face.  His  forehead,  smooth  and  white,  overhangs  eyes  deep- 
set  under  bushy  eyebrows  of  jet  black.  He  has  a  trick,  when  asking  a 
question,  of  lifting  those  eyebrows  so  that  the  latent  fire  in  his  eyes 
flashes  forth  suddenly  and  sharp.  His  mouth  is  mobile,  the  face  clean 
shaven,  the  hair  thin  on  the  top  and  straggling  to  the  coat  collar  in 
innumerable  fine  points. 

"McKinley  looks  very  like  the  pictures  which  have  of  late  been  lib- 
erally distributed  throughout  the  city. 

"In  speaking,  McKinley  has  few  but  effective  gestures,  the  chief  of 
which  is  a  sort  of  reiterated  hammering  into  space,  as  though  driving  a 
nail  into  the  atmosphere.  Though  the  Auditorium  arena  is  wonderfully 
large,  McKinley's  voice  filled  it  easily.  And  it  is  a  voice  in  itself  singu- 
larly rich  in  the  variety  of  inflection  and  emphasis,  deriving  an  added 
zest  from  the  western  drawl  and  mannerism  still  clinging  to  it. 

"Considered  simply  a  forensic  display,  McKinley's  speech  was  exceed- 
ingly interesting.  The  exquisite  art  with  which  he  evaded  all  the  topics 
which,  such  as  the  Force  bill,  might  have  touched  his  audience  too  nearly, 
was  admirable.  His  array  of  argument  was  marshaled  with  the  skill  of 
a  practical  debater,  presenting  with  marvelous  ability  an  epitome  of  the 
republican  philosophy  of  politics. 

"It  was  but  natural  that,  in  addressing  an  audience  so  thoroughly 
Southern,  Mr.  McKinley  should  lay  special  emphasis  on  the  part  which 
the  South  had  played  in  the  history  of  tariff  legislation.  As  he  delineated 
the  origin  of  the  republican  tariff  through  the  effort  of  Southern  states- 
men, the  applause  was  fairly  indescribable.  From  the  gallery  a  voice 
cried  out:  'Give  it  to  them,  McKinley;  give  it  to  them.'  A  burst  of 
laughter  attended  this  ejaculation,  but  the  orator  never  smiled.  He 
mopped  the  perspiration  from  his  forehead,  and  while  the  din  continued 
refreshed  his  memory  from  his  notes.  The  applause  again  became  up- 
roarious when,  a  few  moments  later,  he  declared  that  the  burden  of  the 
present  administration,  'with  Its  free  trade  laws,'  was  the  greatest  burden 
the  people  had  borne  for  thirty  years. 

"Nor  did  the  audience  fail  to  respond  when,  by  a  ready  object  lesson, 
the  speaker  illustrated  the  operation  of  the  tariff  in  relation  to  the  manu- 
facture of  glass  tumblers.  'Every  tumbler  imported,'  he  said,  'represents 
the  displacement  of  a  tumbler  of  domestic  manufacture.  If  you  cut  the 
tariff  on  glass  and  expect  to  receive  an  increased  revenue,  the  importa- 
tion must  be  redoubled.     Is  that  what  you  want?' 

"And  the  vast  assembly  fairly  went  wild  for  five  minutes. 
"Again,  when  the  governor  declared  that  the  displacement  of  an 
American  laborer  meant  the  cessation  of  his  wages,  a  voice  cried  out : 


Our  Martyred  President  129 

"  'The  result  is  starvation,' 

With  a  ready  answer,  McKinley  rephed : 

"  'Like  the  people  everywhere,  are  you  ready  to  vote  ?' 

"From  the  benches  immediately  in  front,  one  of  the  charcoal  delega- 
tion responded  :  'Vote  for  you ;'  and  another  supplemented  with,  'Vote 
for  you  for  the  next  presidency.' 

"Soon  after  the  democratic  element  was  heard  from.  The  governor 
said :  'They  said  we  had  a  splendid  prosperity  under  President  Cleve- 
land in  his  first  administration;  so  we  had.'  'Hear,  hear,'  mingled  with 
cheers,  rose  loudly  from  the  Old  Guard. 

"  'And  do  you  know  why?' 

"  TSFo,'  from  a  voice  in  the  gallery. 

"  'Because  all  Cleveland  did  was  to  execute  the  republican  laws 
already  in  existence.' 

"And  the  republicans  cheered. 

"  'War  and  treason,'  resumed  McKinley,  'are  the  words  of  President 
Cleveland.     He  is  a  peace  man  in  war;  a  war  man  in  peace.' 

"Great  laughter  follov/ed  this  declaration.  Under  cover  of  it,  Gov- 
ernor McKinley  asked  Mr.  Ferris  the  time.  Cries  immediately  arose, 
'Go  on,  go  on.'    'We  can  wait  till  tomorrow  morning  to  hear  that.' 

"  'Why  is  it,'  asked  the  orator  a  moment  later;  'why  is  it  that  amid 
all  the  resources  of  the  land  we  are  suffering?' 

"(A  voice,  'Why  is  it?') 

"  'I  can  answer  in  a  word.  The  democrats  are  running  the  govern- 
ment, and  nothing  else  is  running.  Every  industry  is  practically  stopped; 
no  man  can  calculate  the  loss  to  the  people  of  this  country  in  investment, 
property,  wages.  We  have  been  at  school.  It  has  been  a  universal,  a 
sort  of  compulsory  education,  from  the  benefits  of  which  none  have  been 
excluded.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  While  the  tuition  has  been  free, 
the  ultimate  cost  has  been  very  great.  (  Laughter. )  We  ha\-e  l)ecn 
blessed  with  experience  if  we  haven't  been  blessed  with  anything  else.' 
(Laughter  and  prolonged  applause.) 

"Then  followed  the  most  dramatic  scene  of  the  evening.  Mr.  Mc- 
Kinley had  hitherto  confined  himself  to  an  analysis  in  general  terms  of 
issues  affecting  all  sections  of  the  country  alike.  Said  the  orator :  'Wha^ 
party  has  taken  from  you  the  protection  that  the  Republicans  gave?' 

"  'The  Democrats,'  cried  an  excited  voice.     'D — n  them.' 

"  'When  we  framed  the  law  of  1890,'  declared  the  governor,  'we 
undertook  to  frame  a  bill  based  on  the  principles  of  protection.  We  per- 
mitted everything  to  come  in  free  which  we  could  not  or  did  not  pro- 

"  'Enough  of  that,'  cried  a  voice.     'Give  us  the  Force  bill' 


130  Life  of  William  McKinley 

"a  good  many  people  were  anxious  to  hear  McKinley  on  that  sub- 
ject, and  for  a  moment  absolute  silence  reigned.  A  committeeman 
whispered  to  him:    'He  calls  for  something  about  the  P'orce  bill.' 

*'  'I  cannot  be  diverted  from  this  discussion,'  said  Mr.  McKinley, 
looking  around  and  speaking  in  his  loudest  voice.  'If  any  proper  ques- 
tion be  put  to  me  I  will  endeavor  to  reply  as  best  I  can.  (Wild  applause.) 
I  believe  in  the  purest  and  fairest  debate  on  all  public  questions,  and  in 
my  public  life  or  my  private  record  I  have  nothing  to  conceal.' 

"And  that  appeal,  so  eloquent,  so  ingenious,  captured  his  hearers,  and 
the  last  great  burst  of  applause  followed.  When  the  cheers  ceased  to 
ring,  Mr.  McKinley,  turning  first  to  one  side  and  then  to  the  other,  so  as 
to  address  comprehensively  the  entire  assembly,  delivered  the  el-oquent 
peroration  wjiich,  expressing  the  determination  of  the  party  to  discharge 
bv  Louisiana  its  duties  no  less  sacredly  than  by  Ohio,  closed  his  great 


Nominated  for  President. 

When  Governor  McKinley  retired  from  the  office  of  chief  execu- 
tive of  the  state  of  Ohio,  in  1895,  he  returned  to  his  home  at  Canton, 
there  to  Hve  quietly.  The  great  campaign  of  1894  had  brought  him 
so  close  to  the  people,  however,  and  so  tilled  them  with  confidence  in 
his  ability,  that  his  name  was  soon  mentioned  everywhere  throughout 
the  land  for  the  presidency.  His  modest  home  at  Canton  was  filled 
with  people  seeking  his  advice,  and  with  politicians  who  were  planning 
events  for  the  future. 

There  was  a  plethora  of  republican  presidential  timber  in  the  coun- 
try, but  no  name  mentioned  invoked  the  enthusiasm  among  the  people 
that  JMcKinley's  did.  Thomas  B.  Reed,  of  Mame,  ex-speaker  of  the 
house,  and  one  of  the  most  prominent  men  in  the  party,  not  only  because 
of  his  ability,  but  because  of  the  notoriety  acqirired  in  his  contest  to 
dominate  the  democratic  minority  in  the  house,  was  a  candidate.  Wil- 
liam B.  Allison,  United  States  Senator  from  Iowa,  and  a  man  of  wide 
experience  and  great  ability,  had  a  following,  and  there  were  still  those 
who  asked  that  John  Sherman,  the  old  Roman  from  Ohio,  be  given  a 
chance.  Levi  P.  Morton,  of  New  York,  vice-president  under  Harrison, 
and  Russell  A.  Alger,  of  Michigan,  were  also  in  the  lists. 

The  conditions  at  that  time  were  unusual.  Not  only  was  the  tarift' 
fight  on  again  in  all  its  intensity,  but  the  democrats  and  a  portion  of 
the  republicans  had  become  imbued  with  the  "silver  craze"  advocated 
by  some  of  the  leaders  of  both  parties  in  the  west.  The  doctrine  that 
the  people  needed  more  money,  and  that  more  money  meant  higher  prices 
of  commodities,  was  preached  widely.  Before  any  effort  was  made  by 
the  Republicans  to  counteract  this  teaching,  it  had  been  spread  all 
through  the  west  and  south  by  means  of  books  and  pamphlets.  The 
silver  mine  owners  wanted  their  silver  coined,  and  their  argument  that 
this  government  could  coin  silver  as  freely  as  it  did  gold,  without 
disturbing  values,  was  a  specious  one,  and  caught  the  fancy  of  many 

"Times  were  hard" — an  old  story,  and  any  measure  that  promised 
relief  was  eagerly  clutched  at  by  those  upon  whom  the  burden  of  pov- 
erty rested.     William  McKinley  had  been  before  the  people,  not  as  a 


13^  Life  of  William  McKinley 

candidate  for  president,  but  as  the  ardent  advocate  of  measures  that 
intelligent  persons  thought  more  of  national  prosperity  than  of  partisan 
politics.  The  quick-seeing  people  had  heard  and  read  of  his  plans  for 
redeeming  the  country  and  casting  off  its  burden  of  distress,  "Hard 
Times,"  and  this  had  brought  the  tide  of  public  favor  and  endorsement. 
For  weeks  before  the  convention  the  republican  public  had  been  shout- 
ing McKinley,  and  in  a  tone  that  could  not  be  ignored.  The  voice 
and  the  force  of  the  people  pressed  hard  upon  the  convention.  The 
newspapers  teemed  with  his  praise,  his  face  and  record  were  constantly 
being  presented;  buttons  bearing  his  portrait,  and  mottoes  that  epito- 
mized his  principles  were  seen  everywhere,  in  city,  town  and  country,  and 
thousands  who  had  been,  theretofore,  but  little  interested  in  politics 
became  enthusiastic  champions  of  the  man  from  Ohio. 

It  was  evident  before  the  convention  that  a  battle  would  have  to  be 
fought  before  any  candidate  was  nominated.  The  "silver  republicans," 
as  they  were  called  had  determined  to  commit  the  party,  if  possible,  to 
the  free  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  i6  to  i.  With  the  democrats, 
they  had  resurrected  the  cry  of  "the  crime  of  '73,"  and  were  universally 
condemning  the  repeal  of  the  Sherman  act,  which  stopped  the  purchase 
of  silver  by  the  government. 

The  convention  was  held  in  St.  Louis,  Tuesday,  June  16,  1896,  the 
gathering  place  being  a  huge  auditorium,  capable  of  seating  many  thou- 
sands of  people.  Hon.  Thomas  Henry  Carter,  chairman  of  the  repub- 
lican national  committee,  called  the  convention  to  order  about  12:30 

For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  national  conventions,  the  opening 
prayer  was  made  by  an  Israelite,  in  the  person  of  Rabbi  Samuel  Sale, 
pastor  of  the  Shaare  Emeth  congregation.  His  invocation  was  devout, 
and,  at  its  close,  the  secretary  read  the  call  issued  by  the  national  com- 
inittee  for  the  convention.  Chairman  Carter  then  presented  the  name 
of  Hon.  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  of  Indiana  as  temporary  chairman.  No 
voice  was  raised  in  opposition,  and  the  tall,  slender  man,  with  close- 
cropped  beard  and  mustache,  came  forward  and  delivered  an  address 
that  was  frequently  interrupted  by  applause.  It  was  an  arraignment 
of  the  democratic  administration  for  its  many  shortcomings,  and  an 
argument  that  the  prosperity  of  the  country  at  large  could  be  secured 
only  by  the  adoption  of  the  principles  of  the  republican  party.  Sound 
currency,  protection,  sympathy  for  Cuba,  and  the  certainty  that  the  can- 
didates about  to  be  named  would  be  the  next  president  and  vice-presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  were  the  principal  features  of  Chairman  Fair- 
banks' speech,  which  was  received  with  many  expressions  of  approval. 
At   its   conclusion  the  necessary  officials  of  the  convention   were  ap- 

Our  Martyred  President  133 

pointed,  the  members  of  the  various  committees  announced,  and,  after  a 
session  of  less  than  two  hours,  an  adjournment  was  had  to  10  o'clock 

Between  the  adjournment  and  the  coming  together  on  the  morrow, 
much  effecti\'e  work  was  done.  While  the  sentiment  of  the  delegates 
was  overwhelmingly  in  favor  of  "sound  currency,"  or  the  single  gold 
standard,  there  was  a  diversity  of  opinion  in  many  quarters  as  to 
whether  the  word  "gold"  should  be  used  in  the  platform.  A  consider- 
able number  thought  the  latter  was  sufficiently  explicit  without  the 
word,  but  the  insistence  of  others  compelled  a  yielding  of  the  point: 
it  was  decided  that  the  all-potent  word  should  appear.  Since  adjourn- 
ment ]\Ir.  Hanna  has  asserted  that  the  gold  plank  was  agreed  upon  by 
him  or  his  associates  before  the  arrival  of  the  delegates  from  the  East, 
who  were  popularly  credited  with  the  formulation  of  the  clause  in 

The  convention  reassembled  at  a  quarter  to  eleven  on  Wednesday, 
and  was  opened  with  prayer  by  Rev.  Dr.  W.  G.  Williams,  after  which 
the  real  work  began.  The  report  of  the  committee  on  permanent  organ- 
ization presented  the  name  of  Senator  J-  N.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska, 
as  chairman,  made  the  secretaries,  sergeant-at-arms  and  other  temporary 
officers  permanent  officers  of  the  convention,  and  gave  a  list  of  vice- 
presidents,  consisting  of  one  from  each  state. 

Awaiting  the  report  of  the  committee  on  credentials  tlie  C(in\'ention 
adjourned  until  2  o'clock,  and  at  3  that  afternoon  Chairman  Thurston 
called  the  body  to  order.  Bishop  Arnett  of  Ohio  offered  the  opening 
prayer  and  Mr.  AI.  B.  Madden  of  Chicago  presented  to  tlie  chairman 
a  gavel  made  from  timber  of  a  house  in  which  Abraham  Lincoln  once 
lived.  Another  gavel,  carved  from  the  homestead  of  Henry  Clay, 
"The  Father  of  Protection,"  w^as  also  presented. 

The  committee  on  credentials  then  presented  majority  and  minority 
reports,  the  former  of  which  favored  the  seating  of  the  Higgins  dele- 
gates and  these  at  large  from  Delaware  as  against  the  Addicks  dele- 
gates, and  the  seating  of  the  list  of  Texas  delegates,  which  was  headed 
by  John  Grant.  After  a  warm  discussion  the  majority  report  was 
adopted  by  the  vote  of  545/4  to  359 j/2-  This  vote  was  considered  a  test 
one  between  McKinley  and  his  opponents  and  removed  all  doubts  of 
the  invincibility  of  the  Ohio  man. 

The  full  committee  on  resolutions  met  at  the  Lindell  Hotel  in  the 
evening  and  went  into  secret  session.  The  proposed  platform  was  read 
by  paragraphs,  the  agreement  being  that  each  paragraph  should  be  voted 
on  separately.  There  was  unanimous  accord  upon  the  tariff  plank  and 
the  sugar  plank  was  accepted.     A  strong  declaration  was  formulated 

134  ^^^^  ^^  William  McKinley 

for  a  protective  duty  on  wools  and  woolens  and  a  demand  made  for  the 
protection  of  American  shipbuilding  and  the  development  of  American 

When  the  financial  plank  was  reached  Senator  Teller  of  Colorado 
presented  a  minority  report  which  declared  in  favor  of  the  free  and 
unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  i6  to  i.  Mr.  Teller,  with 
deep  emotion,  declared  that  the  time  had  come  when,  if  the  single  gold 
standard  was  adopted,  he  should  be  compelled  to  leave  the  party  with 
which  he  had  been  associated  for  thirty-five  years.  There  was  much 
sympathy  felt  for  this  able  leader,  whose  association  with  the  republican 
party  had  earned  for  him  the  respect  of  political  foes  as  well  as  friends. 
Mr.  Cannon  of  Utah  was  hardly  less  agitated  when  he  announced  a 
decision  similar  to  that  of  Teller,  and  Mr.  Dubois  of  Idaho  declared 
that,  much  as  he  regretted  the  step,  he  would  follow  Messrs.  Teller  and 
Cannon.  Then,  after  earnest  argument,  Mr.  Hartman  of  Montana  said 
that  he  never  would  support  a  candidate  upon  the  proposed  platform. 

The  substitute  of  Senator  Teller  received  ten  votes,  which  included 
the  delegates  from  Colorado,  California,  Utah,  Montana,  Idaho,  Wyom- 
ing, Arizona,  Nevada,  North  Carolina  and  New  Mexico.  The  substi- 
tute was  defeated  by  forty-one  votes.  After  further  discussion,  the 
gold  plank,  as  it  appears  in  the  platform,  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of 
yeas,  40,  nays  11,  the  member  from  Oklahoma  having  joined  the  silver 

The  convention  came  together  on  Thursday  morning,  only  five  min- 
utes late,  with  all  of  the  delegates  in  their  seats,  and  the  galleries  packed 
to  suffocation,  many  ladies  being  among  the  spectators.  Rev.  John  R. 
Scott  of  Florida,  a  negro,  opened  with  a  brief  and  appropriate  prayer. 

The  first  order  of  business  was  the  reception  of  the  report  of  the 
committee  on  resolutions.  Senator-elect  Foraker  of  Ohio  was  cheered 
as  he  advanced  to  the  platform  and  said :  "As  chairman  of  the  com- 
mittee on  resolutions,  I  have  the  honor  to  report  as  follows :" 

He  then  read  the  platform  in  a  clear,  ringing  voice  and  with  dis- 
tinct enunciation.  He  emphasized  the  endorsement  of  President  Har- 
rison, and  was  applauded,  and  when,  in  a  loud  voice  and  with  impressive 
manner,  he  declared :  "The  republican  party  is  unreservedly  for  sound 
money,"  the  applause  was  greater  than  ever,  it  rising  to  a  still  more 
enthusiastic  pitch  when  the  pledge  to  promote  international  agreement 
for  free  coinage  of  silver  was  read.  Mr.  Foraker  was  compelled  to 
stop  reading  and  the  applause  continued  so  long  that  the  chairman 
rapped  repeatedly  for  order. 

The  demand  for  American  control  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  was 
warmly  approved,  but  the  conv^ntian  remained  mum  over  the  proposed 

Our  Martyred  President  135 

building  of  the  Nicaragua  canal  by  the  United  States  and  the  purchase 
of  the  Danish  Islands  for  a  naval  station.  If  any  enthusiasm  was  felt 
in  that  direction  it  did  not  manifest  itself.  But  the  sympathy  of  the 
people  found  ardent  expression  when  the  Cuban  paragraph  was  read, 
dropping  again  to  zero  over  the  civil  service  plank.  The  negro  dele- 
gates applauded  noisily  the  demand  for  a  free  ballot  and  the  condemna- 
tion of  lynching. 

It  took  twenty-five  minutes  for  the  reading  of  the  platform,  during 
which  the  convention  gave  close  attention,  breaking  out  again  into 
cheers  at  the  close.  When  the  tumult  had  subsided,  Mr.  Foraker  moved 
the  adoption  of  the  report  as  the  national  platform  for  1896. 

As  Mr.  Foraker  reached  the  closing  paragraph  of  the  report  Senator 
Teller  left  his  place  with  the  Colorado  delegation  and  took  his  seat  on 
the  platform.  He  was  recognized  by  the  chairman  and  sent  to  the  sec- 
retary's desk  and  had  read  the  following  minority  report :  "We,  the 
undersigned  members  of  the  committee  on  resolutions,  being  unable  to 
agree  with  that  part  of  the  majority  report  which  treats  of  the  subjects 
of  coinage  and  finance,  respectfully  submit  the  following  paragraph  as 
a  substitute  therefor : 

"The  republican  party  favors  the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  as 
equal  standard  money,  and  pledges  its  power  to  secure  the  free,  unre- 
stricted and  independent  coinage  of  gold  and  silver  at  our  mints  at  the 
ratio  of  16  part  of  silver  to  i  of  gold.  ' 

Senator  Teller  then  advanced  to  the  front  of  the  platform  to 
utter  his  "farewell."  The  universal  respect  felt  for  him  was  shown  by 
the  cordial  greeting  of  the  twelve  thousand  people,  who  saw  that  the 
distinguished  gentleman  was  almost  overcome  with  emotion.  It  may 
be  doubted  whether  there  w^as  one  in  that  immense  assem.blage  who  did 
not  feel  a  sincere  sympathy  for  the  man  who  was  taking  the  most 
painful  step  of  his  public  career. 

He  asserted  that  we  might  as  well  have  two  flags  in  the  nation,  if 
the  present  money  system  is  to  be  maintained,  for  the  reason  that  two 
flags  are  not  more  important  than  this  all-absorbing  question  of  gold 
and  silver  money.  He  declared  that  he  was  not  actuated  by  the  fact 
that  Colorado  is  a  silver-producing  state,  but  he  had  come  to  the  earnest 
conclusion,  after  twenty  years  of  study,  that  bimetallism  is  the  only 
safe  money  doctrine  for  the  United  States  and  all  other  countries. 

Senator  Teller  insisted  that  a  protective  tariff  could  not  be  main- 
tained on  a  gold  standard,  and  then,  with  uplifted  hands,  declared: 
"When  God  Almighty  made  these  two  metals,  He  intended  them  for 

use  as  monev." 

The  senator  said  that  the  years  of  study  which  he  had  devoted  to 

136  Life  of  William  McKinley 

this  question  had  brought  convictions  to  him  wh"ich  were  binding  upon 
his  conscience,  and  it  was  because  he  was  an  honest  man  that  he  could 
not  support  the  gold  money  plank.  The  declaration  was  received  with 
cheers  and  hisses,  and  moisture  gathered  in  the  eyes  of  the  speaker  as 
he  looked  out  over  the  sea  of  faces  and  felt  that  he  had  at  last  reached 
the  parting  of  the  ways.  Then  the  tears  coursed  down  his  cheeks  and 
his  handkerchief  went  to  his  eyes.  The  sight  caused  a  respectful  husli 
to  fall  over  the  convention,  while  more  than  one  friend  wept  in  silent 

Recovering  himself,  Senator  Teller  declared  that  the  best  thoughts 
of  the  world  favored  bimetallism,  and  it  was  advocated  by  the  greatest 
teachers  of  political  economy  in  Europe. 

"Do  you  suppose,"  he  asked,  "that  we  can  take  this  step  and  leave 
the  party  without  distress?  Take  any  methods  you  please  to  nominate 
your  man,  but  put  him  upon  the  right  platform,  and  I  v/ill  support  him. 
1  was  for  free  men,  free  speech,  and  a  free  government.  I  was  with 
the  republican  party  when  it  was  born.  I  have  become  accustomed  to 
abuse,  but  I  have  voted  for  every  republican  candidate  since  the  founda- 
tion of  the  party,  and  I  have  been  in  close  communication  with  its  dis- 
tinguished men  for  forty  years." 

At  this  point.  Senator  Teller  broke  down  again.  The  tears  streamed 
over  his  face  and  he  v/as  greatly  distressed.  In  a  broken  voice  he 
added : 

"But  if  I  am  to  leave  the  republican  party,  I  do  not  leave  it  in  anger. 
I  believe  that  my  doctrine  is  for  the  good  of  the  people.  I  believe  that 
the  republican  party  will  see  the  error  of  its  way,  anJ,  although  I  may 
never  be  permitted  again  to  address  a  republican  national  convention, 
I  shall  live  in  the  hope  that  before  I  die  this  great  party  will  come  to  ?. 
thorough  understanding  of  the  silver  question  and  treat  it  solemnly  and 
with  the  keenest  interest  in  support  of  all  the  people." 

The  vote  to  lay  Senator  Teller's  motion  on  the  table  disclosed  an 
interesting  state  of  facts.  It  was  supported  by  seven  friends  in  Ala- 
bama, fifteen  in  California,  his  eight  delegates  of  Colorado,  two  from 
Florida,  three  from  Georgia,  the  six  from  Idaho,  and  one  from  Illinois. 
In  addition,  his  plank  received  the  following  support :  Kansas,  four 
votes;  Michigan,  one;  Missouri,  one;  Montana,  six;  Nevada,  six;  South 
Carolina,  fourteen  and  one-half;  South  Dakota,  two;  Tennessee,  one; 
Utah,  six ;  Virginia,  five ;  Wyoming,  six ;  and  in  the  Territories  :  Ari- 
zona, six;  New  Mexico,  three,  and  Oklahoma,  one,  making  one  hundred 
and  five  and  one-half  votes  in  all.  The  vote  for  the  majority  report 
was  eight  hundred  and  eighteen  and  one-half. 

Senator  Teller,   who  was   still  on  the  platform,   asked  permission 

Our  Martyred  President  137 

from  the  chairman  to  introduce  Senator  Cannon  of  Utah,  who  desired 
to  read  a  statement  from  the  silver  men.  The  manner  of  Senator  Can- 
non was  defiant  and  quickly  stirred  up  impatience.  He  declared  he 
would  bow  to  the  majority  in  the  matter  of  votes,  but  would  never  bow 
when  a  question  of  principle  was  at  stake.  He  said  they  would  with- 
draw from  the  convention,  and  he  predicted  trouble  in  the  future  for 
the  republican  party.  This  was  greeted  with  hisses  and  urgent  requests 
for  him  to  sit  down.  In  the  midst  of  the  storm,  the  chairman  turned  to 
Senator  Cannon  and  shouted :  "The  republican  party  do  not  fear  any 

This  threw  the  convention  into  a  tumult  of  enthusiasm.  Men 
sprang  to  their  feet,  swung  flags  and  shouted  at  the  top  of  their  voices. 
Senator  Cannon  calmly  awaited  the  subsidence  of  the  storm,  when  he 
continued  with  his  generalities,  and  read  the  list  of  free  silver  men  who 
would  leave  the  convention.  The  names  of  the  signers  were  greeted 
with  hisses,  and  some  one  in  the  rear  called  out,  "Good-by,  my  lover, 
good-by,"  as  Senator  Teller  and  his  associates  filed  out  of  the  hall, 
marching  down  the  main  aisle.  The  whole  convention  was  again  on 
its  feet  yelling,  waving  flags,  hats  and  fans,  while  the  band  played  pa- 
triotic airs  and  the  assemblage  sang  the  chorus,  "Three  Cheers  for  the 
Red,  White  and  Blue." 

The  silver  delegates  who  withdrew  were  Congressman  Hartman,  of 
Montana;  Senator  Cannon,  Congressman  Allen  and  Delegate  Thomas 
Kearns,  of  Utah ;  Senator  Pettigrew,  of  South  Dakota ;  Delegate  Cleve^ 
land  Strother,  of  Nevada;  the  entire  Idaho  delegation  of  six,  headed 
by  Senator  Dubois;  the  wdiole  Colorado  delegation  of  eight,  including 
Senator  Teller,  the  total  number  of  bolters  being  twenty-one,  including 
four  senators  and  two  representatives. 

Waiting  until  the  excitement  had  subsided,  the  chairman  announced 
in  deliberate  fashion :  "Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  there  seem  to 
be  enough  delegates  left  to  do  business.  (Great  cheering.)  The  chair 
now  asks  tliat  a  gentleman  from  Montana  who  did  not  go  out" — cheers 
drowned  the  rest  of  the  sentence,  and  pries  were  made  for  Lee  Mantle, 
who  was  asked  to  come  to  the  platform,  but  declined. 

On  the  call  of  states  for  nominations  for  the  presidency,  the  first 
response  w^as  from  Iowa.  R.  M.  Baldwin,  of  Council  Bluffs,  nominated 
Senator  W.  B.  Allison,  in  a  glowing  tribute  to  Senator  Allison's  worth 
and  services. 

Senator  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts,  in  a  speech  of  characteristic  elo- 
quence, nominated  Hon.  Thomas  B.  Reed. 

Hon.  Chauncey  M.  Depew  received  a  warm  welcome  as  he  marie 
his  way  to  the  platform  to  nominate  Governor  Levi  P,  Morton,  of 
New  York  state,  which  he  did  in  his  usual  felicitous  style  of  speech. 

138  Life  of  William  McKinley 

Then  came  the  caU  of  Ohio.  Amid  intense  interest  and  expectation 
Governor  Foraker  went  to  tlie  platform  and  when  silence  had  been 
obtained  he  said : 

"Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  It  would  be 
exceedingly  difficult,  if  not  entirely  impossible,  to  exaggerate  the  dis- 
agreeable situation  of  the  last  four  years.  The  grand  aggregate  of  the 
multitudinous  bad  results  of  a  democratic  national  administration  may 
be  summed  up  as  one  stupendous  disaster.  It  has  been  a  disaster,  how- 
ever, not  without,  at  least,  this  one  redeeming  feature — that  it  has  been 
fair;  nobody  has  escaped.      (Loud  laughter.)      *     *     ^=     * 

'Tf  we  make  no  mistake  here,  the  democratic  party  will  go  out  of 
power  on  the  4th  day  of  March,  1897  (applause),  to  remain  out  of 
power  until  God,  in  His  infinite  wisdom  and  mercy  and  goodness,  shall 
see  fit  once  more  to  chastise  His  people.      (Loud  laughter  and  applause.) 

"So  far  we  have  not  made  any  mistake.  We  have  adopted  a  plat- 
form which,  notwithstanding  the  scene  witnessed  in  this  hall  this  morn- 
ing, meets  the  demands  and  expectations  of  the  American  people. 

"It  remains  for  us  now,  as  the  last  crowning  act  of  our  work,  to 
meet  again  that  same  expectation  in  the  nomination  of  our  candidates. 
What  is  that  expectation?  What  is  it  that  the  people  want?  They 
want  as  their  candidate  something  more  than  'a  good  business  man' 
(an  allusion  to  Mr.  Depew's  characterization  of  Governor  Morton). 
They  want  something  more  than  a  popular  leader.  They  want  some- 
thing more  than  a  wise  and  patriotic  statesman.  They  want  a  man 
who  embodies  in  himself  not  only  all  these  essential  qualifications,  but 
those,  in  addition,  which,  in  the  highest  possible  degree,  typify  in  name, 
in  character,  in  record,  in  ambition,  in  purpose,  the  exact  opposite  of 
all  that  is  signified  and  represented  by  that  free-trade,  deficit-making, 
bond-issuing,  labor-assassinating,  democratic  administration.  (Cheers.) 
I  stand  here  to  present  to  this  convention  such  a  man.  His  name  is 
William  McKinley." 

At  this  point  pandemonium  was  let  loose,  and  the  convention  gave 
up  to  unrestrained  yelling,  cheering,  horn-blowing,  whistling,  cat-call- 
ing and  all  the  other  devices  common  to  such  occasions. 

After  at  least  twelve  minutes  of  this  kind  of  proceeding  the  chair 
began  to  rap  for  a  restoration  of  order,  but  without  avail. 

Senator-elect  Foraker  stood  during  all  this  wild  scene  smiling  his 
approval.  ]\Ir.  Hepburn,  of  Iowa,  had  in  the  meantime  been  called  to 
the  chair  by  Senator  Thurston,  but  just  when  he  had  nearly  restored 
order,  Mrs.  H.  W.  R.  Strong,  of  California,  who  had  presented  some 
of  the  plumes  that  were  waving  in  honor  of  Ohio's  choice,  made  her 

Our  Martyred  President  139 

appearance  on  the  floor,  waving  one  of  them,  and  another  uncontrollable 
outbreak  occurred.  During  the  interval  of  confusion,  a  three-quarter 
face,  life-size  sculptured  bust  of  McKinley  was  presented  to  Mr.  For- 
aker  by  the  republican  club  of  the  University  of  Chicago.  The  por- 
trait was  in  a  mahogany  frame,  decorated  with  red,  white  and  blue  rib- 
bons, and  with  a  bow  of  maroon-colored  ribbons  forming  the  colors 
of  the  university.  The  portrait  was  the  work  of  Harris  Hirsch,  and 
was  presented  by  Dr.  Lisston  H.  Montgomery,  of  Chicago,  with  a  let- 
ter signed  by  H.  L.  Ickes,  president  of  the  club.  It  was  accepted  by 
Senator-elect  Foraker  in  dumb  show. 

After  twenty-five  minutes  of  incessant  turmoil  Mr.  Foraker  was 
allowed  to  resume  his  speech. 

He  spoke  of  the  great  champions  of  republicanism  in  the  past,  eulo- 
gizing Mr.  Claine  particularly,  and  continued : 

*'But,  greatest  of  all,  measured  by  present  requirements,  is  the 
leader  of  the  house  of  representatives,  the  author  of  the  McKinley  bill, 
which  gave  to  labor  its  richest  awards.  No  other  name  so  completel>- 
meets  the  requirements  of  the  occasion,  and  no  other  name  so  absolutely 
commands  all  hearts.  The  shafts  of  envy  and  malice  and  slander  and 
libel  and  detraction  that  have  been  aimed  at  him  lie  broken  and  harmless 
at  his  feet.  The  quiver  is  empty,  and  he  is  untouched.  That  is  be- 
cause tlie  people  know  him,  trust  him,  believe  him,  and  will  not  permit 
any  human  power  to  disparage  him  unjustly  in  their  estimation. 

"They  know  that  he  is  an  American  of  Americans.  They  know 
that  he  is  just  and  able  and  brave,  and  they  want  him  for  president  of 
the  United  States.  (Applause.)  They  have  already  shown  it — not  in 
this  or  that  state,  nor  in  this  or  that  section,  but  in  all  the  states  and  in 
all  the  sections  from  ocean  to  ocean,  and  from  the  Gulf  to  the  Lakes. 
They  expect  of  you  to  give  them  a  chance  to  vote  for  him.  It  is  our 
duty  to  do  it.  If  we  discharge  that  duty  we  will  give  joy  to  their  hearts, 
enthusiasm  to  their  souls  and  triumphant  victory  to  our  cause.  (Ap- 
plause.) And  he,  in  turn,  will  give  us  an  administration  under  which 
the  country  will  enter  on  a  new  era  of  prosperity  at  home  and  of  glory 
and  honor  abroad,  by  all  these  tokens  of  the  present  and  all  these  prom- 
ises of  the  future.  In  the  name  of  the  forty-six  delegates  of  Ohio,  I 
submit  his  claim  to  your  consideration."    (More  applause.) 

The  high-water  mark  of  enthusiasm  was  reached  when  Senator 
Thurston  rose  to  second  the  nomination  of  McKinley,  which  he  did  in 
eloquent  and  forceful  words. 

In  the  midst  of  cries  of  "vote,"  Governor  Hastings  placed  in  nom- 
ination Matthew  Stanley  Quay,  at  the  conclusion  of  which,  amid  a 
profound  hush,  the  convention  began  balloting  for  a  nominee  for  presi- 
dent of  the  United  States. 

140  Life  of  William  McKinley 

Alabama  led  off  with  i  for  Morton  and  19  for  McKinley,  Arkansas 
and  California  following  with  a  solid  vote  for  McKinley.  Connecticut 
gave  5  for  Reed  and  7  for  McKinley;  Delaware,  its  full  vote  for  Mc- 
Kinley; Florida,  8  for  McKinley;  Georgia,  2  for  Reed,  2  for  Quay, 
and  22  for  McKinley. 

When  all  of  the  states  had  been  called,  the  chairman  stated,  before 
the  announcement  of  the  result,  that  application  had  been  made  to  him 
for  recognition  by  delegates  of  the  defeated  candidates  to  make  a  cer- 
tain motion.  He  thought  it  the  fairest  way  to  recognize  them  in  the 
order  in  which  the  nominations  had  been  made.  He  then  announced 
that  William  McKinley  had  received  661^  votes. 

Before  the  chairman  could  get  any  further,  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
convention  broke  all  bounds.  Every  man  was  on  his  feet,  shouting, 
hurrahing,  cheering,  swinging  hats  and  canes  in  the  air,  waving  flags 
and  banners  and  the  pampas  plumes  of  California,  while  through  the 
Niagara-like  rush  and  roar  were  caught  the  notes  of  "My  Country,  'Tis 
of  Thee,"  as  the  band  played  with  might  and  main  in  its  attempt  to  gain 
the  mastery  of  the  cyclone.  The  women,  if  possible,  were  more  frantic 
than  the  men.  Parasols,  fans,  opera-glasses,  gloves — anything,  every- 
thing— were  compelled  to  help  in  the  magnificent  burst  of  enthusiasm 
which  swept  over  and  submerged  all  alike,  until  it  looked  as  if  order 
could  never  again  be  evolved  from  the  swirling  pandemonium. 

Finally,  after  a  long,  long  time,  the  chairman  gained  a  chance  to 
complete  the  announcement  of  the  vote.  It  was :  Thomas  B.  Reed, 
84I ;  Senator  Quay,  61^;  Levi  P.  Morton,  58;  Senator  Allison,  35^, 
and  Don  Cameron,  i. 

Senator  Lodge,  rising  in  his  delegation,  in  a  forceful  speech  moved 
to  make  the  nomination  of  Mr.  McKinley  unanimous.  Mr.  Hastings, 
of  Pennsylvania,  wdio  had  nominated  Quay,  seconded  the  motion,  as  did 
Thomas  C.  Piatt  on  behalf  of  New  York,  Mr.  Henderson  of  Iowa,  and 
J.  Madison  Vance  of  Louisiana.  In  answer  to  loud  calls  Mr.  Depew 
mounted  his  chair  in  the  back  of  the  room,  where  the  rays  of  the  sun 
beamed  on  his  countenance,  which  itself  was  beaming  with  good  humor, 
and  delivered  a  short  and  characteristically  humorous  speech. 

The  chair  then  put  the  question,  "Shall  the  nomination  be  made 
unanimous?"  and  by  a  rising  vote  it  was  so  ordered,  and  the  chair 
announced  that  Mr.  William  McKin.ley  of  Ohio  was  the  candidate  of 
the  republican  party  for  president  of  the  United  States. 

The  convention  completed  its  work  by  the  nomination  of  Garrett 
A.  Hobart,  of  New  Jersey,  for  the  office  of  vice-president. 


First  Presidential  Campaign. 

Governor  McKinley  was  formally  apprised  of  his  nomination  for  the 
presidency  June  29  by  the  committee  appointed  by  the  convention.  Gov- 
ernor McKinley  received  the  committee  on  the  veranda  of  his  home. 
The  streets  about  the  house  were  filled  with  people,  men,  women  and 
children,  who  listened  with  great  interest  to  the  proceedings.  Senator 
Thurston,  of  Nebraska,  speaking  for  the  committee,  informed  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  honor  the  convention  had  conferred  upon  him,  and  said : 

"We  respectfully  request  your  acceptance  of  this  nomination  and 
your  approval  of  the  declaration  of  the  principles  adopted  by  the  con- 
vention. We  assure  you  that  you  are  the  unanimous  choice  of  a  united 
party,  and  your  candidacy  will  be  immediately  accepted  by  the  country 
as  an  absolute  guarantee  of  the  republican  success. 

"Your  nomination  has  been  made  in  obedience  to  popular  demand, 
whose  universality  and  spontaneity  attest  the  affection  and  confidence 
of  the  plain  people  of  the  United  States.  By  common  consent  you  are 
their  champion.  Their  mighty  uprising  in  your  behalf  emphasizes  the 
sincerity  of  their  conversion  to  the  cardinal  principles  of  protection  and 
reciprocity  as  best  exemplified  in  that  splendid  congressional  act  which 
bears  your  name.    *    *    * 

"But  your  nomination  means  more  than  the  indorsement  of  a  pro- 
tective tariff,  of  reciprocity,  of  sound  money,  and  of  honest  finance,  for 
all  of  which  you  have  so  steadfastly  stood.  It  means  an  endorsement 
of  your  heroic  youth,  your  faithful  years  of  arduous  public  services, 
your  sterling  patriotism,  your  stalwart  Americanism,  your  Christian 
j  character,  and  the  purity,  fidelity  and  simplicity  of  your  private  life. 
L  •  In  all  these  things  you  are  the  typical  American ;  for  all  of  these  things 
'  you  are  the  chosen  leader  of  the  people.  God  give  you  strength  so  to 
bear  the  honor  and  meet  the  duties  of  that  great  ofiice  for  which  you 
are  now  nominated,  and  to  which  you  will  be  elected,  that  your  admin- 
istration will  enhance  the  dignity  and  power  and  glory  of  this  republic 
and  secure  the  safety,  welfare  and  happiness  of  its  liberty-loving  people." 

In  his  reply  to  Senator  Thurston,  Governor  McKinley  said : 

"To  be   selected  as  their  presidential   candidate  by  a  great  party 


t4^  Life  of  William  McKinley    - 

convention,  representing  so  vast  a  number  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  is  a  most  distinguished  honor,  for  which  I  would  not  conceal  my 
high  appreciation,  although  deeply  sensible  of  the  great  responsibilities 
of  the  trust,  and  my  inability  to  bear  them  without  the  generous  and 
constant  support  of  my  fellow  countrymen.  Great  as  is  the  honor  con- 
ferred, equally  arduous  and  important  is  the  duty  imposed,  and  in 
accepting  the  one  I  assume  the  other,  relying  upon  the  patriotic  devo- 
tion of  the  people  to  the  best  interests  of  our  beloved  country,  and  the 
sustaining  care  and  aid  of  Him  without  whose  support  all  we  do  is 

empty  and  vain. 

"Should  the  people  ratify  the  choice  of  the  great  convention  for 
which  you  speak,  my  only  aim  will  be  to  promote  the  public  good, 
which  in  America  is  always  the  good  of  the  greatest  number,  the 
honor  of  our  country,  and  the  welfare  of  the  people." 

He  then  discussed  the  questions  to  be  settled  by  the  election,  and 
concluded  as  follows: 

"The  platform  adopted  by  the  republican  national  convention  has 
received  my  careful  consideration,  and  has  my  unqualified  approval.  It 
is  a  matter  of  gratification  to  me,  as  I  am  sure  it  must  be  to  you  and 
republicans  everywhere,  and  to  all  our  people,  that  the  expressions  of 
its  declarations  of  principles  are  so  direct,  clear  and  emphatic.  They 
are  too  plain  and  positive  to  leave  any  chance  for  doubt  or  question 
as  to  their  purport  and  meaning.  But  you  will  not  expect  me  to  dis- 
cuss its  provisions  at  length,  or  in  detail  at  this  time.  It  will,  how- 
ever, be  my  duty  and  pleasure,  at  some  future  day,  to  make  to  you,  and 
through  you  to  the  great  party  you  represent,  a  more  formal  accept- 
ance of  the  nomination  tendered  me. 

"No  one  could  be  more  profoundly  grateful  than  I  for  the  mani- 
festation of  public  confidence  of  which  you  have  so  eloquently  spoken. 
It  shall  be  my  aim  to  attest  this  appreciation  by  an  unsparing  devotion 
to  what  I  esteem  the  best  interests  of  the  people,  and  in  this  work  I  ask 
the  counsel  and  support  of  you,  gentlemen,  and  of  every  other  friend 
of  the  country.  The  generous  expressions  with  which  you,  sir,  convey 
the  official  notice  of  my  nomination  are  highly  appreciated,  and  as  fully 
reciprocated,  and  I  thank  you,  and  your  associates  of  the  notification' 
committee,  and  the  great  party  and  convention  at  whose  instance  ;:^ou 
come,  for  the  high  and  exceptional  distinction  bestowed  upon  me." 

His  letter  of  acceptance  which  followed  some  weeks  later  was  a  mas- 
terly document,  and  clearly  indicated  the  study  he  had  given  to  all  the 
great  questions  then  agitating  the  minds  of  the  people. 

Though  not  in  accordance  with  the  forms  and  ceremonies,  the  cam- 
paign was  already  opened.     For  months  the  people  had  been  discussing 

Our  Martyred  President  I43 

the  silver  question,  and  16  to  i  was  lieard  on  every  side.  The  tariff 
had  seemingly  disappeared  as  an  issue,  and  everybody  was  interested 
in  the  theory — not  new,  but  freshly  agitated — that  all  the  people  needed 
to  insure  prosperity  was  more  money  per  capita. 

Sentiment  was  rapidly  crystallizing  when  the  democratic  national 
convention  was  held.  The  populists  had  already  held  their  convention 
and  nominated  William  Jennings  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  on  a  platform 
demanding  free  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i,  and  other 
things  too  numerous  to  mention.  -  The  silver  craze  had  spread  through 
the  rank  and  file  of  the  democratic  party  so  fully  that  it  was  seen  that 
the  national  convention  would  be  committed  to  the  doctrine.  Many  of 
the  eastern  democrats  protested  against  such  action,  and  the  forcing  it 
upon  the  convention  resulted  in  a  split,  the  bolters  taking  the  name 
of  "Gold  Democrats,"  and  putting  a  national  ticket  in  the  field.  The 
democratic  national  convention  was  held  in  Chicago,  in  the  Coliseum. 
Mr.  Bryan  came  to  the  convention  as  a  delegate,  and  a  pronounced  cham- 
pion of  the  silver  theory.  He  was  still' a  democrat,  and  had  not  accepted 
the  nomination  tendered  him  by  the  populists.  Neither  had  he  been 
regarded  as  a  prominent  candidate  for  the  presidency.  He  was  young, 
and  there  were  wheel-horses  in  the  party  to  be  rewarded.  "Silver 
Dick,"  as  the  Hon.  Richard  P.  Bland,  of  Missouri,  was  called,  because 
of  his  long  defense  of  silver  in  the  house  of  representatives  as  a  money 
metal,  was  one  of  the  most  formidable  candidates,  and  Governor  Horace 
Boies,  who  had  succeeded  in  winning  the  republican  state  of  Iowa  for 
the  democrats,  also  had  a  large  following.  But  Mr.  Bryan  had  already 
achieved  fame  as  an- orator,  and  during  the  convention  he  took  the  plat- 
form and  made  a  most  brilliant  speech  in  favor  of  the  free  coinage  of 
silver.  The  address  so  electrified  the  convention  that  delegation  after 
delegation  voted  for  Mr.  Bryan  when  the  balloting  began,  and  before 
the  roll  call  was  finished  it  was  seen  that  he  was  nominated. 

Following  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Bryan  began  a  campaign  the  like 
of  which  had  perhaps  never  been  seen  in  any  country.  It  was  full  of 
spectacular  features,  and  there  was  more  eloquence  to  the  square  inch 
than  had  ever  been  known  before.  Everybody  turned  speech-maker, 
and  few  places  were  regarded  as  too  sacred,  and  few  moments  as  im- 
proper, in  which  to  discuss  the  momentous  questions.  On  the  streets, 
in  railway  cars,  on  steamboats,  in  hotels,  stores,  factories,  and  at  the 
family  board  the  great  question  was  threshed  out.  The  excitement 
was  intense.  On  both  sides  the  people  believed  a  crisis  had  arrived. 
The  republicans  declared  the  election  of  Mr,  Bryan  meant  repudiation 
of  obligations,  ruin  and  national  dishonor.  The  democrats  retorted 
that  there  could  be  no  repudiation  in  sticking  to  the  money  of  the  con- 

144  Life  of  William  McKinley 

stitution  and  the  argument  was  so  apparently  conclusive  that  the  repub- 
licans became  alarmed.  It  was  found  that  the  silver  belief  was  fully 
grounded— the  people  of  the  great  West  seemed  impressed  with  the 
idea  that  more  money  would  make  times  better,  and  more  money  could 
easily  be  coined.  The  government  had  practically  ceased  under  the 
Cleveland  administration  to  purchase  silver  bullion.  The  mines  of  Col- 
orado, Utah,  Arizona,  New  Mexico,  Montana,  and  other  sections,  could 
produce  the  metal  in  abundance,  and  for  the  government  to  coin  it  into 
money  would  produce  the  supply  of  money  necessary  to  relieve  the 

Such  arguments  appealed  to  those  who  felt  the  pinch  of  poverty, 
and  the  republicans  found  it  necessary  to  send  their  best  and  most  elo- 
quent speakers  into  the  field,  in  order  to  counteract  the  influence  of  the 
silver  advocates.  Printing  presses  throughout  the  land  were  set  to 
work  to  print  pamphlets  and  tracts  to  explode  the  democratic  doctrine, 
and  great  discs  of  base  metal  were  cast  to  show  how  much,  silver  at  the 
prevailing  price  would  have  to  go  into  a  dollar,  to  make  it  the  equivalent 
of  a  gold  dollar.  The  bullion  value  of  the  silver  in  a  dollar  was  at  that 
time  about  50  cents,  and  the  object  lesson  had  its  effect  upon  certain 

As  indicative  of  the  arguments  used  by  the  leading  orators  during 
the  campaign,  the  following  examples  are  given : 

Congressman  Joseph  C.  Sibley,  of  Pennsylvania,  one  of  the  promi- 
nent Eastern  men  who  supported  the  doctrine  of  free  coinage  of  silver, 
said  in  one  of  his  speeches : 

"Silver  is  the  only  stable  standard  of  values,  maintaining  at  all  times 
its  parity  with  every  article  of  production  except  gold.  The  ounce  of 
silver,  degraded  by  infamous  legislation  from  its  normal  mintage  value 
of  1.2929  an  ounce  to  about  60  cents,  has  kept  its  parity  with  the  ton  of 
pig  iron,  the  pound  of  nails,  and  all  the  products  of  our  iron  mills. 
The  ounce  of  silver  has  maintained  its  parity  with  the  barrel  of  petro- 
leum, with  granite  blocks,  with  kiln-burnt  bricks.  With  lumber  grow- 
ing scarcer  year  by  year  it  still  keeps  its  parity.  It  is  at  parity  with 
the  ton  of  coal;  with  the  mower,  reaper,  thresher,  the  grain  drill,  the 
hoe,  and  the  spade.  Silver  at  1.2929  and  beef  at  7  cents  per  pound  in 
the  farmer's  field  has  kept  its  parity,  and  the  ounce  of  silver  at  60  cents 
buys  today  beef  at  2  cents  per  pound  on  foot.  The  pound  of  cotton 
and  the  ounce  of  silver  have  never  lost  their  level.  No  surer  has  the 
sun  indicated  on  the  dial  the  hour  of  the  day  than  has  the  ounce  of 
silver  shown  the  value  of  the  pound  of  cotton.  As  surely  as  the  moon 
has  given  high  or  low  tide,  just  so  surely  has  the  ounce  of  silver  given 
the  high  and  low  tide  prices  of  wheat.     The  ounce  of  silver  has  main- 


Our  Martyred  President  i^j.^ 

tained  its  parity  with  your  railway  dividends,  with  the  earnings  in  youi 
shops  and  factories,  in  all  departments  of  effort. 

"If  parity  with  gold  is  demanded,  and  the  secretary  of  the  treasury 
construes  the  law  to  mean  whenever  demanded  to  pay  gold,  then  let  us 
maintain  the  parity  by  reducing  the  number  of  grains  in  the  gold  dollar 
from  23.22  grains  pure  gold  to  15  grains,  or  to  such  number  of  grains 
as  will  keep  it  at  parity.  While  we  may  wrong  by  so  doing  the  creditor 
class,  through  the  increased  value  of  the  products  of  human  industry. 
we  must  remember  tliat  for  every  one  creditor  there  are  a  thousand 
debtors ;  and  we  should  remember  that  tlie  aim  of  the  government  is  the 
greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number,  and  also  the  minimum  amount  of 
evil.  But  no  such  drastic  measure  is  necessary.  Parity  may  be  main- 
tained and  every  declaration  of  governm.ental  policy  fully  met  by  accept- 
ing for  all  dues,  public  and  private,  including  duties  upon  imports,  silver 
and  paper  issues  of  the  nation  of  ever}^  description  whatsoever. 

"In  all  the  gold-standard  nations  destitution  and  misery  prevail. 
With  great  standing  armies  in  Europe  outbreaks  are  not  of  frequent 
occurrence,  and  yet  one  rarely  peruses  his  paper  without  reading  of 
these  outbreaks.  In  Nebraska  and  Kansas,  the  land  of  wheat  and  corn, 
we  read  of  starving  households;  even  in  Ohio  appeals  are  sent  out  for 
the  relief  of  thousands  of  starving  miners,  and  yet  men  have  the  temer- 
ity to  tell  us  that  the  evils  arise  from  overproduction. 

"Men  tell  us  that  there  is  an  overproduction  of  silver,  and  that  its 
price  had  diminished  in  comparison  with  gold  because  of  its  great  rela- 
tive increase.  Such  statements  are  not  only  misleading,  but  absolutely 
false.  Figures  show  that  in  1600  we  produced  27  tons  of  silver  to  i 
ton  of  gold;  in  1700,  34  tons  of  silver  to  i  ton  of  gold;  in  1800,  t^2 
tons  of  silver  to  i  ton  of  gold;  in  1848,  31  tons  of  silver  to  i  ton  of 
gold;  while  in  1880  the  production  of  silver  had  declined  until  we  pro- 
duced 18  tons  of  silver  to  i  ton  of  gold ;  and  in  1890  but  18  tons  of  silver 
to  I  ton  of  gold ;  and  that,  instead  of  the  ratio  of  coinage  being  increased 
above  16  to  i.  if  relative  production  of  the  two  metals  is  to  determine 
the  ratio,  then  the  ratio  should  have  been  diminished  rather  than 
increased,  and  confirms  the  fact  that  merely  tlie  denial  of  mintage  upon 
terms  of  equality  with  gold  is  responsible  for  all  depreciation  in  the  value 
of  silver  bullion. 

"All  the  silver  in  the  world  today  can  be  put  in  a  room  sixty-six  feet 
in  each  dimension,  and  all  the  gold  can  be  melted  into  a  cube  of  t8  or 
20  feet.  There  are  today  less  than  twenty-five  millions  of  bar  silver  in 
all  Europe.  Mr.  St.  John,  the  eminent  banker  of  New  York,  has  stated 
that  there  was  not  over  five  millions  of  silver  that  could  be  made  avail- 
able to  send  to  our  mints.     Begin  to  coin  silver  to  the  full  capacity  of 

146  Life  of  William  McKinley 

our  mintS;  and  we  would  have  to  coin  it  for  twenty  years  before  giving 
to  each  inhabitant  a  per  capita  circulation  that  France,  the  most  pros- 
perous nation  in  the  world  today,  possesses. 

"The  struggle  today  is  between  the  debtor  and  creditor  classes. 
With  one-half  the  world's  money  of  final  account  destroyed,  the  creditor 
can  demand  twice  as  much  of  the  product  of  your  field,  your  shop,  and 
your  enterprise  and  labor  for  his  dues.  In  this  struggle  between  debtor 
and  creditor  the  latter  has  taken  undue  advantage  and  by  legislation 
doubled  and  trebled  the  volume  of  debt.  For  example,  suppose  you 
had  given  a  note  to  your  neighbor  promising  to  pay,  one  year  after  date, 
1,500  bushels  of  wheat.  You  thresh  the  grain,  measure  it  into  the  bin, 
and  notify  your  creditor  that  the  wheat  is  at  his  disposal.  He  goes  to 
the  granary,  sacks  the  wheat,  and  then  brings  up  your  notes  and  states, 
'I  have  taken  500  bushels,  which  I  have  endorsed  on  your  note.  I  will 
call  on  you  for  the  balance  when  next  year's  crop  is  harvested.'  You 
say :  'Why  did  you  not  take  all  the  wheat  and  let  me  make  full  pay- 
ment ?'  The  note-holder  answers :  T  did  take  all  the  wheat,  and  there 
were  only  500  bushels  in  the  bin  instead  of  1,500.' 

You  fail  to  understand  how  that  can  be  possible.  You  know  that 
you  threshed  out  and  measured  into  that  bin  1,500  bushels  of  wheat. 
You  go  to  the  granary  and  find  that  it  is  true.  No  wheat  is  there,  but 
there  appears  to  be  an  enormous  lot  of  wheat  upon  those  wagons  for  500 
bushels,  and  you  ask  the  note-holder:  'Who  measured  this  wheat?  and 
let  me  see  how  you  measured  it.'  You  see  something  in  the  form  of  a 
measure  about  as  large  as  a  washtub,  and  you  ask  him  what  that  is.  He 
tells  you  that  is  the  half -bushel  measure  with  which  he  measured  your 
wheat ;  but  you  reply :  'My  dear  sir,  that  holds  more  than  half  a  bushel ; 
that  measure  will  hold  six  pecks :'  He  answers :  'Correct,  it  does  hold 
six  pecks,  but  it  now  takes  twelve  pecks  to  make  a  bushel,  instead  of 
four  pecks.  Together  with  other  friends  who  had  wheat  coming  to 
us  we  went  before  the  committee  on  coinage,  weights  and  measures  and 
secured  the  passage  of  a  legislative  enactment  that  it  should  require 
twelve  pecks  instead  of  four  pecks  to  make  a  bushel.  We  have  secured 
this  legislation  for  the  proper  protection  of  the  holders  of  wheat  obliga- 
tions, for  our  own  security,  and  for  fear  that  we  should  became  timid 
and  lose  confidence  in  your  ability  to  pay  unless  we  changed  the  standard 
of  measure.'  But  you  reply:  'Sir,  we  who  have  obligations  maturing, 
contracts  long  standing,  have  never  asked  or  consented  to  the  enactment 
of  such  legislation.  Our  representatives  in  congress  never  permitted 
us  to  understand  that  any  such  legislation  was  pending.'  He  replies: 
'Sir,  you  might  have  known  it  had  you  desired  to  do  so,  or  had  you 
kept  yourself  as  well  posted  in  legislative  affairs  as  do  the  holders  of 

Our  Martyred  President  147 

obligations  calling  for  products  of  the  soil  for  payment.  We  have  our 
representatives  in  congress.  We  reward  them  for  their  fidelity  to  our 
interests;  we  punish  them  for  fidelity  to  yours.' 

"This,  in  my  judgment,  is  not  a  far-fetched  illustration,  but  depicts 
the  exact  condition  against  which  production  today  protests.  The  debt- 
or's obligation,  true,  does  not  call  for  in  specific  terms.  It  calls 
for  dollars,  but  by  legislation  we  have  made  the  dollar  three  times  as 
large  in  purchasing  power  or  in  measuring  values  as  it  was  before.  \Yc 
talk  about  gold  being  the  only  money  of  intrinsic  value,  and  attempt  to 
befog  and  mystify  the  masses  by  telling  them  that  it  has  intrinsic  value, 
w^hen  its  value  is  merely  the  artificial  product  of  legislation. 

"Enact  a  law,  to  be  rigidly  enforced,  providing  that  no  meat  of  anv 
kind,  whether  'fish,  flesh  or  fowl,'  except  mutton,  shall  be  used  for  food. 
What  will  be  the  intrinsic  value  of  your  beef  cattle,  of  your  swine,  your 
poultry,  and  your  fish  tomorrow?  The  mutton-headed  monometallists 
would  tell  you  that  the  great  increase  in  the  value  of  mutton  was  be- 
cause of  its  intrinsic  worth.  Let  this  nation  and  the  commercial  nations 
of  the  globe  enact  a  law  tomorrow,  that  neither  cotton,  nor  silk,  nor 
fabric  should  be  used  for  clothing  or  covering,  forbid  the  factories  of 
the  w^orld  to  spin  or  weave  aught  but  wool,  and  what  will  be  the  intrinsic 
value  of  cotton  or  silk  thereafter?  Wool  will  be  king;  its  value  will  bo 
enhanced,  but  cotton,  hemp,  and  silk  will  be  as  valueless  as  weeds  or  as 
gossamer  webs. 

"With  the  mints  open  to  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  both  gold 
and  silver  there  has  never  been  a  moment  when  silver  has  not  maintained 
its  parity  with  gold,  and  a  ratio  of  16  to  i  commanded  a  premium 
of  more  than  3  per  cent  over  gold.  And  if,  by  some  fortunate  dis- 
coveries to-morrow,  gold  should  be  found  in  great  quantities  sufficient 
to  lessen  the  income  of  the  annuitant,  the  bondholding,  or  the  fixed- 
income  class,  there  would  arise  a  demand  for  the  demonetization  of 
gold  and  the  establishment  of  the  pearl,  ruby,  or  diamond  standard  of 
values.  Whatever  standard  can  bring  to  grasping  hands  and  greedy 
hearts  the  most  of  the  toil,  the  sweat,  and  unrequited  efforts  of  his 
fellowman,  this  standard  wdll  be  demanded  by  the  represe'itatives  of 
greed,  and  must  be  resisted  by  those  who  represent  humanity  and  Chris- 

United  States  Senator  Julius  C.  Burrows,  of  Michigan,  in  replying 
to  the  free  coinage  argument,  said : 

"Coin  silver  dollars  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i  or  20  to  i  and  you  have 
a  dollar  intrinsically  worth  less  than  the  gold  dollar,  and  coin  such  a 
dollar  as  that — permit  the  owners  of  silver  bullion  to  bring  to  the  mints 
of  the  United  States,  and  have  manufactured  into  dollars,  a  certain  num- 

148  Life  of  William  McKinley 

ber  of  grains,  worth  In  bullion  much  less  than  after  they  are  coined,  is  a 
proposition  to  which  1  cannot  give  my  assent. 

"But  it  has  been  stated  and  repeatedly  asserted  that  the  present  silver 
dollar  is  the  'dollar  of  the  fathers.'  That  statement  is  not  true.  It  is  not 
the  'dollar  of  the  fathers,'  and  the  fathers  if  living  would  repudiate  such 
an  assumption  as  a  reflection  upon  their  integrity  and  sagacity.  The 
silver  dollar  of  the  fathers  was  intended  to  be  and  was  in  fact  practically 
equal  to  the  gold  dollar  in  intrinsic  value. 

"This  contest  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver  began  in  1874,  and  it 
has  been  prosecuted  with  unceasing  vigor  ever  since.  Why  ?  Up  to  that 
time  the  silver  dollar  was  worth  more,  intrinsically,  than  the  gold  dollar, 
being  worth  in  1873  $1.03  as  compared  with  gold. 

"Up  to  that  time  the  coinage  of  silver  dollars  in  this  country  had 
been  very  limited.  One  would  think  from  the  tenor  of  this  discussion 
that  all  at  once  a  great  outrage  had  been  perpetrated  upon  silver,  that  it 
had  been  stricken  from  our  monetary  system  at  a  blow,  by  the  force  of 
law,  when  the  fact  is  that  from  1793  to  1805,  a  period  of  twelve  years, 
we  coined  but  1,439,517  silver  dollars.  From  1806  to  1836,  a  period  of 
thirty  years,  we  did  not  coin  a  single  silver  dollar.  From  1836  to  1873, 
a  period  of  thirty-seven  years,  we  coined  only  6,606,321  silver  dollars. 
In  eighty  years  we  only  coined  a  total  of  8,045,838  silver  dollars.  So 
long  as  silver  remained  more  valuable  than  gold  there  was  iTo  clamor 
for  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  but  in  1878,  when  resumption  was  an 
assured  fact,  and  the  people  had  decreed  that  they  would  keep  faith  V'/ith 
their  creditors  and  pay  their  unredeemed  promises,  then  the  champions 
of  cheap  money  turned  their  attention  to  silver,  finding  it  had  declined  in 
value  from  $1.03  in  1873  to  $0.89  in  1878. 

"The  battle  is  now  renewed  under  the  plea  of  bimetallism,  and  the 
advocates  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver  seek  to  delude  the  people  by 
asserting  that  they  are  in  favor  of  bimetallism  while  its  opponents  are 
not.     We  have  bimetallism  to-day. 

"The  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  any  of  the  ratios  named 
will  destroy  bimetallism  and  will  reduce  country  to  a  single  stand- 
ard, that  of  silver,  and  that  depreciated,  and  I  am  suspicious  that  for  this 
very  reason  some  gentlemen  are  anxious  for  its  triumph.  The  opening 
of  the  mints  of  the  United  States  to  the  unrestricted  minting:  for  Individ- 
uals  of  silver  into  legal  dollars  at  any  ratio  to  gold  less  than  the  com- 
mercial value  of  both  metals,  under  the  pretense  of  aiding  the  cause  of 
bimetallism  or  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  or  maintaining  bimetal- 
lism in  the  United  States,  is  simply  playing  upon  the  sentiment  and 
credulity  of  the  American  people. 

Mr.  Bryan  toured  the  country  during  the  campaign,  and  spoke  in  all 

Assassinated  in  1&65 

Ouv  Martyred  President  149 

sections  of  the  country.  He  went  Into  the  eastern  states,  where  the 
opponents  of  the  free  silver  doctrine  were  strongest  and  made  numerous 
speeches,  but  did  the  most  of  his  work  in  the  south  and  west.  His  fame 
as  an  orator  drew  thousands  to  hear  him,  and  under  the  s])ell  of  his 
eloquence  millions  were  brought  to  believe  with  him.  When  the  cam- 
l)aign  was  well  under  way,  and  the  Republican  leaders  had  in  a  meas- 
ure checked  the  spread  of  the  free  silver  doctrine,  they  put  forward 
again  the  doctrine  of  a  protective  tariff,  and  declared  it  to  be  the  real 
issue  before  the  people,  and  its  maintenance  necessary  to  the  renewed 
prosperity  of  the  nation. 

Governor  McKinley  remained  at  his  home  in  Canton  during  the 
exciting  summer  of  1896  and  there  received  the  homage  of  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  his  fellow  citizens.  "People  of  all  ages  and  classes 
visited  him  and  day  after  day  he  made  speeches  to  those  who  asked 
for  light.  He  exhibited  his  wonderful  familiarity  with  the  concerns 
of  the  people,  by  pointed  remarks  touching  the  welfare  of  every  interest 
that  sought  his  advice,  and  proved  that  the  people  had  made  no  mis- 
take in  their  estimate  of  him. 

The  result  of  the  election  was.  McKinley,  7,061,142  votes;  Bryan, 
6,460,677.  In  the  electoral  college  J^IcKinley  had  271  votes  and  Bryan 

Senator  Hanna,  who  had  managed  the  campaign,  gave  the  follow- 
ing description  of  it  in  a  speech  before  the  Union  Club  at  Cleveland : 

"Mr.  Toastmaster  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Union  Club — I  have  a 
great  feeling  of  relief  tonight.  Such  a  feeling  of  relief  and  jcn'  as 
I  never  had  before,  and  I  never  was  so  happy  as  I  am  tonight.  (Cries 
of  "so  are  we,"  and  applause.)  My  friends,  tliis  comes  very  near 
to  being  an  anniversary.  About  two  years  ago — not  quite  that  long 
— I  began  my  work  of  devotion  and  love  to  our  chief.  Two  years 
ago  I  took  from  him  my  inspiration.  When  he  laid  upon  me  that 
confidence  which  he  left  and  said  to  me,  ']\Iy  friend,  I  trust  you  with 
mv  future,'  he  also  said,  'Mark,  there  are  some  thino-s  I  will  not  do 
to  be  president  of  the  United  States  (applause  and  cheers),  and  I 
leave  my  honor  in  your  hands.'  And  from  that  day,  nearly  two  years 
ago,  began  this  campaign. 

"It  was  rather  quiet  at  first  (laughter),  what  the  boys  are  likely 
to  call  'a  still  hunt,'  but  it  is  true  that  it  had  its  birthday  nearly  two 
years  ago  today.  I  embarked  upon  that  duty  with  a  full  heart  for 
a  man  whom  I  loved  because  I  had  learned  to  respect  and  honor  him. 
It  was  a  mission  of  love  inspired  by  that  nol)le  character  which  has 
no  peer  in  the  world.  (Tremendous  applause).  I  will  not  weary  you 
with  an  account   of  details  of  the  early  stages  of  tliat  campaign.     I 

150  Life  of  William  Mckiniv.-^ 

called  to  aid  men  who  had  known  the  effect  of  Maj.  McKinley's  mag- 
netism and  who  loved  and  admired  him  even  as  I  did,  and  the  terri- 
tory in  which  I  fonnd  them  was  not  bonnded  by  Ohio,  but  reached  from 
the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  (Applause.)  Scores  and  hundreds  of 
men  who  loved  him  as  I  did  rallied  with  McKinley  as  the  word  on 
their  lips  and  their  country  their  prayer.  (Applause  and  cries  of  'good, 
good.')  The  next  epoch  was  that  wonderful  convention  at  St.  Louis, 
where  McKinley  received  661  votes.  I  believe  those  figures  are  right. 
You  all  read  of  its  marvelous  scenes.  When  I  took  that  charge  of 
McKinley's  honor  I  swore  to  my  Maker  that  I  would  return  it  unsul- 
lied. (Applause  and  cheers).  And  when  I  returned  from  that  mem- 
orable convention,  proud  and  satisfied  with  the  work  his  friends  had 
done,  I  went  to  Canton  and  laid  my  report  at  the  feet  of  my  chieftain, 
and  I  said  to  him,  'McKinley,  I  have  not  forgotten  the  trust  and  I 
bring  it  back  without  a  blot  and  not  a  single  promise  to  redeem.'  I 
think  I  have  a  right  to  feel  proud  of  that  (cheers  and  applause)  because 
in  the  succession  of  the  administration  from  Lincoln's  time  to  the  pres- 
ent era  no  man  ever  enjoyed  that  privilege  before.  (Tremendous  ap- 

"Then  began  the  battle  royal.  The  Chicago  convention  flung  forth 
an  edict  which  shackled  the  nation  and  almost  prostrated  the  country. 
Following  that  came  that  grand  wave  of  inspiration  from  McKinley. 
His  name  and  all  he  stood  for  was  the  battle  cry  from  that  time  on. 
Never  before  was  such  a  battle  waged.  It  was  against  an  unknown, 
unseen  enemy,  which  faced  us  under  cover  on  every  side,  but  before 
us  was  McKinley's  name,  and  every  eye  was  fixed  on  it,  and  every 
heart  was  bound  to  it  as  to  a  guiding  star.     (Tremendous  applause.) 

"There  were  dark  days.  There  were  days  when  even  the  best  men 
in  the  country  lost  faith  in  its  government.  And  why?  Because,  as 
I  said,  the  enemy  was  an  unseen  one,  and  the  blows  it  was  striking 
were  blows  at  the  very  foundations  of  this  government.  And  they  did 
not  know  the  inner  workings  of  our  part  of  the  campaign.  When  I 
left  New  York  to  come  to  Cleveland  to  vote  for  my  friend  William 
McKinley  (applause  and  cheers),  I  looked  out  of  the  car  window  in 
the  early  dawn  and  I  saw  the  sun  rise,  and  that  sentiment  of  Garfield's 
(applause  and  cheers)  came  to  me,  'God  reigns'  (tremendous  cheer- 
ing), and  on  the  following  day  I  was  reminded  of  that  sentiment  of 
friend  Handy  here,  that  a  rainbow  spanned  the  continent.  I  cast  my 
vote,  and  then  I  hied  me  asfain  to  Canton  and  I  said  to  its  foremost 
citizen :  'Governor,  that  honor  and  that  escutcheon  which  you  con- 
fided to  me  are  still  untarnished.  You  haven't  a  promise  to  redeem,' 
(Cheers  for  several  moments.) 

Our  Martyred  President  151 

"And  now  I  rejoice  with  you  all  that  the  great  campaign  has  ended 
in  glory  and  in  peace.  I  can't  explain  to  you  what  impelled  me  to 
enter  on  this  labor,  leaving  all  my  other  interests  here  at  home,  except 
to  say  that  it  was  my  love  for  this  great  man.  I  had  been  with  him 
in  the  conventions  of  '84,  '88  and  '92,  and  I  knew  of  their  trials  and 
their  temptations,  and  it  was  then  that  I  learned  to  know  the  heart 
and  character  of  William  McKinley.  (Applause.)  It  was  then  tliat 
he  brushed  aside  all  except  the  future  and  said:  'I  will  not  stultify 
my  character  for  any  reward  on  earth !'  " 


President  of  the  United  States. 

William  McKiiiley  was  inaugurated  president  of  the  United  States 
March  4,  1897.  His  inaugural  address,  like  all  of  his  previous  public 
utterances,  was  dignified,  clear  and  exhaustive.  He  pointed  out  the 
wants  of  the  country,  and  pledged  himself  to  meet  them  as  far  as  pos- 
sible.    His  cabinet  was  composed  of  the  following  eminent  men : 

Secretary  of  State — Hon.  John  Sherman,  of  Ohio. 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury — Hon.  Lyman  J.  Gage,  of  Illinois. 
Secretary  of  War — Hon.  Russell  A.  Alger,  of  Michigan. 
Secretary  of  the  Interior — Hon.  Cornelius  N.  Bliss,  of  New  York. 
Secretary  of  the  Navy — Hon.  John  D.  Long,  of  Massachusetts. 
Postmaster  General — Hon.  James  A.  Gary,  of  Maryland. 
Attorney  General — Hon.  Joseph  McKenna,  of  California. 

Secretary  Sherman  resigned  in  1897,  on  account  of  ill-health,  and 
Judge  William  R.  Day,  of  Ohio,  an  old  friend  of  the  president's,  was 
appointed  to  succeed  him.  Judge  Day  subsequently  resigned  to  become 
head  of  the  peace  commission  appointed  to  arrange  for  the  termination 
of  the  Spanish-American  war,  and  Hon.  John  Hay,  formerly  minis- 
ter to  England,  succeeded  him.  Judge  McKenna,  attorney  general, 
also  resigned  in  1897,  and  Hon.  John  W.  Griggs  was  appointed  bis 
successor.  In  1898  Postmaster  General  Gary  resigned  and  Hon.  Charles 
Emory  Smith,  of  Pennsylvania,  became  his  successor.  Russell  A.  Alger, 
secretary  of  war,  tendered  his  resignation  in  1899  and  Hon.  Elihu 
Root,  of  New  York,  succeeded  him. 

More  American  history  was  made  during  President  IMcKinley's 
first  term  of  office  than  in  any  preceding  administration  since  the  day 
the  martyred  Lincoln  ceased  his  work. 

In  the  light  of  the  present,  to  undertake  to  pronounce  upon  the 
permanent  character  of  all  the  acts  of  the  administration  would  be  to 
assume  superior  wisdom.  But  if  the  voice  of  the  people  is  to  be  relied 
upon  as  the  voice  of  God,  then,  assuredly  President  McKinley  was 
wise  beyond  ordinary  men.  for  the  people  promptly  and  decisively, 
when  the  time  came,  sanctioned  his  acts.  The  Spanish  war  and  its 
results  was  the  main   feature  of  his  first  year's   work.     It  grew   out 


Our  Martyred  President  153 

of  the  oppression  of  the  people  of  Cuba  l)y  Spain,  The  Cubans  had 
been  for  years  in  arms  against  the  Spaniards,  and  the  people  were  worn 
out  with  the  struggle.  Constantly  they  appealed  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States  to  aid  them  in  their  struggle,  and  the  people — not  the 
government — responded.  Spain  took  offense  at  this  and  urged  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  to  prevent  munitions  of  war  and  other 
supplies  being  supplied  to  the  Cubans.  The  Spaniards  were  absolutely 
unable  to  crush  the  independent  spirit  of  the  Cubans.  Finally,  in  1897, 
when  the  island  was  a  scene  of  awful  desolation,  the  sufferings  of  Amer- 
ican citizens  in  Cuba  became  so  great  that  congress  at  a  special  ses- 
sion, appropriated  $50,000  for  their  relief.  Here  was  further  cause  for 
complaint  on  the  part  of  Spain.  War  grew  out  of  the  situation,  but 
as  the  matter  will  be  fully  treated  of  elsewhere  it  will  not  be  further 
alluded  to  here.  The  passage  of  the  "sound  money"  law,  placing  the 
country  on  a  gold  basis  and  in  line  with  the  other  leading  nations  of 
the  earth,  was  accomplished  and  many  other  things,  which  may  be 
best  told  briefly  in  the  words  of  Senator  Hanna  in  his  Union  Club 
speecli,  in  which  he  said : 

"President  McKinley's  administration  brought  about  a  more  prompt 
readjustment  of  the  tariff,  to  accord  with  the  views  of  the  party  which 
elected  him  to  office,  than  any  preceding  administration,  and  in  this 
case  it  was  accomplished  under  peculiarly  embarrassing  and  difficult 
conditions,  by  reason  of  the  well  known  fact  that  his  own  party  did 
not  have  a  clear  majority  in  one  branch  of  congress — the  senate.  Presi- 
dent McKinley  was  inaugurated  on  March  4,  1897,  ^"d  immediately 
called  congress  to  meet  in  special  session  on  March  15.  In  his  mes- 
sage to  that  congress  he  called  attention  to  the  excessive  importations 
and  the  lack  of  revenues,  and  said :  'Congress  should  promptly  cor- 
rect the  existing  conditions.  Ample  revenues  must  be  supplied,  not 
only  for  the  ordinary  expenses  of  tlte  government,  but  for  the  prompt 
payment  of  liberal  pensions  and  the  liquidation  of  the  principal  and 
interest  of  the  public  debt.  In  raising  revenues,  duties  should  be  levied 
upon  foreign  products  so  as  to  preserve  the  home  market  so  far  as 
possible  to  our  own  producers ;  to  revive  and  increase  manufactures ; 
to  relieve  and  encourage  agriculture;  to  increase  our  domestic  and  for- 
eign commerce;  to  aid  and  develop  mining  and  building,  and  to  ren- 
der to  labor  in  every  field  the  useful  occupation,  the  liberal  wages  and 
the  adequate  rewards  to  which  skill  and  industry  are  justly  entitled. 
The  necessity  of  a  tariff  law  which  shall  provide  ample  revenue  need 
not  be  further  urged.  The  imperative  demand  of  the  hoiu-  is  the  prompt 
enactment  of  such  a  measure,  and  to  this  object  I  earnestly  recommend 
that  congress  sh.all  make  every  endeavor,' 

154  Life  of  William  Mc Kinky 

"This  recommendation  was  promptly  complied  with.  Congress  met 
on  March  15,  and  on  that  day  a  taritT  bill  was  introduced  in  the  house; 
on  March  19  it  was  reported  from  the  committee  on  ways  and  means; 
the  debate  began  on  March  22,  and  on  March  31  the  bill  passed  the 
republican  house  and  was  sent  to  the  senate,  which,  after  making  some 
amendments,  passed  the  measure  on  July  7. 

"The  bill  was  then  sent  to  the  conference  committee  and  became 
a  law  on  July  24,  143  days  from  the  date  of  President  McKinley's 
inauguration.  This  was  less  time  than  was  occupied  in  the  enactment 
of  any  tariff  legislation  since  the  days  of  Washington,  whose  first  tariff 
measure  consumed  about  two  months,  being,  of  course,  very  brief. 
Adams,  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe,  J.  O.  Adams,  Jackson,  William 
H.  Harrison,  Polk,  Pierce,  Buchanan,  Lincoln,  Grant,  x-Vrthur,  Ben- 
jamin Harrison  and  Grover  Cleveland  all  signed  tariff  bills,  but  none 
of  them  became  laws  in  so  short  a  time  as  did  the  Dingley  law.  Cleve- 
land's second  term,  with  his  own  party  in  control  of  both  branches  of 
congress,  did  not  witness  the  completion  of  its  tariff  measure  until 
nearly  eighteen  months  after  his  inauguration. 

"Regarding  the  war  with  Spain  and  its  results,  the  facts  are  so 
well  known  as  to  need  little  discussion  in  detail.  No  war  of  such  results 
was  ever  waged  with  so  little  loss  of  life.  In  the  campaign  which  re- 
sulted in  the  rescue  of  Cuba  from  her  oppressors  and  in  the  addition  of 
Porto  Rico  to  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  fewer  lives  were  lost 
upon  the  battlefield  than  were  lost  in  the  United  States  during  the 
peaceful  celebration  of  the  Fourth  of  July,   1899. 

"In  like  manner  the  financial  record  of  the  administration  may 
be  best  described  by  a  quotation  from  the  president's  special  message 
to  congress  on  July  24,  1897: 

"  'Nothing  was  settled  more  clearly  at  the  late  national  election 
than  the  determination  upon  the  part  of  the  people  to  keep  their  cur- 
rency stable  in  value  and  equal  to  that  of  the  most  advanced  nations 
of  the  world. 

"  The  soundness  of  our  currency  is  nowhere  questioned.  No  loss 
can  occur  to  its  holders.  It  is  the  system  which  should  be  simplified 
and  strengthened,  keeping  our  money  just  as  good  as  it  is  now  with 
less  expense  to  the  government  and  the  people. 

"  'The  sentiment  of  the  country  is  strongly  in  favor  of  early  action 
by  congress  in  this  direction,  to  revise  our  currency  laws  and  remove 
them  from  partisan  contention.  A  notable  assembly  of  business  men 
with  delegates  from  twenty-nine  states  and  territories  was  held  at  Indi- 
anapolis in  January  of  this  year.  The  financial  situation  commanded 
their  earnest  attention  and,  after  a  two-day  session,  the  convention 
recommend  to  congress  the  appointment  of  a  monetary  commission. 

Our  Martyred  President  155 

"I  commend  this  report  to  the  consideration  of  congress.  The 
authors  of  the  report  recommend  a  commission  'to  make  a  thorough 
investigation  of  the  monetary  affairs  and  needs  of  this  country  in  all 
relations  and  aspects,  and  to  make  proper  suggestions  as  to  any  evils 
found  to  exist  and  the  remedies  therefor. 

"  'This  subject  should  receive  the  attention  of  congress  at  its  spe- 
cial session.     It  ought  not  to  be  postponed  until  the  regular  session. 

"  'I,  therefore,  urgently  recommend  that  a  special  commission  be 
created,  non-partisan  in  its  character,  to  be  composed  of  well  informed 
citizens  of  different  parties,  who  will  command  the  confidence  of  con- 
gress and  the  country  because  of  their  special  fitness  for  the  work, 
whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  make  recommendations  of  whatever  changes  in 
our  present  banking  and  currency  laws  may  be  found  necessary  and  expe- 
dient, and  to  report  their  conclusions  on  or  before  the  first  day  of  Novem- 
ber next,  in  order  that  the  same  may  be  transmitted  by  me  to  congress  for 
its  consideration  at  its  first  regular  session.' 

"This  committee  was  appointed,  worked  during  the  summer  recess 
and  the  result  of  its  deliberations  was  the  present  law. 

"To  summarize,  the  results  of  the  first  McKinley  administration  were : 

"The  Dingley  tariff. 

"The  sound  money  law. 

"The  war  with  Spain. 

"The  annexation  of  Porto  Rico,  the  Philippines  and  Guam. 

"The  annexation  of  Hawaii. 

"The  annexation  of  Tutuila. 

"The  organization  of  Cuba." 


The  President's  Own  Story  of  the  Spanish  War. 

No  more  admirable  presentation  of  all  of  the  incidents  leading  up 
to  the  Spanish  war,  or  of  the  results  of  that  event,  has  been  made  than 
that  of  President  McKinley  himself,  in  his  second  annual  message  to 
congress.     In  that  document  he  said  : 

"Military  service  under  a  common  flag  and  for  a  righteous  cause  has 
strengthened  the  national  spirit  and  served  to  cement  more  closely  than 
ever  the  fraternal  bonds  between  every  section  of  the  country. 

"In  my  annual  message  very  full  consideration  was  given  to  the 
question  of  the  duty  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  toward 
Spain  and  the  Cuban  insurrection  as  being  by  far  the  most  important 
problem  with  which  we  were  then  called  upon  to  deal.  The  considera- 
tions then  advanced,  and  the  exposition  of  the  views  then  expressed, 
disclosed  my  sense  of  the  extreme  gravity  of  the  situation. 


"Setting  aside,  as  logically  unfounded  or  practically  inadmissible, 
the  recognition  of  the  Cuban  insurgents  as  belligerents,  the  recognition 
of  the  independence  of  Cuba,  neutral  intervention  to  end  the  war  by 
imposing  a  rational  compromise  between  the  contestants,  intervention 
in  favor  of  one  or  the  other  party,  and  forcible  annexation  of  the  islands, 
I  concluded  it  was  honestly  due  to  our  friendly  relations  with  Spain 
that  she  should  be  given  a  reasonable  chance  to  realize  her  expecta- 
tions of  reform,  to  which  she  had  become  irrevocably  committed.  With- 
in a  few  weeks  previously  she  had  announced  comprehensive  plans, 
which  it  was  confidently  asserted  would  be  efficacious  to  remedy  the 
evils  so  deeply  affecting  our  own  country,  so  injurious  to  the  true 
interests  of  the  mother  country  as  well  as  to  those  of  Cuba,  and  so 
repugnant  to  the  universal  sentiment  of  humanity. 

"The  ensuing  month  brought  little  sign  of  real  progress  toward 
the  pacification  of  Cuba.  The  autonomous  administration  set  up  in  the 
capital  and  some  of  the  principal  cities  appeared  not  to  gain  the  favor 
of  the  inhabitants  nor  to  be  able  to  extend  their  influence  to  the  laree 
extent  of  territory  held  by  the  insurgents,  while  the  military  arm,  obvi- 
ously unable  to  cope  with  the  still  active  rebellion,  continued  many  of  the 

Assassinated  in  t88I 

Our  Martyred  President  157 

most  objectionable  and  offensive  policies  vi  the  government  that  had 
preceded  it. 

"No  tangible  relief  was  afforded  the  vast  numbers  of  unhappy 
reconcentrados,  despite  the  reiterated  professions  made  in  that  regard 
and  the  amount  appropriated  by  Spain  to  that  end.  The  proffered 
expedient  of  zones  of  cultivation  proved  illusory.  Indeed,  no  less  prac- 
tical nor  more  delusive  promises  of  succor  could  well  ha\"e  been  ten- 
dered to  the  exhausted  and  destitute  people,  stripped  of  all  that  made 
life  and  home  dear  and  herded  in  a  strange  region  among  unsvm':)a- 
thetic  strangers  hardly  less  necessitous  than  themselves. 

"By  the  end  of  December  the  mortality  among  them  had  frightfullv 
increased.  Conservative  estimates  from  Spanish  sources  placed  thiG 
deaths  among  these  distressed  people  at  over  40  per  cent  from  the  tim.' 
General  Weyler's  decree  of  reconcentration  was  enforced.  With  the 
accjuiescence  of  the  Spanish  authorities  a  scheme  was  adopted  for  relief 
by  charitable  contributions  raised  in  this  country  and  distributed,  under 
the  direction  of  the  consul  general  and  the  several  consuls,  by  noble 
and  earnest  individual  effort  through  the  organized  agencies  of  the 
American  Red  Cross.  Thousands  of  lives  were  thus  sa^'ed,  l)ut  man^■ 
thousands  more  were  inaccessible  to  such  forms  of  aid. 

'The  war  continued  on  the  old  footing,  without  comprehensive  plan, 
developing  only  the  same  spasmodic  encounters,  barren  of  strategic  re- 
sult, that  had  marked  the  course  of  the  earlier  Ten  Years'  rebellion  as 
well  as  the  present  insurrection  from  its  start.  No  alternati\-e  sa\'e 
physical  exhaustion  of  either  combatant,  and  therewithal  the  practical 
ruin  of  the  island,  lay  in  sight,  but  how^  far  distant  no  one  could 
venture  to  conjecture. 


"At  this  juncture,  on  the  15th  of  February  last,  occurred  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  battleship  IMaine,  while  rightfully  lying  in  the  harbor  of 
Havana  on  a  mission  of  international  courtesy  and  good  will — a  catas- 
trophe the  suspicious  nature  and  horror  of  which  stirred  the  nation's 
heart  profoundly. 

"It  is  a  striking  evidence  of  the  poise  and  sturdy  good  sense  distin- 
guishing our  national  character  that  this  shocking  blow,  falling  upon  a 
generous  people,  already  deeply  touched  by  preceding  events  in  Cuba, 
did  not  move  them  to  an  Instant,  desperate  resolve  to  tolerate  no  longer 
the  existence  of  a  condition  of  danger  and  disorder  at  our  doors  that 
made  possible  such  a  deed  by  whomsoever  wrought.  Yet  the  instinct 
of  justice  prevailed  and  the  nation  anxiously  awaited  the  result  of  the 
searching  investigation  at  once  set  on  foot. 

158  Life  of  William  McKinley 

"The  finding  of  the  naval  board  of  inquiry  established  that  the  origin 
of  the  explosion  was  external  by  a  submarine  mine,  and  only  halted 
through  lack  of  positive  testimony  to  fix  the  responsibility  of  its  author- 

"All  these  things  carried  conviction  to  the  most  thoughtful,  even 
before  the  finding  of  the  naval  court,  that  a  crisis  in  our  relations  with 
Spain  and-  toward  Cuba  was  at  hand.  So  strong  was  this  belief  that 
it  needed  but  a  brief  executive  suggestion  to  the  congress  to  receive 
immediate  answer  to  the  duty  of  making  instant  provision  for  the  pos- 
sible and  perhaps  speedy  probable  emergency  of  war,  and  the  remark- 
able, almost  unique,  spectacle  was  presented  of  a  unanimous  vote  of 
both  houses  on  the  9th  of  March,  appropriating  $50,000,000  for  the 
national  defense  and  for  each  and  every  purpose  connected  therewith, 
to  be  expended  at  the  direction  of  the  president. 

"That  this  act  of  provision  came  none  too  soon  was  disclosed  when 
the  application  of  the  fund  was  undertaken.  Our  forts  were  practi- 
callv  undefended.  Our  navy  needed  large  provision  for  increased 
ammunition  and  supplies  and  even  numbers  to  cope  with  any  sudden 
attack  from  the  navy  of  Spain,  which  comprised  vessels  of  the  highest 
type  of  continental  perfection.  Our  army  also  required  enlargement  of 
men  and  munitions. 

"The  details  of  the  hurried  preparation  for  the  dreaded  contingency 
are  told  in  the  reports  of  the  secretaries  of  war  and  of  the  navy,  and 
need  not  be  repeated  here.  It  is  sufficint  to  say  that  the  outl3reak  of 
the  war,  when  it  did  come,  found  our  nation  not  unprepared  to  meet 
the  conflict. 

"Nor  was  the  apprehension  of  coming  strife  confined  to  our  own 
country.  It  was  felt  by  the  continental  powers,  which,  on  April  6, 
through  their  ambassadors  and  envoys,  addressed  to  the  executive  an 
expression  of  hope  that  humanity  and  moderation  might  mark  the 
course  of  this  government  and  people,  and  that  further  negotiations 
would  lead  to  an  agreement  which,  while  securing  the  maintenance  of 
peace,  would  afiirm  all  necessary  guarantees  for  the  re-establishment 
of  order  in  Cuba. 

"In  responding  to  that  representation  I  also  shared  the  hope  that 
the  envoys  had  expressed  that  peace  might  be  preserved  in  a  manner 
to  terminate  the  chronic  condition  of  disturbance  in  Cuba  so  injurious 
and  menacing  to  our  interests  and  tranquillity,  as  well  as  shocking  to 
our  sentiments  of  humanity;  and.  while  appreciating  the  humanitarian 
and  disinterested  character  of  the  communication  they  had  made  on 
behalf  of  the  powers,  I  stated  the  confidence  of  this  government,  for 
its  part,  that  equal  appreciation  would  be  shown  for  its  own  earnest 

Our  Martyred  President  159 

and  unselfish  endeavors  to  fuUill  a  duty  to  humanity  by  ending  a  situ- 
ation the  indefinite  prolongation  of  which  had  become  insufferable. 


"Still  animated  by  the  hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  and  obeying  the 
dictates  of  duty,  no  effort  was  relaxed  to  bring  about  a  speedy  ending 
of  the  Cuban  struggle.  Negotiations  to  this  object  continued  actively 
with  the  government  of  Spain,  looking  to  the  immediate  conclusion 
of  a  six  months'  armistice  in  Cuba  with  a  view  to  effecting  the  recog- 
nition of  her  people's  rights  to  independence.  Besides  this,  the  instant 
revocation  of  the  order  of  reconcentration  was  asked,  so  that  the  suf- 
ferers, returning  to  their  homes  and  aided  by  united  American  and 
Spanish  effort,  might  be  put  in  a  way  to  support  themselves  and,  by 
orderly  resumption  of  the  well  nigh  destroyed  productive  energies 
of  the  island,  contribute  to  the  restoration  of  its  trancjuility  and  well 

'Negotiations  continued  for  some  little  time  at  Madrid,  resulting  m 
offers  by  the  Spanish  government  which  could  not  but  be  regarded  as 
inadequate.  It  was  proposed  to  confide  the  preparation  of  peace  to 
tlie  insular  parliament,  yet  to  be  convened  under  the  autonomous  decrees 
of  November,  1897,  but  without  impairment  in  any  wise  to  the  consti- 
tutional powers  of  the  Madrid  government,  which,  to  that  end,  would 
grant  an  armistice,  if  solicited  by  the  insurgents,  for  such  time  as  the 
general-in-chief  might  see  fit  to  fix. 

"How  and  with  what  scope  of  discretionary  powers  the  insular 
parliament  was  expected  to  set  about  the  'preparation'  of  peace  did  not 
appear.  If  it  were  to  be  by  negotiation  witli  the  insurgents,  the  issue 
seemed  to  rest  on  the  one  side  with  a  body  chosen  by  a  fraction  of 
the  electors  in  the  districts  under  Spanish  control  and  on  the  other 
with  the  insurgent  population  holding  the  interior  country,  unrepre- 
sented in  the  so-called  parliament,  and  defiant  at  the  suggestion  of 
suing  for  peace. 

"Grieved  and  disappointed  at  this  barren  outcome  of  my  sincere 
endeavors  to  reach  a  practicable  solution,  I  felt  it  my  duty  to  remit 
the  whole  question  to  the  congress.  In  the  message  of  April  i,  1898, 
I  announced  that  with  this  last  overture  in  tlie  direction  of  immediate 
peace  in  Cuba,  and  its  disappointing  reception  by  Spain,  the  effort  of 
the  executive  was  brought  to  an  end. 

"I  again  reviewed  the  alternative  course  of  action  which  I  had 
proposed,  concluding  that  the  only  one  consonant  with  international  pol- 
icy aiid  compatible  with  our  "firm-set  historical  traditions  was  interven- 
tion as  a  neutral  to  stop  the  war  and  check  the  hopeless  sacrifice  of 

i6o  Life  of  William  McKinley 

life,  even  though  that  resort  involved  'hostile  constraint  upon  both  the 
parties  to  the  contest,  as  well  to  enforce  a  truce  as  to  guide  the  eventual 

"The  grounds  justifying  that  step  were:  The  interests  of  human- 
ity, the  duty  to  protect  life  and  property  of  our  citizens  in  Cuba,  the 
right  to  check  injury  to  our  commerce  and  people  through  the  devas- 
tation of  the  island,  and,  most  important,  the  need  of  removing  at  once 
and  forever  the  constant  menace  and  the  burden  entailed  upon  our  gov- 
ernment b}^  the  uncertainties  and  perils  of  the  situation  caused  by  the 
unendurable  disturbance  in  Cuba.     I  said : 

"  'The  long  trial  has  proved  that  the  object  for  which  Spain  has 
waged  the  war  cannot  be  attained.  The  fire  of  insurrection  may  flame 
or  may  smoulder  with  varying  seasons,  but  it  has  not  been,  and  it 
is  plain  that  it  cannot  be,  extinguished  by  present  methods.  The  only 
hope  of  relief  and  repose  from  a  condition  which  can  no  longer  be 
endured  is  the  enforced  pacification  of  Cuba.  In  the  name  of  human- 
ity, in  the  name  of  civilization,  in  behalf  of  endangered  American  in- 
terests, which  give  us  the  right  and  the  duty  to  speak,  the  existing 
war  in  Cuba  must  stop.' 

"In  view  of  all  this  the  congress  was  asked  to  authorize  and  em- 
power the  president  to  take  measures  to  secure  a  full  and  final  termin- 
ation of  hostilities  between  Spain  and  the  people  of  Cuba  and  to  secure 
in  the  island  the  establishment  of  a  stable  government,  capable  of  main- 
taining order  and  observing  its  international  obligations,  insuring  peace 
and  tranquillity,  and  the  security  of  its  citizens  as  well  as  our  own, 
and  the  accomplishment  of  those  ends  to  use  the  military  and  naval 
forces  of  the  United  States  as  might  be  necessary,  with  added  author- 
ity to  continue  generous  relief  to  the  starving  people  of  Cuba. 


"The  response  of  the  congress,  after  nine  days  of  earnest  delibera- 
tion, during  which  the  almost  unanimous  sentiment  of  that  bodv  was 
developed  on  every  point  save  as  to  the  expediency  of  coupling  the  pro- 
posed action  with  a  formal  recognition  of  the  republic  of  Cuba  as  the 
true  and  lawful  government  of  that  island — a  proposition  which  failed 
of  adoption — the  congress,  after  conference,  on  the  19th  of  April,  by 
a  vote  of  42  to  35  in  the  senate  and  311  to  6  in  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives, passed  the  memorable  joint  resolution,  declaring: 

"  'i.  That  the  people  of  the  Island  of  Cuba  are,  and  of  right  ought 
to  be.  free  and  independent. 

"  '2.  That  it  is  the  duty  of'  the  United  States  to  demand,  and  the 
government  of  the  United  States  does  hereby  demand,  that  the  gov- 


Our  Martyred  President  i6i 

ernment  of  Spain  at  once  reiinqnish  its  authority  and  government  in 
the  Island  of  Cuba,  and  withdraw  its  land  and  naval  forces  from  Cuba 
and  Cuban  waters. 

"  '3.  That  the  president  of  the  United  States  be  and*  he  hereby  is 
directed  and  empowered  to  use  the  entire  land  and  naval  forces  of  the 
United  States,  and  to  call  into  th'2  actual  service  of  the  United  States 
the  militia  of  the  several  states  to  such  extent  as  may  be  necessary, 
to  carry  these  resolutions  into  effect. 

"  '4.  That  the  United  States  hereby  disclaims  any  .disposition  or 
intention  to  exercise  sovereignty,  jurisdiction  or  control  over  said  island, 
except  for  the  pacification  thereof,  and  asserts  its  determination,  when 
that  is  accomplished,  to  leave  the  grnernment  and  control  of  the  island 
to  its  people.' 

"This  resolution  was  approved  by  the  executive  on  the  next  day, 
April  20.  A  copy  was  at  once  communicated  to  the  Spanish  minister 
at  this  capital,  wlio  forthwith  announced  that  his  continuance  in  Wash- 
ington had  thereby  become  impossible,  and  asked  for  his  passports, 
which  were  gi\-en  him.  He  thereupon  withdrew  from  Washington, 
leaving  the  protection  of  Spanish  interests  in  the  United  States  to  the 
French  ambassador  and  the  Austro-Hungarian  minister. 

"Simultaneously  with  its  communication  to  the  Spanish  minister. 
General  Woodford,  the  American  minister  at  Madrid,  was  telegraphed 
confirmation  of  the  text  of  the  joint  resolution,  and  directed  to  com- 
municate it  to  the  government  of  Spain,  with  the  formal  demand  that 
it  at  once  relinquish  its  authority  and  government  in  the  Island  of 
Cuba,  and  Vx^ithdraw  its  forces  therefrom,  coupling  this  demand  with 
announcements  of  the  intentions  of  this  government  as  to  the  future 
of  the  island,  in  conformity  vv-ith  the  fourth  clause  of  the  resolution, 
and  giving  Spain  until  n.oon  of  April  23d  to  reply. 

'The  demand,  although,  as  above  shown,  officially  made  known  to 
the  Spanish  envoy  here,  was  not  delivered  at  Madrid.  After  the  instruc- 
tions reached  General  Woodford  on  the  morning  of  April  21st,  but 
before  he  could  present  it,  the  Spanish  Minister  of  State  notified  him 
that  upon  the  president's  approval  of  the  joint  resolution  tlie  Madrid 
government,  regarding  the  act  as  "equi\-alent  to  an  evident  declaration 
of  war,"  had  ordered  its  minister  in  Washington  to  withdraw,  thereby 
breaking  off  diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  countries,  and  ceasing 
all  official  communication  between  the  respective  representatives. 
General  Woodford  thereupon  demanded  his  passports  and  (juitted  Ma- 
drid the  same  day. 


Spain    liaving   thus   denied    the   demand   ui   the   United    States   and 


1 62  Life  of  William  McKinley 

initiated  that  complete  form  of  rupture  of  relations  which  attends  a  state 
of  war,  the  executive  powers  authorized  by  the  resolution  were  at  once 
used  by  me  to  meet  the  enlarged  contingency  of  actual  war  between 
Spain  and  thfe  United  States. 

On  April  22(1  I  proclaimed  a  blockade  of  the  northern  coast  of  Cuba, 
including  ports  on  said  coast  between  Cardenas  and  Bahia  Honda,  and 
the  port  of  Cienfuegos  on  the  south  coast  ox  Cuba,  and  on  the  23d  I 
called  for  volunteers  to  execute  the  purpose  of  the  resolution. 

By  my  message  of  April  25th  the  congress  w^as  informed  of  the  situ- 
ation, and  I  recommended  formal  declaration  of  the  existence  of  a 
state  of  war  between  the  United  States  and  Spain.  The  Congress 
accordingly  voted  on  the  same  day  the  act  approved  April  25,  1898, 
declaring  the  existence  of  such  war,  from  and  including  the  21st  day 
of  April,  and  re-enacted  the  provisions  of  the  resolution  of  April  20th, 
directing  the  President  to  use  all  the  armed  forces  of  the  nation  to  carry 
that  act  into  effect. 

Due  notification  of  the  existence  of  war  as  aforesaid  was  given 
April  25th  by  telegraph  to  all  the  governments  with  which  the  United 
States  maintain  relations,  in  order  that  their  neutrality  might  be  assured 
during  the  war. 

The  various  governments  responded  with  proclamations  of  neutral- 
ity, each  after  its  own  methods.  It  is  not  among  the  least  gratifying 
incidents  of  the  struggle  that  the  obligations  of  neutrality  were  impar- 
tially discharged  by  all,  often  under  delicate  and  difficult  circumstances. 

In  further  fulfillment  of  international  duty,  I  issued,  April  26th,  a 
proclamation  announcing  the  treatment  proposed  to  be  accorded  to  ves- 
sels and  their  cargoes  as  to  blockades,  contraband,  the  exercise  of  the 
rights  of  subjects  and  the  immunity  of  neutral  flags  and  neutral  goods 
under  the  enemy's  flag.  A  similar  proclamation  was  made  by  the  Span- 
ish government.  In  the  conduct  of  hostilities  the  rules  of  the  declara- 
tion of  Paris,  including  abstention  from  resort  to  privateering,  have 
accordingly  been  observed  by  both  belligerents,  although  neither  was  a 
party  to  that  declaration. 


Our  country  thus,  after  an  interval  of  half  a  century  of  peace  with 
all  nations,  found  itself  engaged  in  deadly  conflict  with  a  foreign  enemy. 
Every  nerve  w^as  strained  to  meet  the  emergency. 

The  response  to  the  initial  call  for  125,000  volunteers  was  instant 
and  complete,  as  was  also  the  result  of  the  second  call  of  May  25th  for 
75,000  additional  volunteers.  The  ranks  of  the  regular  army  were 
increased  to  the  limits  provided  by  the  act  of  April  26th. 

Our  Martyred  President  163 

The  enlisted  force  of  the  navy  on  the  15th  of  August,  when  it 
reached  its  maximum,  numbered  24,123  men  and  apprentices.  One 
hundred  and  three  vessels  were  added  to  the  navy  by  purchase,  one  was 
presented  to  the  government,  one  leased  and  the  four  vessels  of  the 
International  Navigation  Company — the  St.  Paul,  St.  Louis,  New  York 
and  Paris — were  cliartered.  In  addition  to  these  the  revenue  cutters 
and  lighthouse  tenders  were  turned  over  to  the  navy  department  and 
became  temporarily  a  part  of  the  auxiliary  navy. 

The  maximum  effective  fighting  force  of  the  navy  during  the  war, 
separated  into  classes,  was  as  follows : 

Regular — Four  battleships  of  the  first  class,  one  battleship  of  the 
second  class,  two  armored  cruisers,  six  coast  defense  monitors,  one 
armored  ram,  twelve  protected  cruisers,  three  unprotected  cruisers, 
eighteen  gunboats,  one  dynamite  cruiser,  eleven  torpedo  boats,  fourteen 
old  vessels  of  the  old  navy,  including  monitors. 

Auxiliary  Navy — Sixteen  auxiliary  cruisers,  twenty-eight  converted 
yachts,  twenty-seven  converted  tugs,  nineteen  converted  colliers,  fifteen 
revenue  cutters,  four  lighthouse  tendiers  and  nineteen  miscellaneous 

Much  alarm  was  felt  along  our  entire  Atlantic  seaboard  lest  some 
attack  might  be  made  by  the  enemy.  Every  precaution  was  taken  to 
prevent  possible  injury  to  our  great  cities  lying  along  the  coast.  Tem- 
porary garrisons  were  provided,  drawn  from  the  state  militia.  Infantry 
and  light  batteries  were  drawn  from  the  volunteer  force.  About  12,000 
troops  were  thus  employed.  The  coast  signal  service  was  established 
for  observing  the  approach  of  an  enemy's  ships  to  the  coast  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  life-saving  and  lighthouse  services  co-operated,  which 
enabled  the  navy  department  to  have  all  portions  of  the  Atlantic  coast, 
from  IMaine  to  Texas,  under  observation. 

The  auxiliary  navy  was  created  under  the  authority  of  Congress  and 
was  officered  and  manned  by  the  naval  militia  of  the  several  states.  This 
organization  patrolled  the  coast  and  performed  the  duty  of  a  second 
arm  of  defense. 

Under  the  direction  of  the  chief  of  engineers  submarine  mines  were 
placed  at  the  most  exposed  points.  Before  the  outbreak  of  the  war  per- 
manent mining  casements  and  cable  galleries  had  been  constructed  at 
all  important  harbors.  Most  of  the  torpedo  material  was  not  to  be 
found  in  the  market  and  had  to  be  specially  manufactured.  Under  date 
of  April  19th  district  officers  were  directed  to  take  all  preliminary  meas- 
ures, short  of  the  actual  attaching  of  the  loaded  mines  to  the  cables,  and 
on  April  22d  telegraphic  orders  were  issued  to  place  the  loaded  mines  in 

164  Life  of  William  McKinlcy 

The  aggregate  number  of  mines  placed  was  1,535  ^t  tlie  principal 
harbors  from  Maine  to  California.  Preparations  were  also  made  for 
the  planting  of  mines  at  certain  other  harbors,  but  owing  to  the  early 
destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet  these  mines  were  not  placed. 

The  signal  corps  was  promptly  organized  and  performed  service  of 
most  difficult  and  important  character.  Its  operations  during  the  war 
covered  the  electrical  connection  of  all  coast  fortifications  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  telephonic  and  telegraphic  facilities  for  the  camps  at  Manila, 
Santiago  and  in  Porto  Rico. 

There  were  constructed  300  miles  of  line  at  ten  great  camps,  thus 
facilitating  military  movements  from  those  points  in  a  manner  hereto- 
fore unknown  in  military  administration.  Field  telegraph  lines  were 
established  and  maintained  under  the  enemy's  fire  at  Manila,  and  later 
the  Manila-Hongkong  cable  was  reopened.  In  Porto  Rico  cable  com- 
munications were  opened  over  a  discontinued  route,  and  on  land  the 
headquarters  of  the  commanding  officer  were  kept  in  telegraphic  or 
telephonic  communication  with  the  division  commanders  of  four  differ- 
ent lines  of  operation. 

There  was  placed  in  Cuban  waters  a  completely  outfitted  cable  ship, 
with  war  cables  and  cable  gear  suitable  both  for  the  destruction  of  com- 
munications belonging  to  the  enemy  and  the  establishment  of  our 
own.  Two  ocean  cables  were  destroyed  under  the  enemy's  batteries  at 
Santiago.  The  day  previous  to  the  landing  of  General  Shafter's  corps 
at  Caimanera,  within  twenty  miles  of  the  landing  place,  cable  com- 
munications w^ere  established  and  cable  stations  opened,  giving  direct 
communication  with  the  government  at  Washington.  This  service  was 
invaluable  to  the  executive  in  directing  the  operations  of  the  army  and 

With  a  total  force  of  over  1,300  the  loss  was  "by  disease  and  field, 
officers  and  men  included,  only  five. 


The  national  defense  under  the  $50,000,000  fund  was  expended  in 
large  part  by  the  army  and  navy,  and  the  objects  for  which  it  was  used 
are  fully  shown  in  the  reports  of  the  several  secretaries.  It  was  a  most 
timely  appropriation,  enabling  the  government  to  strengthen  its  defense 
and  making  preparations  greatly  needed  in  case  of  war. 

This  fund  being  inadequate  to  the  requirements  of  equipment  and 
for  the  conduct  of  the  war,  the  patriotism  of  the  congress  provided  the 
means  in  the  war  revenue  act  of  June  13th,  by  authorizing  a  3  per  cent 
popular  loan,  not  to  exceed  $400,000,000,  and  by  levying  additional  im- 
posts and  taxes.     Of  the  authorized  loan,  $200,000,000  were  offered 

Our  Martyred  President  165 

and  promptly  taken,  the  subscriptions  so  far  exceeding  tlie  call  as  to 
co\'er  it  many  times  over,  while,  preference  being  given  to  the  smaller 
bids,  no  single  allotment  exceeded  $5,000. 

This  was  a  most  encouraging  and  significant  result,  showing  the 
vast  resources  of  the  nation  and  the  determination  of  the  people  to 
uphold  their  country's  honor. 

devv'ey's  great  victory. 

The  tirst  encounter  of  the  war  in  point  of  date  took  place  April  27th, 
when  a  detachment  of  the  blockading  squadron  made  a  reconnoissance 
in  force  at  INIatanzas,  shelled  the  harbor  forts  and  demolished  several 
new  works  in  course  of  construction. 

The  next  engagement  was  destined  to  mark  a  memorable  epoch 
in  maritime  warfare.  The  Pacific  fleet,  under  Commodore  Dewey,  had 
Iain  for  some  weeks  at  Hongkong.  Upon  the  colonial  proclamation  of 
neutrality  being  issued  and  tlie  customary  twenty-four  hours'  notice 
being  given,  it  repaired  to  Mirs  Bay,  near  Hongkong,  whence  it  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Philippine  Islands  under  telegraphic  orders  to  capture  or 
destroy  the  formidable  Spanish  fleet  then  assembled  at  Manila. 

At  daybreak  on  the  ist  of  JNIav  the  American  force  entered  Manila 
Bay,  and  after  a  few  hours'  engagement  effected  the  total  destruction  of 
the  Spanish  fleet,  consisting  of  ten  warships  and  a  transport,  besides 
capturing  the  naval  station  and  forts  at  Cavite,  thus  annihilating  the 
Spanish  naval  power  in  the  Pacific  ocean  and  completely  controlling  the 
Bay  of  Manila,  with  the  ability  to  take  the  city  at  will.  Not  a  life  was 
lost  on  our  ships,  the  w^ounded  only  numbering  seven,  while  not  a  vessel 
was  materially  injured. 

For  this  gallant  achievement  the  congress,  upon  my  recommenda- 
tion, fitly  bestowed  upon  the  actors  preferment  and  substantial  reward. 

The  effect  of  this  remarkable  victory  upon  the  spirit  of  our  people 
and  upon  the  fortunes  of  the  war  was  instant.  A  prestige  of  invincibil- 
ity thereby  attached  to  our  arms,  which  continued  throughout  the 
struggle.  Re-enforcements  were  hurried  to  Manila  under  the  command 
of  Major-General  Merritt  and  firmly  established  within  sight  of  the 
capital,  which  lay  helpless  before  our  guns. 

On  the  7th  day  of  May  the  government  was  advised  officially  of  the 
victory  at  INIanila,  and  at  once  inquired  of  the  commander  of  our  fleet 
what  troops  would  be  required.  The  information  was  received  on  the 
15th  day  of  May.  and  the  first  army  expedition  sailed  May  25th  and 
arrived  off  Manila  June  30.  '  Other  expeditions  soon  followed,  the 
total  force  consisting  of  641  officers  and  15,058  men. 

Only  reluctance  to  cause  needless  loss  of  life  and  property  prevented 

i66  Life  of  William  McKinley 

the  early  storming  and  capture  of  the  city,  and  therewith  the  absohite 
mihtary  occupancy  of  the  whole  group.  The  insurgents  meanwhile  had 
resumed  the  active  hostilities  suspended  by  the  uncompleted  truce  of 
December,  1897.  Their  forces  invested  Manila  from  the  northern  and 
eastern  side,  but  were  constrained  by  Admiral  Dewey  and  General  Mer- 
ritt  from  attempting  an  assault. 

It  was  fitting  that  whatever  was  to  be  done  in  the  way  of  decisive 
operations  in  that  quarter  should  be  accomplished  by  the  strong  arm 
of  the  United  States  alone.  Obeying  the  stern  precept  of  war,  which 
enjoins  the  overcoming  of  the  adversary  and  the  extinction  of  his  power 
wherever  assailable  as  the  speedy  and  sure  means  to  win  a  peace,  divided 
victory  was  not  permissible,  for  no  partition  of  the  rights  and  responsi- 
bilities attending  the  enforcement  of  a  just  and  advantageous  peace 
could  be  thought  of. 


Following  the  comprehensive  scheme  of  general  attack,  powerful 
forces  were  assembled  at  various  points  on  our  coast  to  invade  Cuba  and 
Porto  Rico.  Meanwhile  naval  demonstrations  were  made  at  several 
exposed  points.  On  May  nth  the  cruiser  Wilmington  and  torpedo  boat 
;Winslow^  were  unsuccessful  in  an  attempt  to  silence  the  batteries  at 
Cardenas,  against  Matanzas,   Worth  Bagley  and  four  seamen  falling. 

These  grievous  fatalities  were,  strangely  enough,  among  the  very 
few  w^hich  occurred  during  our  naval  operations  in  this  extraordinary 

Meanwhile  the  Spanish  naval  preparations  had  been  pushed  with 
great  vigor.  A  powerful  squadron  under  Admiral  Cervera,  which  had 
assembled  at  the  Cape  Verde  Islands  before  the  outbreak  of  hostilities, 
had  crossed  the  ocean,  and  by  its  erratic  movements  in  the  Caribbean 
Sea  delayed  our  military  operations  while  baffling  the  pursuit  of  our 
fleets.  For  a  time  fears  w^ere  felt  lest  the  Oregon  and  Marietta,  then 
nearing  home  after  their  long  voyage  from  San  Francisco  of  over  15,000 
miles,  might  be  surprised  by  Admiral  Cervera's  fleet,  but  their  fortunate 
arrival  dispelled  these  apprehensions  and  lent  much  needed  re-enforce- 

Not  until  Admiral  Cervera  took  refuge  in  the  Harbor  of  Santiago  de 
Cuba  about  May  9th  was  it  practicable  to  plan  a  systematic  military 
attack  upon  the  Antillean  possessions  of  Spain.  Several  demonstrations 
occurred  on  the  coasts  of  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  in  preparation  for  the 
larger  event.  On  ]\Iay  13th  the  North  Atlantic  squadron  shelled  San 
Juan  de  Porto  Rico.  On  ]\Iay  30th  Commodore  Schley's  squadron 
bombarded  the  forts  guarding  the  mouth  of  Santiago  Harbor.     Neither 

Our  Martyred  President  167 

attack  had  any  material  result.     It  was  evident  that  well-ordered  land 
operations  were  indispensable  to  achieve  a  decisive  advantage. 

The  next  act  in  the  war  thrilled  not  alone  the  hearts  of  our  country- 
men but  the  world  by  its  exceptional  heroism. 


On  the  night  of  June  3d  Lieutenant  Hobson,  aided  by  seven  devoted 
volunteers,  blocked  the  narrow  outlet  from  Santiago  Harbor  by  sinking 
the  collier  Merrimac  in  the  channel,  under  a  fierce  fire  from  the  shore 
batteries,  escaping  with  their  lives  as  by  a  miracle,  but  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  Spaniards. 

It  is  a  most  gratifying  incident  of  the  war  that  the  bravery  of  this 
little  band  of  heroes  was  cordially  appreciated  by  the  Spaniards,  who 
sent  a  flag  of  truce  to  notify  Admiral  Sampson  of  their  safety  and  to 
compliment  them  upon  their  daring  act.  They  were  subsequently 
exchanged  July  7th. 

By  June  7tri  the  cutting  of  the  last  Cuban  cable  isolated  the  island. 
Thereafter  the  invasion  was  vigorously  prosecuted.  On  June  loth, 
under  a  heavy  protecting  fire,  a  landing  of  600  marines  from  the  Oregon, 
Marblehead  and  Yankee  was  effected  in  Guantanamo  Bay,  where  it  had 
been  determined  to  establish  a  naval  station.  This  important  and  essen- 
tial port  was  taken  from  the  enemy  after  severe  fighting  by  the  marines, 
who  were  the  first  organized  force  of  the  United  States  to  land  in 
Cuba.  The  position  so  won  was  held  despite  desperate  attempts  to 
dislodge  our  forces. 

By  June  i6th  additional  forces  were  landed  and  strongly  intrenched. 
On  June  22d  the  advance  of  the  invading  army  under  Major-General 
Shafter  landed  at  Baiquiri,  about  fifteen  miles  east  of  Santiago.  This 
was  accomplished  under  great  difficulties,  but  with  marvelous  dispatch. 
On  June  23d  the  movement  against  Santiago  was  begun. 

On  the  24th  the  first  serious  engagement  took  place,  in  which  the 
First  and  Tenth  Ca\'a]ry  and  the  First  United  States  Volunteer  Cavalry, 
General  Young's  brigade  of  General  Wheeler^'s  division,  participated, 
losing  heavily.  By  nightfall,  however,  ground  within  five  miles  of  San- 
tiago was  won. 

The  advantage  was  steadily  increased.  On  July  ist  a  severe  battle 
took  place,  our  forces  gaining  the  outworks  of  Santiago.  On  the  2d  EI 
Caney  and  San  Juan  were  taken  after  a  desperate  charge,  and  the  invest- 
ment of  the  city  was  completed.  The  navy  co-operated  by  shelling  the 
town  and  coast  forts. 


On  the  day  following  this  brilliant  achievement  of  our  land  forces, 

'i68  Life  of  William  McKinley 

July  3d,  occurred  the  decisive  naval  combat  of  the  war.  The  Spanish 
fleet,  attempting  to  leave  the  harbor,  was  met  by  the  American  squadron 
under  command  of  Commodore  Schley.  In  less  than  three  hours  all 
the  Spanish  ships  were  destroyed,  the  two  torpedo  boats  being  sunk, 
and  the  Maria  Teresa,  Ahnirante  Oquendo,  Vizcaya  and  Cristobol  Colon 
driven  ashore.  The  Spanish  admiral  and  over  1,300  men  were  taken 
prisoners,  while  the  enemy's  loss  of  life  was  deplorably  large,  some  600 

On  our  side  but  one  man  was  killed,  on  the  Brooklyn,  and  one  man 
seriously  wounded.  Although  our  ships  were  repeatedly  struck,  not 
one  was  seriously  injured. 

Where  all  so  conspicuously  distinguished  themselves,  from  the  com- 
manders to  the  gunners  and  the  unnamed  heroes  in  the  boiler-rooms, 
each  and  all  contributing  toward  the  achievement  of  this  astounding 
victory,  for  which  neither  ancient  nor  modern  history  affords  a  parallel 
in  the  completeness  of  the  event  and  the  marvelous  disproportion  of 
casualties,  it  would  be  invidious  to  single  out  any  for  especial  honor. 

Deserved  promotion  has  rewarded  the  more  conspicuous  actors — 
the  nation's  profoundest  gratitude  is  due  to  all  of  those  brave  men  who 
by  their  skill  and  devotion  in  a  few  short  hours  crushed  the  sea  power 
of  Spain  and  wrought  a  triumph  whose  decisiveness  and  far-reaching 
consequences  can  scarcely  be  measured.  Nor  can  we  be  unmindful  of 
the  achievements  of  our  builders,  mechanics  and  artisans  for  their  skill 
in  the  construction  of  our  warships. 

With  the  catastrophe  of  Santiago  Spain's  effort  upon  the  ocean 
virtually  ceased.  A  spasmodic  effort  toward  the  end  of  June  to  send  her 
Mediterranean  fleet  under  Admiral  Camara  to  relieve  Manila  was  aban- 
doned, the  expedition  being  recalled  after  it  had  passed  through  the  Suez 

The  capitulation  of  Santiago  followed.  The  city  was  closely  be- 
seiged  by  land,  while  the  entrance  of  our  ships  into  the  harbor  cut  off  all 
relief  on  that  side.  After  a  truce  to  allow  of  the  removal  of  non-combat- 
ants protracted  negotiations  continued  from  July  3d  to  July  15th,  when, 
under  menace  of  immediate  assault,  the  preliminaries  of  surrender  were 
agreed  upon.     On  the  17th  General  Shafter  occupied  the  city. 

The  capitulation  embraced  the  entire  eastern  end  of  Cuba.  The 
number  of  Spanish  soldiers  surrendered  was  22,000,  all  of  whom  were 
subsequently  conveyed  to  Spain  at  the  charge  of  the  United  States. 

The  story  of  this  successful  campaign  is  told  in  the  report  of  the 
secretary  of  war,  which  will  be  laid  before  you.  The  individual  valor 
of  officers  and  soldiers  was  never  more  strikingly  shown  than  in  the 
several  engagements  leading  to  the  surrender  of  Santiago,  while  the 


Our  Martyred  President  169 

prompt  movements  and  successive  victories  won  instant  and  universal 

To  those  who  gained  this  complete  triumph,  which  established  the 
ascendancy  of  the  United  States  upon  land  as  the  fight  off  Santiago  had 
fixed  our  supremacy  on  the  seas,  the  earnest  and  lasting  gratitude  of  the 
nation  is  unsparingly  due. 

Nor  should  we  alone  remember  the  gallantry  of  the  living;  the  dead 
claim  our  tears,  and  our  losses  by  battle  and  disease  must  cloud  any 
exultation  at  the  result  and  teach  us  to  weigh  the  awful  cost  of  war, 
however  rightful  the  cause  or  signal  the  victory. 


With  the  fall  of  Santiago,  the  occupation  of  Porto  Rico  became  the 
next  strategic  necessity.  General  Miles  had  previously  been  assigned  to 
organize  an  expedition  for  that  purpose.  Fortunately  he  was  already  at 
Santiago,  wdiere  he  had  arrived  on  the  nth  of  July,  with  re-enforce- 
ments for  General  Shafter's  army. 

With  these  troops,  consisting  of  3,415  infantry  and  artillery,  two 
companies  of  engineers,  and  one  company  of  the  signal  corps,  General 
Miles  left  Guantanamo  on  July  21st,  having  nine  transports  convoyed 
by  the  fleet  under  Captain  Higginson,  with  the  Massachusetts  (flag- 
ship), Dixie.  Gloucester,  Columbia  and  Yale,  the  two  latter  carrying- 
troops.  The  expedition  landed  at  Guanica  July  25th,  which  port  was 
entered  with  little  opposition.  Here  the  fleet  was  joined  by  the  Annap- 
olis and  the  W^asp,  while  the  Puritan  and  Amphitrite  went  to  San  Juan 
and  joined  the  New  Orleans,  which  w^as  engaged  in  blockading  that 

The  major-general  commanding  was  subsecjuently  re-enforced  by 
General  Schwann's  brigade  of  the  Third  Army  Corps,  by  General  Wil- 
son, with  a  part  of  his  division,  and  also  by  General  Brooke,  wnth  a 
part  of  his  corps,  numbering  in  all  16,973  officers  and  men.  On  July  2"] 
he  entered  Ponce,  one  of  the  most  important  ports  in  the  island,  from 
which  he  thereafter  directed  operations  for  the  capture  of  the  island. 

With  the  exception  of  encounters  with  the  enemy  at  Guayama, 
Hormigueres,  Coamo  and  Yauco,  and  an  attack  on  a  force  landing  at 
Cape  San  Juan,  there  was  no  serious  resistance.  The  campaign  was 
prosecuted  with  great  vigor,  and  by  the  12th  of  August  much  of  the 
island  was  in  our  possession,  and  the  acquisition  of  the  remainder  was 
only  a  matter  of  a  short  time. 

At  most  of  the  points  in  the  island  our  troops  were  enthusiastically 
w^elcomed.  Protestations  of  loyalty  to  the  flag  and  gratitude  for  deliv- 
ery from  Spanish  rule  met  our  commanders  at  every  stage. 

170  Life  of  William  McKinley 

x'^s  a  potent  influence  toward  peace,  the  outcome  of  the  Porto  Rican 
expedition  was  of  great  consequence,  and  generous  commendation  is 
due  to  those  who  participated  in  it. 


The  last  scene  of  the  war  was  enacted  at  Manila,  its  starting  place. 
On  August  15th,  after  a  brief  assault  upon  the  works  by  the  land  forces, 
in  which  the  scjuadron  assisted,  the  capital  surrendered  unconditionally. 
The  casualties  were  comparatively  few. 

By  this  the  conquest  of  the  Phihppine  Islands,  virtually  accomplished 
when  the  Spanish  capacity  for  resistance  was  destroyed  by  Admiral 
Dewey's  victory  of  the  ist  of  May,  was  formally  sealed. 

To  General  Merritt,  his  officers  and  men,  for  their  uncomplaining 
and  devoted  services,  for  their  gallantry  in  action,  the  nation  is  sincerely 
grateful.  Their  long  voyage  was  made  wnth  singular  success,  and  the 
soldierly  conduct  of  the  men,  most  of  whom  were  without  previous 
experience  in  the  military  service,  deserves  unmeasured  praise. 


The  total  casualties  in  killed  and  wounded  during  the  war  were  as 
follows : 


Officers   killed 23 

Enlisted  men  killed 257 

Total 280 

Officers  wounded 113 

Enlisted  men  wounded 1,464 

Total 1,577 


Killed 17 

Wounded 67 

Died  as  result  of  wounds i 

Invalided    from   service 6 

Total 91 

It  will  be  observed  that  while  our  navy  was  engaged  in  two  great 
battles  and  in  numerous  perilous  undertakings  in  the  blockades  and  bom- 
bardment, and  more  than  fifty  thousand  of  our  troops  were  transported 
to  distant  lands  and  engaged  in  assault  and  siege  and  battle  and  many 

Our  Martyred  President  171 

skirmishes  in  unfamiliar  territory,  we  lost  in  both  arms  of  the  service  a 
total  of  1,948  killed  and  wounded;  and  in  the  entire  campaign  by  land 
and  sea  we  did  not  lose  a  gun  or  a  flag  or  a  transport  or  a  ship,  and  with 
the  exception  of  the  crew  of  the  Merrimac  not  a  soldier  or  sailor  was 
taken  prisoner. 

On  August  7,  forty-six  days  from  the  date  of  the  landing  of  General 
Shafter's  army  in  Cuba  and  twenty-one  days  from  the  surrender  of  San- 
tiago, the  United  Slates  troops  commenced  embarkation  for  home,  and 
our  entire  force  was  returned  to  the  United  States  as  early  as  August  25th. 
They  were  absent  from  the  United  States  only  two  months. 

It  is  fitting  that  I  should  bear  testimony  to  the  patriotism  and  devotion 
of  that  large  portion  of  our  army  which,  although  eager  to  be  ordered  to 
the  post  of  greatest  exposure,  fortunately  was  not  required  outside  of  the 
United  States.  They  did  their  wdiole  duty,  and,  like  their  comrades  at 
the  front,  have  earned  the  gratitude  of  the  nation. 

In  like  manner,  the  officers  and  men  of  the  army  and  of  the  navy  who 
remained  in  their  departments  and  stations  of  the  navy,  performing  most 
important  duties  connected  with  the  war,  and  whose  requests  for  assign- 
ments in  the  field  and  at  sea  I  was  compelled  to  refuse  because  their  serv- 
ices were  indispensable  here,  are  entitled  to  the  highest  commendation. 
It  is  my  regret  that  there  seems  to  be  no  provision  for  their  suitable  recog- 

In  this  connection  it  is  a  pleasure  for  me  to  mention  in  terms  of  cordial 
appreciation  the  timely  and  useful  work  of  the  American  National  Red 
Cross,  both  in  relief  measures  preparatory  to  the  campaign,  in  sanitary 
assistance  at  several  of  the  camps  and  assemblages,  and  later,  under  the 
able  and  experienced  leadership  of  the  president  of  the  society.  Miss  Clara 
Barton,  on  the  fields  of  battle  and  in  the  hospitals  at  the  front  in  Cuba. 
Working  in  conjunction  with  the  governmental  authorities  and  under 
their  sanction  and  approval  and  with  the  enthusiastic  co-operation  of 
many  patriotic  women  and  societies  in  the  various  states,  the  Red  Cross 
has  fully  maintained  its  already  high  reputation  for  intense  earnestness 
and  ability  to  exercise  the  noble  purposes  of  its  international  organization, 
thus  justifying  the  confidence  and  support  which  it  has  received  at  the 
hands  of  the  American  people. 

To  the  members  and  officers  of  this  society  and  all  who  aided  them  in 
their  philanthropic  work,  the  sincere  and  lasting  gratitude  of  the  soldiers 
and  the  public  is  due  and  is  freely  accorded. 

In  tracing  these  events  we  are  constantly  reminded  of  our  obligations 
to  the  Divine  Master  for  His  watchful  care  over  us  and  His  safe  guidance, 
for  which  the  nation  makes  reverent  acknowledgment  and  offers  humble 
prayer  for  the  continuance  of  His  favor. 

1^2  Life  of  William  McKinley 


The  annihilation  of  Admiral  Cervera's  fleet,  followed  by  the  capitula^ 
tion  of  Santiago,  having  brought  to  the  Spanish  government  a  realizing 
sense  of  the  hopelessness  of  continuing  a  struggle  now  becoming  wholly 
unequal,  it  made  overtures  of  peace  through  the  French  ambassador,  who, 
with  the  assent  of  his  government,  had  acted  as  the  friendly  representative 
of  Spanish  interests  during  the  war. 

On  the  26th  of  July  M.  Cambon  presented  a  communication  signed  by 
the  Duke  of  Almodovar,  the  Spanish  minister  of  state,  inviting  the  United 
States  to  state  the  terms  upon  which  it  would  be  willing  to  make  peace. 

On  July  30th,  by  a  communication  addressed  to  the  Duke  of  Almo- 
dovar and  handed  to  M.  Cambon,  the  terms  of  this  government  were  an- 
nounced, substantially  as  in  the  protocol  afterward  signed. 

On  August  loth  the  Spanish  reply,  dated  August  7th,  was  handed  by 
M.  Cambon  to  the  secretary  of  state.  It  accepted  unconditionally  the 
terms  imposed  as  to  Cuba,  Porto  Rico  and  an  island  of  the  Ladrones 
group,  but  appeared  to  seek  to  introduce  inadmissible  reservations  in  re- 
gard to  our  demand  as  to  the  Philippines. 

Conceiving  that  discussion  on  this  point  could  neither  be  practicable 
nor  profitable,  it  was  directed  that  in  order  to  avoid  misunderstanding  the 
matter  should  be  forthwith  closed  by  proposing  the  embodiment  in  a 
formal  protocol  of  the  terms  on  which  the  negotiations  for  peace  were 
to  be  undertaken. 

The  vague  and  inexplicit  suggestions  of  the  Spanish  note  could  not  be 
accepted,  the  only  reply  being  to  present  as  a  virtual  ultimatum  a  draft 
of  a  protocol  embodying  the  precise  terms  tendered  to  Spain  in  our  note 
of  July  30th,  with  added  stipulations  of  detail  as  to  the  appointment  of 
commissioners  to  arrange  for  the  evacuation  of  the  Spanish  Antilles. 

On  August  1 2th  M.  Cambon  announced  his  receipt  of  full  power  to 
sign  the  protocol  as  submitted.  Accordingly,  on  the  afternoon  of  August 
1 2th,  M.  Cambon,  as  the  pleni])otentiary  of  Spain,  and  the  secretary  of 
state,  as  the  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States,  signed  the  protocol,  pro- 
viding : 

"Article  i.  Spain  will  relinquish  all  claim  of  sovereignty  over  and 
title  to  Cuba. 

"Article  2.  Spain  will  cede  to  the  United  States  the  Island  of  Porto 
Rico  and  other  islands  now  under  Spanish  sovereignty  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  also  an  island  in  the  Ladrones  to  be  selected  bv  the  United 

"Article  3.  The  United  States  will  occupy  and  hold  the  city,  bay  and 
harbor  of  Manila  pending  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  peace,  which  shall 
determine  the  control,  disposition  and  government  of  the  Philippines." 

Our  Martyred  President  173 

The  fourth  article  provided  for  the  appointment  of  joint  commissions 
on  the  part  of  the  United  States  and  Spain,  to  meet  in  Havana  and  San 
Juan,  respectively,  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  and  carrying  out  the 
details  of  the  stipulated  evacuation  of  Cuba,  Porto  Rico  and  other  Spanish 
islands  in  the  West  Indies. 

The  fifth  article  provided  for  the  appointment  of  not  more  than  five 
commissioners  on  each  side  to  meet  at  Paris  not  later  than  October  ist 
and  to  proceed  to  the  negotiation  and  conclusion  of  a  treaty  of  peace,  sub- 
ject to  ratification  according  to  the  respective  constitutional  forms  of  the 
two  countries. 

The  sixth  and  last  article  provided  that  upon  the  signature  of  the  pro- 
tocol, hostilities  between  the  two  countries  should  be  suspended,  and  that 
notice  to  that  effect  should  be  given  as  soon  as  possible  by  each  govern- 
ment to  the  commanders  of  its  military  and  naval  forces. 


Immediately  upon  the  conclusion  of  the  protocol  I  issued  a  proclama- 
tion on  August  1 2th,  suspending  hostilities  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States.  The  necessary  orders  to  that  end  were  at  once  given  by  telegraph. 
The  blockade  of  the  ports  of  Cuba  and  San  Juan  de  Porto  Rico  were  in 
like  manner  raised. 

On  August  1 8th  the  muster  out  of  100,000  volunteers,  or  as  near  that 
number  as  was  found  to  be  practicable,  was  ordered.  On  December  i  st, 
101,165  officers  and  men  had  been  mustered  out  and  discharged  from  the 
service;  9,002  more  will  be  mustered  out  by  the  loth  of  the  month.  Also 
a  corresponding  number  of  generals  and  general  staff  officers  have  been 
honorably  dischargd  from  service. 

The  military  committees  to  superintend  the  evacuation  of  Cuba,  Porto 
Rico  and  the  adjacent  islands  were  forthwith  appointed — for  Cuba,  Major 
General  James  F.  Wade,  Rear  Admiral  William  T.  Sampson  and  Major- 
General  Matthew  C.  Butler;  for  Porto  Rico,  Major-General  John  C. 
Brooke,  Rear  Admiral  Winfield  S.  Schley  and  Brigadier-General  W.  W. 
Gordon,  who  soon  afterward  met  the  Spanish  commissioners  at  Havana 
and  San  Juan,  respectively. 


The  Porto  Rican  joint  commissions  speedily  accomplished  its  task, 
and  by  October  i8th  the  evacuation  of  the  island  was  completed.  The 
United  States  flag  was  raised  over  the  island  at  noon  on  that  day. 

As  soon  as  we  are  in  possession  of  Cuba  and  have  pacified  the  island 
it  will  be  necessary  to  give  aid  and  direction  to  its  people  to  form  a  gov- 
ernment for  themselves.  This  should  be  undertaken  at  the  earliest  mo- 
ment consistent  with  safety  and  assured  success. 

174  Life  of  William  McKinley 

It  is  important  that  our  relations  with  these  people  shall  be  of  the  most 
friendly  character  and  our  commercial  relations  close  and  reciprocal.  It 
should  be  our  duty  to  assist  in  every  proper  way  to  build  up  the  waste 
places  of  the  island,  encourage  the  industry  of  the  people  and  assist  them 
to  form  a  government  which  shall  be  free  and  independent,  thus  realizing 
the  best  aspirations  of  the  Cuban  people. 

Spanish  rule  must  be  replaced  by  a  just,  benevolent  and  humane  gov- 
ernment, created  by  the  people  of  Cuba,  capable  of  performing  all  inter- 
national obligations,  and  which  shall  encourage  thrift,  industry  and  pros- 
perity, and  promote  peace  and  good  will  among  all  the  inhabitants,  what- 
ever may  have  been  their  relations  in  the  past.  Neither  revenge  nor  pas- 
sion should  have  a  place  in  the  new  government. 

William  McKinley, 
President  of  the  United  States. 



Chronological  Events  of   the  Spanish-American   War.     Loss 

and  Cost  of  the  War. 

APRIL_,   1898. 

April  7.  Several  diplomatic  officials  of  Great  Britain,  Germany, 
France,  Austria,  Italy  and  Russia,  met  the  President  at  the  White  House 
bearing  a  message  of  friendship  and  peace.  The  collective  note  of  the 
great  powers  was  replied  to  by  the  President  in  fitting  terms. 

April  10.  The  Spanish  minister  presented  the  final  plea  of  his  gov- 
ernment for  peace  to  Mr.  Day,  the  assistant  secretary  of  state. 

April  II.     President  McKinley  sent  his  war  message  to  congress. 

April  19.  Congress  passed  a  joint  resolution  by  a  vote  of  42  yeas 
to  35  nays  in  the  senate,  and  of  319  yeas  to  6  nays  in  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives, declaring  war  against  Spain. 

April  20.     The  President  approved  the  resolution. 

April  21.  General  Woodford,  minister  to  Spain,  received  his  pass- 
ports from  the  Spanish  government. 

April  22.  Blockading  proclamation  issued.  It  was  also  on  this 
date  that  the  first  gun  of  the  war  was  fired  by  the  gunboat  Nashville  in 
capturing  the  first  prize  of  the  war,  the  Buena  Ventura. 

April  23.  The  President  called  for  125,000  volunteers  for  service 
during  two  years. 

April  24.  Spain  issued  a  decree  that  war  existed  with  the  United 

April  25.     War  formally  declared  by  congress  against  Spain. 

April  27.  First  battle  of  the  war  was  fought  off  Matanzas  by  Ad- 
miral Sampson  with  the  New  York,  the  Puritan  and  the  Cincinnati. 

April  29.     Cervera's  fleet  sailed  for  Cuba. 

April  30.  The  battleship  Oregon  arrived  at  Rio  de  Janeiro  from 
San  Francisco. 


May  I.  Admiral  Dewey  destroyed  the  entire  Spanish  fleet  under 
Admiral  Montojo  in  the  Bay  of  Manila. 

May  2.  Commodore  Dewey  cut  the  cable  connections  between  Ma- 
nila and  Hong  Kong  and  took  possession  of  the  naval  station  at  Cavite. 


176  Life  of  William  McKinley 

May  4-     The  vessels  of  Rear  Admiral  Sampson's  fleet  sailed  from 

Key  West. 

May  6.     The  French  steamer  La  Fayette  was  captured  as  a  blockade 


May  7.  Commodore  Dewey  was  promoted  to  be  rear  admiral  and 
given  the  thanks  of  congress. 

May  II.  Naval  encounter  at  Cardenas  resulting  in  the  death  of 
Ensign  Bagley. 

May  12.  First  fight  on  Cuban  soil  in  attempting  to  land  supplies. 
Fart  of  the  fleet  under  Admiral  Sampson  bombarded  the  batteries  de- 
fending San  Juan,  Porto  Rico. 

May  13.  The  "Flying  Squadron"  under  Commodore  Schley  sailed 
from  Hampton  Roads. 

May  15.     The  entire  Spanish  cabinet  resigned. 

May  16.  General  Merritt  was  assigned  to  the  new  department  of 
the  Pacific,  including  the  Philippines. 

May  18.  The  cruiser  Charleston,  Captain  Glass,  sailed  from  San 
Francisco  for  the  Philippines. 

May  19.     Cervera's  fleet  arrived  in  the  bay  of  Santiago  de  Cuba. 

May  21.     The  monitor  Monterey  was  ordered  to  Manila. 

May  23.  The  First  California  regiment  embarked  on  tlie  City  of 
Peking  for  Manila. 

May  25.     The  President  called  for  75,000  additional  volunteers. 

May  26.     The  Oregon  arrived  at  Key  West. 

May  30.  Commodore  Schley  sent  a  dispatch  that  he  had  seen  Cer- 
vera's fleet  in  the  bay  of  Santiago  de  Cuba. 


June  I.  Admiral  Sampson  joined  Commodore  Schley  and  took 
command  of  the  united  American  fleets,  composed  of  sixteen  warships, 
off  Santiago  de  Cuba. 

June  3.  The  Merrimac  was  sunk  in  the  mouth  of  the  Santiago  har- 
bor and  Hobson  was  taken  prisoner  with  the  seven  brave  men  who  vol- 
unteered to  accompany  him. 

June  6.     Ten  ships  bombarded  the  batteries  at  Santiago  de  Cuba. 

June  7.     The  French  cable  was  cut  in  Guantanamo  Bay. 

June  10.  Six  hundred  United  States  marines  were  landed  at  Cai- 
manera,  near  Guantanamo,  and  located  at  Camp  McCalla. 

June  II  and  12.     Fighting  took  place  at  Camp  McCalla. 

June  13.  Camara's  fleet  sailed  from  Spain.  A  portion  of  the  first 
military  expedition  left  Tampa,  Florida,  for  Santiago  de  Cuba. 

June  14.     Spanish  troops  were  pursued  by  scouting  parties  of  ma- 


Our  Martyred  President  177 

rines  and  Cubans  on  Guantanamo  Bay;  200  Spaniards  killed  and 

June  15.  The  Texas,  Marblehead  and  Suwanee  bombarded  the  forts 
at  Caimanera. 

June  16.  Forts  at  Santiago  were  again  bombarded  by  Sampson's 

June  18.     Admiral  Camara's  fleet  arrived  at  Cartagena. 

June  20.     United  States  troopships  arrived  at  Santiago  de  Cuba. 

June  21  and  22.  The  American  army  under  General  Shafter  landed 
at  Daiquiri  and  Siboney  from  the  troopships. 

June  22.  The  auxiliary  cruiser  St.  Paul  destroyed  the  Spanish 
torpedo  boat  Terror. 

June  23.     The  monitor  Monadnock  sailed  for  Manila. 

June  24.  General  Young  and  the  Rough  Riders  attack  the  Span- 
iards at  La  Guasimas,  near  Sevilla.  Hamilton  Fish,  Jr.,  and  Captain 
A.  K.  Capron  were  killed. 

June  25.     The  Americans  under  General  Chafl"ee  occupied  Sevilla 

June  26.  The  advance  American  forces  reached  San  Juan,  four  miles 
distant  from  Santiago. 

June  27.  The  third  Manila  expedition,  commanded  by  General 
Arthur  MacArthur,  sailed  from  San  Francisco. 

June  28.  President  McKinley  issued  proclamation  extending  the 
blockade  further  of  Cuban  ports. 

June  29.  Major-General  Merritt  sailed  for  the  Philippines  from 
San  Francisco.  General  Snyder's  division  of  troops  sailed  for  Santiago 
de  Cuba,  from  Tampa. 

June  30.  The  cruiser  Charleston,  with  three  transports,  arrived  in 
Manila  bay. 


July  I  and  2.  General  Lawton,  General  Kent,  General  Chaffee, 
General  Young,  Colonel  Roosevelt,  with  Grimes,  Capron  and  other 
brave  officers  and  men,  take  the  heights  of  El  Caney  and  San  Juan,  over- 
looking Santiago  de  Cuba.  The  American  losses  in  the  two  days' 
engagement  were:  Officers  killed,  23;  men,  208.  Officers  wounded, 
80;  men,  1,203.     Missing,  81  men. 

July  3.     Destruction  of  Cervera's  fleet. 

July  4.     Truce  established  between  the  contending  forces. 

July  5.  General  Toral  refused  to  surrender  the  city.  The  truce 
was  extended. 

July  6.     Lieutenant  Hobson  and  his  men  exchanged. 

July  7.     An  extension  of  armistice  was  granted. 

178  Life  of  William  McKinley 

July  8.  The  Concord  and  the  Raleigh,  of  Admiral's  Dewey's  squad- 
ron, took  possession  of  Isla  Grande  in  Subig  bay,  on  the  island  of  Luzon. 

July  9.  General  Miles  sailed  from  Charleston  on  the  Yale  for  San- 
tiago de  Cuba.  General  Toral  offered  to  surrender  if  his  troops  were 
permitted  to  march  out  with  their  arms.    The  proposal  was  not  accepted. 

July  II.  General  Miles  arrived  at  Santiago  de  Cuba,  and  conferred 
with  General  Shafter.    Firing  was  resumed  against  the  Spanish  defenses. 

July  14.     General  Toral  agreed  to  surrender. 

July  15.  The  fourth  Manila  expedition  sailed  from  San  Francisco, 
under  General  Otis,  with  1,700  troops. 

July  16.  Admiral  Cervera  and  the  officers  captured  from  his  fleet 
arrived  at  Annapolis  as  prisoners  of  war. 

July  17.  The  city  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  formally  surrendered  to 
General  Shafter. 

July  18.  President  McKinley  issued  his  proclamation  regarding 
the  government  of  Santiago  de  Cuba. 

July  25.     General  Miles  landed  in  Porto  Rico,  near  Ponce. 

July  26.  Spain  proposed  peace  through  the  French  ambassador,  M. 
Jules  Cambon. 

July  zy.  The  American  forces  advanced  against  Yauco,  in  Porto 

July  28.  General  Brooke  sailed  with  his  command  from  Newport 
News  for  Porto  Rico. 

July  29.  The  American  forces  moved  towards  Malate  on  the  road 
to  Manila. 

July  30.  The  President  transmitted  to  Spain  a  statement  regard- 
ing the  basis  of  peace. 

July  31.  Battle  of  Malate  between  the  Americans  and  Spanish 
near  Cavite  and  Manila. 


Aug.  I.  The  American  troops  in  Porto  Rico  moved  toward  San 
Juan,  General  Miles  having  joined  Generals  Brooke  and  Schwan. 

Aug.  5.  The  town  of  Guayama,  in  Porto  Rico,  was  captured  after 
a  slight  engagement  by  the  Fourth  Ohio  and  the  Third  Pilinois  Regi- 

Aug.  7.  Admiral  Dewey  and  General  Merritt  demanded  the  surren- 
der of  I\Ianiia.     The  demand  was  refused. 

Aug.  8.  A  skirmish  took  place  near  Guayama,  Porto  Rico.  Five 
soldiers  of  the  Fourth  Ohio  were  wounded. 

Aug.  9.  The  town  of  Coamo,  Porto  Rico,  was  captured.  Spain's 
reply  to  the  peace  proposition  was  presented  to  the  President. 


Our  Martyred  President  179 

Aug-.  10.  Secretary  Day  and  M.  Jules  Cambon  agreed  on  the  terms 
of  a  protocol  to  be  sent  to  Spain  for  approval. 

Aug.  II.  A  protocol  suspending  hostilities  was  signed  in  Washing- 
ton at  4:23  p.  m.,  M.  Jules  Cambon  having  received  authority  from 
Spain  to  act  for  it. 

Aug.  13.  Manila  surrendered  to  the  troops  under  General  Merritt 
and  Admiral  Dewey. 

Aug.  17.  The  President  appointed,  as  commissioners  to  act  regard- 
ing the  evacuation  of  Cuba.  Major-General  James  F.  Wade,  Rear- Ad- 
miral William  T.  Sampson,  and  Major-General  Matthew  C.  Butler.  For 
Porto  Rico  he  named  Major-General  John  R.  Brooke,  Rear-Admiral 
Winfield  S.  Schley  and  Brigadier-General  William  W.  Gordon. 

Aug.  19.  Spain  appointed  as  commissioners  for  Cuba,  Major-Gen- 
eral Gonzales  Parrade,  Rear-Admiral  Pastor  y  Landere  and  Marquis 
Montoro.  For  Porto  Rico,  ]\Iajor-General  Ortega  y  Diaz,  Commodore 
Vallarino  y  Carrasco  and  Judge-Advocate  Sanchez  Aguila  y  Leon. 

Aug.  20.  A  grand  naval  parade  was  held  in  New  York,  in  which 
the  New  York,  Brooklyn,  Massachusetts,  Indiana,  Texas,  Oregon  and 
Iowa  participated. 


Sept.  9.  President  McKinley  appointed  as  peace  commissioners 
William  R.  Day  of  Ohio,  Senators  William  P.  Frye  of  Maine,  Cushman 
K.  Davis  of  Minnesota,  George  Gray  of  Delaware  and  Mr.  Whitelaw 
Reid  of  New  York. 

Sept.    17.     The  American  commissioners  sailed  for   Paris. 

Sept.  18.  The  Spanish  government  appointed  as  commissioners 
Senor  Montero  Rios,  Senor  Abarzuza,  Senor  Garnica,  General  Cerero 
and  Senor  Villarrutia. 

Sept.  20.     The  evacuation  of  Porto  Rico  was  begun. 

Sept.  21.      Mustering  out  of  volunteers  ordered  to  begin  at  once. 

Sept.  24.  ]\Iuch  criticism  having  been  made  in  various  direction^ 
regarding  the  conduct  of  the  war,  the  President  appointed  a  Commis- 
sion of  Investigation,  wdiich  convened  on  this  day  at  Washington.  The 
commission  was  composed  of  the  following  persons:  Major-General 
Grenville  M.  Dodge  of  Iowa,  Colonel  J.  A.  Sexton  of  Illinois,  Captain 
E.  P.  Howell  of  Georgia,  Major-General  J.  M.  Wilson,  chief  of  engineers 
of  tlie  United  States  army;  the  Hon.  Charles  Denby  of  Indiana,  late 
minister  to  China ;  ex-Governor  Urban  A.  Woodbury  of  Vermont,  ex- 
Governor  James  A.  Beaver  of  Pennsylvania,  Major-General  A.  McD. 
McCook  of  the  army  (retired),  Dr.  Phineas  S.  Connor  of  Cincinnati. 
General  Dodge  was  elected  chairman  of  the  commission. 

I  bo 

Life  of  William  McKinley 


On  Christmas  Eve,  1898,  the  Peace  Commission  delivered  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States  a  copy  of  the  treaty  of  peace  drawn  up 
and  signed  in  the  city  of  Paris,  December  loth,  1898.  By  this  treaty, 
Spain  lost  her  sovereignty  over  Cuba  and  ceded  to  the  United  States 
the  Island  of  Porto  Rico  and  her  other,  possessions  in  the  West  Indies, 
the  Island  of  Guam  in  the  Ladrones,  and  all  her  possessions  in  the 

The  Spanish  Commissioners  asked  an  indemnity  for  the  expense 
Spain  had  incurred  in  the  war  with  the  Filipinos. 

As  a  compromise  of  this  claim,  the  United  States  agreed  to  pay  Spain 
$20,000,000  within  three  months  after  the  ratification  of  the  treaty. 

In  the  United  States  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  was  bitterly 
opposed  in  many  quarters,  and  it  was  not  until  February  6th,  1899,  that 
the  Senate  voted  its  approval. 

Its  action  was  accelerated,  no  doubt,  by  the  fact  that  the  Filipinos 
had  attacked  the  American  forces  at  Manila  on  February  5th,  and 
although  a  brilliant  victory  had  been  won  by  our  troops,  several  of  the 
brave  soldiers  had  been  killed  and  wounded.  The  American  spirit  at 
home  was  thoroughly  aroused.  Patriotism  arose  above  party.  Repub- 
licans, Democrats,  Populists  and  Silverites  voted  to  sustain  the  govern- 
ment by  a  vote  of  57  to  2^. 


Although  w^e  have  not  official  figures  concerning  the  losses  of  the 
Spaniards,  the  following  may  be  considered  a  very  good  estimate: 


Area  in  sq.  miles.   Population.       Financial  value. 

Cuba 41,655  1,631,687  $300,000,000 

Philippines   114,650  7,670,000  450,000,000 

Porto  Rico 3,670  8i3'937  150,000,000 

Caroline  and  Sulu  Islands*  111,000 

Cost  of  war $    125,000,000 

Loss  of  commerce 20,000,000 

Thirty  ships  lost 30,000,000 

Total  financial  loss $1,075,000,000 

*These  are  uniniportant,  except  for  naval  stations. 

Our  Martyred  President  iBi 


Killed   2,500 

Wounded   ^ - 3.000 


Over  against  the  enormous  losses  by  Spain  we  find  ours  to  be  the 
following : 

Battleship  Maine $     2,500,000 

Cost  of  war 200,000,000 

Indemnity  to  Spain 20,000,000 

Total   $222,500,000 


Battleship    Maine 266 

Killed  in  action  (about) 253 

Wounded  (about)   1,3^4 

Died  in  camp  (a'bout) 2,000 

•     Total 3'843 

These  figures  do  not  include  tliose  who  died  after  being-  mustered 



Country  Expands  and  Becomes  a  World  Power. 

Senator  Thurston,  in  apprising  Governor  McKinley  of  his  nomina- 
tion for  the  Presidency,  said:  "God  give  you  strength  so  to  bear  the 
honors  and  meet  the  duties  of  that  great  office  for  which  you  are  now 
nominated,  and  to  which  you  will  be  elected,  that  your  administration 
will  enhance  the  dignity,  and  power,  and  glory  of  this  republic,  and 
secure  the  safety,  welfare  and  happiness  of  its  liberty-loving  people." 

William  McKinley  seems  to  have  been  the  chosen  servant  of  the 
Almighty,  through  whom  all  those  things  were  to  be  brought  about. 
Under  his  administration  124,340  square  miles  of  territory  was  added 
to  the  public  domain,  and  the  country  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  world 
power.  Before  Dewey's  guns  spoke  at  Manila,  the  great  powers  of  the 
earth  looked  upon  the  United  States  as  a  third-rate  nation.  They  mur- 
mured somewhat  because  her  enterprise  was  undermining  their  com- 
merce, but  in  the  main,  they  held  her  lightly.  Dewey's  victory  raised 
their  estimate  of  the  calibre  of  the  people,  and  when  Commodore  Schley, 
at  Santiago,  smashed  the  fleet  of  the  Spanish  Admiral  Cervera,  the  world 
rubbed  its  eyes  and  awoke  to  the  consciousness  tliat  Brother  Jonathan 
had  grown  as  big  as  any  member  of  the  national  family,  and  would 
have  to  be  respected  accordingly. 

From  the  purchase  of  Alaska,  in  1867,  down  to  1893,  there  had  been 
no  additions  to  the  public  domain.  The  following  table  shows  the 
growth  of  the  country  in  territory  from  the  beginning  of  the  government : 

ANNEXATION   FROM    1 783  TO    1893  : 

Amount  Paid.      Square  Miles. 

Louisiana » $15,000,000  1,171,931 

Florida    5,000,000  52,268 

Texas 28,500,000  376,133 

California    545-783 

Gadsden  Purchase .    10,500,000  45-535 

Alaska 7,200.000  577-390 

$66,200,000  2,769,040 


Our  Martyred  President  183 

ANNEXATION    FROM    1893   TO    I9OI. 

Amount  Paid.  Square  Miles. 

Hawaii    6,740 

Philippine   Islands $20,000,000  114,000 

Porto  Rico 3,600 

$20,000,000  124,340 

Square  Miles. 

Original  territory 827,844 

Annexed  first  1 10  years 2,769,040 

Annexed  last  three  years 124,340 


President  McKinley  was  not  one  of  those  who  believed  that  the 
United  States  should  never  extend  her  power  outside  of  the  territory 
between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans,  and  the  twentieth  and  fiftieth 
parallels  of  latitude.  He  believed  in  the  people,  in  government  by  the 
people,  and  hence  when  Hawaii  knocked  at  the  doors  of  the  White  House 
and  said,  "Let  us  come  in  and  be  members  of  your  family  of  states,"  he 
lent  a  ready  ear.  In  his  second  annual  message  to  congress.  President 
McKinley  said  concerning  Hawaii : 

"Pending  the  consideration  by  the  senate  of  the  treaty  signed  June 
16,  1897,  by  the  plenipotentiaries  of  the  United  States  and  the  republic 
of  Hawaii,  providing  for  the  annexation  of  the  islands,  a  joint  resolu- 
tion to  accomplish  the  same  purpose  by  accepting  the  offered  cession 
and  incorporating  the  ceded  territor}-  into  the  Union  was  adopted  by  con- 
gress and  approved  July  7,  1898.  I  thereupon  directed  the  United  States 
steamer  Philadelphia  to  convey  Rear  Admiral  Miller  to  Honolulu,  and 
intrusted  to  his  hands  this  important  legislative  act,  to  be  delivered  to 
the  President  of  the  republic  of  Hawaii,  with  whom  the  admiral  and  the 
United  States  minister  were  authorized  to  make  appropriate  arrange- 
ments for  transferring  the  sovereignty  of  the  islands  to  the  United  States. 

"This  was  simply  but  impressively  accomplished  on  the  12th  of 
August  last  by  the  delivery  of  a  certified  copy  of  the  resolution  to  Presi-i 
dent  Dole,  who  thereupon  yielded  up  to  the  representative  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  the  sovereignty  and  public  property  of  the 
Hawaiian  islands.  • 

"Pursuant  to  the  terms  of  the  joint  resolution  and  in  exercise  of  the 
authority  thereby  conferred  upon  me,  I  directed  that  the  civil,  judicial 
and  military  powers  theretofore  exercised  by  the  officers  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  republic  of  Hawaii  should  continue  to  be  exercised  by  those 

184  Life  of  William  McKinley 

officers  until  congress  shall  provide  a  government  for  the  incorporated 
territory,  subject  to  my  power  to  remove  such  officers  and  fill  vacancies. 
The  President,  officers  and  troops  of  the  republic  thereupon  took  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  thus  providing  for  the  uninter- 
rupted continuance  of  all  the  administrative  and  municipal  functions  of 
the  annexed  territory  until  congress  shall  otherwise  enact. 

"Following  the  further  provisions  of  the  joint  resolution,  I  appointed 
the  Hon.  Shelby  M.  CuUom,  of  Illinois;  John  T.  Morgan,  of  Alabama; 
Robert  R.  Hitt,  of  Illinois ;  Sanford  B.  Dole,  of  Hawaii,  and  Walter  B. 
Freer,  of  Hawaii,  as  commissioners  to  confer  and  recommend  to  con- 
gress such  legislation  concerning  the  Hawaiian  islands  as  they  should 
deem  necessary  or  proper.  The  commissioners  having  fulfilled  the  mis- 
sion confided  to  them,  their  report  will  be  laid  before  you  at  an  early  day. 

"It  is  believed  that  their  recommendations  will  have  the  earnest  con- 
sideration due  to  the  magnitude  of  the  responsibility  resting  upon  you  to 
give  such  shape  to  the  relationship  of  those  mid-Pacific  lands  to  our 
home  union  as  will  benefit  both  in  the  highest  degree,  realizing  the  aspira- 
tions of  the  community  that  has  cast  its  lot  with  us  and  elected  to  share 
our  political  heritage,  while  at  the  same  time  justifying  the  foresight 
of  those  who  for  three-quarters  of  a  century  have  looked  to  the  annexa- 
tion of  Hawaii  as  a  natural  and  inevitable  consummation,  in  harmony 
with  our  needs  and  in  fulfillment  of  our  cherished  traditions. 

"The  questions  heretofore  pending  between  Hawaii  and  Japan,  grow- 
ing out  of  the  alleged  mistreatment  of  Japanese  treaty  immigrants,  were, 
I  am  pleased  to  say,  adjusted  before  the  act  of  transfer  by  the  payment 
of  a  reasonable  indemnity  to  the  government  of  Japan. 

"Under  the  provisions  of  the  joint  resolution  the  existing  customs 
relations  of  the  Hawaiian  islands  with  the  United  States  and  with  other 
countries  remain  unchanged  until  legislation  shall  otherwise  provide. 
The  consuls  of  Hawaii  here  and  in  foreign  countries  continue  to  fulfill 
their  commercial  agencies,  while  the  United  States  consulate  at  Hono- 
lulu is  maintained  for  all  proper  services  pertaining  to  trade  and  the 
revenue.  It  would  be  desirable  that  all  foreign  consuls  in  the  Hawaiian 
islands  should  receive  new  exequaturs  from  this  government." 

Hawaii  is,  from  a  naval  standpoint,  the  great  strategic  base  of  the 
Pacific.  Under  the  present  conditions  of  naval  warfare,  the  result  of 
the  use  of  steam  as  a  motive  power,  Hawaii  secures  to  the  maritime 
nation  possessing  it,  an  immense  advantage  as  a  depot  for  the  supply  of 
coal.  Possessing  Hawaii,  the  United  States  is  able  to  advance  its  line 
of  defense  2,000  miles  from  the  Pacific  coast,  and,  with  a  fortified  harbor, 
and  a  strong  fleet  at  Honolulu,  is  in  a  position  to  conduct  either  defensive 
or  offensive  operations  in  the  North  Pacific  to  greater  advantage  than 
any  other  power. 

Our  Martyred  President  185 

For  practical  purposes,  there  are  eight  islands  in  the  Hawaiian  group. 
The  others  are  mere  rocks,  of  no  value  at  present.  These  eight  islands, 
beginning  from  the  northwest,  are  named  Niihau,  Kauai,  Oahu,  Molokai, 
Lanai,  Kahoolawe,  Maui  and  Hawaii.    The  areas  of  the  islands  are : 

Square  miles. 

Niihau    97 

Kauai   590 

Oahu    600 

Molokai    • 270 

Maui 760 

Lanai    150 

Kahoolawe 63 

Hawaii   > .  .  .   4,210 

Total    6,740 

On  Oahu  is  the  capital,  Honolulu.  It  is  a  city  numbering  30,000 
inhabitants,  and  is  pleasantly  situated  on  the  south  side  of  the  Island. 
The  city  extends  a  considerable  distance  up  Nuuanu  Valley,  and  has 
wings  extending  northwest  and  southeast.  Except  in  the  business  blocks, 
every  house  stands  in  its  own  garden,  and  some  of  the  houses  are  very 

The  city  is  lighted  with  electric  light,  there  is  a  complete  telephone 
system,  and  tramcars  run  at  short  intervals  along  the  principal  streets 
and  continue  out  to  a  sea-bathing  resort  and  public  park,  four  miles 
from  the  city.  There  are  numerous  stores  where  all  kinds  of  goods 
can  be  obtained.  The  public  buildings  are  attractive  and  commodious. 
There  are  numerous  churches,  schools,  a  public  library  of  over  10,000 
volumes,  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Hall,  Masonic  Temple,  Odd  Fellows'  Hall,  and 
theater.  There  is  frequent  steam  communication  with  San  Francisco, 
once  a  month  with  Victoria  (British  Columbia),  and  twice  a  month 
with  New  Zealand  and  the  Australian  colonies.  Steamers  also  connect 
Honolulu  with  Japan.  There  are  three  evening  daily  papers  published 
in  English,  one  daily  morning  paper  and  two  weeklies.  Besides  these, 
there  are  papers  published  in  the  Hawaiian,  Portuguese,  Japanese  and 
Chinese  languages,  and  also  monthly  magazines  in  various  tongues. 

The  population  of  the  Islands,  in  1897,  consisted  of  109,020  persons, 
of  whom  72,517  were  males,  and  36,503  females. 

The  other  territory  acquired  was  purely  a  result  of  the  Spanish  war. 
Porto  Rico  came  into  the  Union  with  little  resistance  on  the  part  of  the 
people.  They  were  as  anxious,  almost,  to  be  rid  of  Spanish  rule,  as 
were  the  Cubans,  and  its  3,600  square  miles  of  territory  will  one  day 
be  among  the  fairest  States  of  our  Union. 

i86  Life  of  William  McKinley 

The  Philippines  were  not  so  ready  to  receive  American  rule  as  were 
Hawaii  and  Porto  Rico.  No  better  statement  of  the  Philippine  question 
will  be  found  than  that  of  President  McKinley  in  his  message  of  Decem- 
ber, 1899.     He  said: 

"On  the  loth  of  December,  1898,  the  treaty  of  peace  between  the 
United  States  and  Spain  was  signed.  It  provided,  among  other  things, 
that  Spain  should  cede  to  the  United  States  the  archipelago  known  as 
the  Philippine  Islands,  that  the  United  States  should  pay  to  Spain  tlic 
sum  of  $20,000,000,  and  that  the  civil  rights  and  political  status  of  the 
native  inhabitants  of  the  territories  thus  ceded  to  the  United  States 
should  be  determined  by  the  congress. 

"The  treaty  was  ratified  by  the  senate  on  the  6th  of  Febuary,  1899, 
and  by  the  government  of  Spain  on  the  19th  of  March  following.  The 
ratifications  were  exchanged  on  the  nth  of  April,  and  the  treaty  publicly 
proclaimed.  On  the  2d  day  of  March  the  congress  voted  the  sum  con- 
templated by  the  treaty,  and  the  amount  was  paid  over  to  the  Spanish 
government  on  the  ist  day  of  May. 

"In  this  manner  the  Philippines  came  to  the  United  States.  The 
islands  were  ceded  by  the  government  of  Spain,  which  had  been  in 
undisputed  possession  of  them  for  centuries.  They  were  accepted  not 
merely  by  our  authorized  commissioners  in  Paris,  under  the  direction 
of  the  executive,  but  by  the  constitutional  and  well-considered  action 
of  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  both  houses 
of  congress. 

"I  had  every  reason  to  believe,  and  I  still  believe,  that  this  transfer 
of  sovereignty  was  in  accord  with  the  wishes  and  the  aspirations  of  the 
great  mass  of  the  Filipino  people,  not  to  make  war. 

"From  the  earliest  moment  no  opportunity  was  lost  of  assuring  the 
people  of  the  islands  of  our  ardent  desire  for  their  welfare,  and  of  the 
intention  of  this  government  to  do  everything  possible  to  advance  their 
interests.  In  my  order  of  the  19th  of  May,  1898,  the  commander  of 
the  military  expedition  dispatched  to  the  Philippines  was  instructed  to 
declare  that  we  came  not  to  make  war  upon  the  people  of  that  country, 
"nor  upon  any  party  or  faction  among  them,  but  to  protect  them  in 
their  homes,  in  their  employments,  and  in  their  personal  and  religious 


That  there  should  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  paramount  authority  there, 
on  the  17th  of  August  it  was  directed  that  "there  must  be  no  joint 
occupation  with  the  insurgents;"  that  the  United  States  must  preserve 
the  peace  and  protect  persons  and  property  within  the  territory  occupied 
by  their  military  and  naval  forces;  that  the  insurgents  and  all  others 

Our  Martyred  President  187 

must  recognize  the  military  occupation  and  authority  of  the  United 

As  early  as  December  4,  before  the  cession,  and  in  anticipation  of 
that  event,  the  commander  in  Manila  was  urged  to  restore  peace  and 
tranquillity  and  to  undertake  the  establishment  of  beneficent  govern- 
ment, which  should  afford  the  fullest  security  for  life  and  property. 

On  December  21,  after  the  treaty  was  signed,  the  commander  of 
the  forces  of  occupation  was  instructed  "to  announce  and  proclaim  in 
the  most  public  manner  that  we  come,  not  as  invaders  and  conquerors, 
but  as  friends  to  protect  the  natives  in  their  liomes,  in  their  employments, 
and  in  their  personal  and  religious  rights." 

On  the  same  day,  while  ordering  General  Otis  to  see  that  the  peace 
should  be  preserved  in  Iloilo,  he  was  admonished  that :  "It  is  most 
important  that  there  should  be  no  conflict  with  the  insurgents."  On 
tiie  I  St  day  of  January,  1899,  urgent  orders  were  reiterated  that  the 
kindly  intentions  of  this  government  should  be  in  every  possible  way 
communicated  to  the  insurgents. 


On  January  21  I  announced  my  intention  of  dispatching  to  Manila 
a  commission  composed  of  three  gentlemen  of  the  highest  character  and 
distinction,  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  orient,  who,  in  association 
with  Admiral  Dewey  and  Major-General  Otis,  were  instructed  to  "facil- 
itate the  most  humane  and  effective  extension  of  authority  throughout 
the  islands,  and  to  secure  with  the  least  possible  delay  the  benefits  of  a 
wise  and  generous  protection  of  life  and  property  to  the  inhabitants." 

These  gentlemen  were  Dr.  Jacob  Gould  Schurman,  president  of  Cor- 
nell University ;  Hon.  Charles  Denby,  for  many  years  minister  to  China, 
"  and  Prof.  Dean  C.  Worcester,  of  the  University  of  Michigan,  who  had 
made  a  most  careful  study  of  life  in  the  Philippines. 

While  the  treaty  of  peace  was  under  consideration  in  the  senate 
these  commissioners  set  out  on  their  mission  of  good  will  and  liberation. 
Their  character  was  a  sufficient  guaranty  of  the  beneficent  purpose  with 
which  they  went,  even  if  they  had  not  borne  the  positive  instructions 
of  this  government,  which  made  their  errand  pre-eminently  one  of  peace 
and  friendship. 


Before  their  arrival  at  Manila  the  sinister  ambition  of  a  few  leaders 
of  the  Filipinos  had  created  a  situation  full  of  embarrassments  for  us 
and  most  grievous  in  its  consequences  to  themselves.  The  clear  and 
impartial  preliminary  report  of  the  commissioners,  which  I  transmit 
herewith,   gives  so  lucid  and  comprehensive  a  history  of  the  present 

1 88  Life  of  William  McKinley 

insurrectionary  movement  that  the  story  need  not  be  here  repeated. 
It  is  enough  to  say  that  the  claim  of  the  rebel  leader  that  he  was 
promised  independence  by  any  officer  of  the  United  States  in  return 
for  his  assistance  has  no  foundation  in  fact  and  is  categorically  denied 
by  the  very  witnesses  who  were  called  to  prove  it.  The  most  the  insur- 
gent leader  hoped  for  when  he  came  back  to  Manila  was  the  liberation 
of  the  islands  from  Spanish  control,  which  they  had  been  laboring  for 
years  without  success  to  throw  off. 


The  prompt  accomplishment  of  this  work  by  the  American  army 
and  navy  gave  him  other  ideas  and  ambitions,  and  insidious  suggestions 
from  various  quarters  perverted  the  purposes  and  intentions  with  which 
he  had  taken  up  arms.  No  sooner  had  our  army  captured  Manila  than 
the  Filipino  forces  began  to  assume  the  attitude  of  suspicion  and  hos- 
tility which  the  utmost  efforts  of  our  officers  and  troops  were  unable  to 
disarm  or  modify. 

Their  kindness  and  forbearance  were  taken  as  a  proof  of  cowardice. 
The  aggressions  of  the  Filipinos  continually  increased,  until  finally, 
just  before  the  time  set  by  the  senate  of  the  United  States  for  a  vote 
upon  the  treaty,  an  attack,  evidently  prepared  in  advance,  was  made 
all  along  the  American  lines,  which  resulted  in  a  terribly  destructive 
and  sanguinary  repulse  of  the  insurgents. 


Ten  days  later  an  order  of  the  insurgent  government  was  issued  to 
its  adherents  who  had  remained  in  Manila,  of  which  General  Otis  justly 
observes  that  "for  barbarous  intent  it  is  unequaled  in  modern  times." 

It  directs  that  at  8  o'clock  on  the  night  of  the  15th  of  February,  the 
territorial  militia  shall  come  together  in  the  streets  of  San  Pedro,  armed 
with  their  bolos,  wath  guns  and  ammunition,  where  convenient;  that 
Filipino  families  only  sliall  be  respected;  but  that  all  other  individuals, 
of  whatever  race  they  may  be,  shall  be  exterminated  without  any  com- 
passion, after  the  extermination  of  the  army  of  occupation,  and  adds : 

"Brothers,  we  must  avenge  ourselves  on  the  Americans  and  exter- 
minate them,  that  we  may  take  our  revenge  for  the  infamies  and  treach- 
eries which  they  have  committed  upon  us.  Have  no  compassion  upon 
them;  attack  with  vigor." 

A  copy  of  this  fell,  by  good  fortune,  into  the  hands  of  our  officers, 
and  they  were  able  to  take  measures  to  control  the  rising,  which  was 
actually  attempted  on  the  night  of  February  22,  a  week  later  than  wag 
originally  contemplated. 

Our  Martyred  President 

Considerable  numbers  of  armed  insurgents  entered  the  city  by  water- 
ways and  swamps,  and  in  concert  with  confederates  inside  attempted 
to  destroy  Manila  by  fire.  They  were  kept  in  check  during  the  night 
and  the  next  day  driven  out  of  the  city  with  heavy  loss. 


This  was  the  unhappy  condition  of  affairs  which  confronted  our 
commissioners  on  their  arrival  in  Manila.  They  had  come  with  the 
hope  and  intention  of  co-operating  with  Admiral  Dewey  and  Major- 
General  Otis  in  establishing  peace  and  order  in  the  archipelago  and  the 
largest  measure  of  self-government  compatible  with  the  true  welfare  of 
the  people.  What  they  actually  found  can  best  be  set  forth  in  then- 
own  words : 

"Deplorable  as  war  is,  the  one  in  which  we  are  now  engaged  was 
unavoidable  to  us.  We  were  attacTced  by  a  bold,  adventurous,  and 
enthusiastic  army.  No  alternative  was  left  to  us,  except  ignominious 

"It  is  not  to  be  conceived  of  that  any  American  would  have  sanc- 
tioned the  surrender  of  Manila  to  the  insurgents.  Our  obligations  to 
other  nations  and  to  the  friendly  .Filipinos  and  to  ourselves  and  our  flag 
demanded  that  force  should  be  met  with  force.  Whatever  the  future 
of  the  Philippines  may  be,  there  is  no  course  open  to  us  now  except  the 
prosecution  of  the  war  until  the  insurgents  are  reduced  to  submission. 
The  commission  is  of  the  opinion  that  there  has  been  no  time  since  the 
•  destruction  of  the  Spanish  squadron  by  Admiral  Dewey  when  it  was 
possible  to  withdraw  our  forces  from  the  islands,  either  with  honor  to 
ourselves  or  with  safety  to  the  inhabitants." 


The  course  thus  clearly  indicated  has  been  unflinchingly  pursued. 
The  rebellion  must  be  put  down.  Civil  government  cannot  be  thor- 
oughly established  until  order  is  restored.  With  a  devotion  and  gal- 
lantry worthy  of  its  most  brilliant  history  the  army,  ably  and  loyally 
assisted  by  the  navy,  has  carried  on  this  unwelcome  but  most  righteous 

L         campaign  with  richly  deserved  success. 

-  The  noble  self-sacrifice  with  which  our  soldiers  and  sailors  whose 

terms  of  service  had  expired  refused  to  avail  themselves  of  their  right 
to  return  home  as  long  as  they  were  needed  at  the  front,  forms  one  of 
the  brightest  pages  in  our  annals. 

I  Although    their   operations   have   been    somewhat    interrupted    and 

I  checked  by  a  rainy  season  of  unusual  violence  and  duration,  they  have 

gained  ground  steadily  in  every  direction,  and  now  look  forward  confi- 
dently to  a  speedy  completion  of  their  task. 

1^0  Life  of  William  McKinley 


The  unfavorable  circumstances  connected  with  an  active  campaign 
have  not  been  permitted  to  interfere  with  the  equally  important  work  of 
reconstruction.  Again  I  invite  your  attention  to  the  report  of  the 
commissioners  for  the  interesting  and  encouraging  details  of  the  work 
already  accomplished  in  the  establishment  of  peace  and  order  and  the 
inauguration  of  self-governing  municipal  life  in  many  portions  of  the 


A  notable  beginning  has  been  made  in  the  establishment  of  a  gov- 
ernment in  the  island  of  Negros,  which  is  deserving  of  special  considera- 
tion. This  was  the  first  island  to  accept  American  sovereignty.  Its 
people  unreservedly  proclaimed  allegiance  to  the  United  States  and 
adopted  a  constitution  looking  to  the  establishment  of  a  popular  gov- 

It  was  impossible  to  guarantee  to  the  people  of  Negros  that  the 
constitution  so  adopted  should  be  the  ultimate  form  of  government. 
Such  a  question,  under  the  treaty  with  Spain,  and  in  accordance  with 
our  own  constitution  and  laws,  came  exclusively  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  congress.  The  government  actually  set  up  by  the  inhabitants  of 
Negros  eventually  proved  unsatisfactory  to  the  natives  themselves.  A 
new  system  was  put  into  force  b}^  order  of  the  major-general  command- 
ing the  department,  of  which  the  following  are  the  most  important 
elements : 

It  was  ordered  that  the  government  of  the  island  of  Negros  should 
consist  of  a  military  governor  appointed  by  the  United  States  military 
governor  of  the  Philippines,  and  a  civil  governor,  and  an  advisory 
council  elected  by  the  people.  The  military  governor  was  authorized 
to  appoint  secretaries  of  the  treasury,  interior,  agriculture,  public 
instruction,  an  attorney-general,  and  an  auditor.  The  seat  of  govern- 
ment was  fixed  at  Bacolor. 

The  mjlitary  governor  exercises  the  supreme  executive  power.  He 
is  to  see  that  the  laws  are  executed,  appoint  to  office,  and  fill  all  vacan- 
cies in  office  not  otherwise  provided  for,  and  may,  with  the  approval  of 
the  military  governor  of  the  Philippines,  remove  any  officer  from  office. 

The  civil  governor  advises  the  military  governor  on  all  public  civil 
questions  and  presides  over  the  advisory  council.  He  in  general  per- 
forms the  duties  which  are  performed  by  secretaries  of  state  in  our 
own  system  of  government. 

The  advisory  council  consists  of  eight  members  elected  by  the  people 
within  territorial  limits  which  are  defined  in  the  order  of  the  command- 
ing general. 

Our  Martyred  President  lt)i 


The  times  and  places  of  holding-  elections  are  to  be  fixed  by  the  mili- 
tary governor  of  the  island  of  Negros.  The  qualifications  of  \oters  are 
as  follows : 

I.  A  voter  must  be  a  male  citizen  of  the  island  of  Negros.  2.  Of  the 
age  of  21  years.  3.  He  shall  be  able  to  speak,  read,  and  write  the  Eng- 
lish, Spanish,  or  Visayan  language,  or  he  must  own  real  property  worth 
$500,  or  pay  a  rental  on  real  property  of  the  value  of  $1,000.  4.  He 
must  have  resided  in  the  island  not  less  than  one  year  preceding,  and  in 
the  district  in  which  he  ofi^ers  to  register  as  a  voter  not  less  than  three 
months  immediately  preceding  the  time  he  offers  to  register.  5.  He 
must  register  at  a  time  fixed  by  law  before  voting.  6.  Prior  to  such 
registration  he  shall  have  paid  all  taxes  due  by  him  to  the  government ; 
provided,  that  no  insane  person  shall  be  allowed  to  register  or  vote. 

The  military  governor  has  the  right  to  veto  all  bills  or  resolutions 
adopted  by  the  advisory  council,  and  his  veto  is  final  if  not  disapproved 
by  the  military  governor  of  the  Philippines. 

The  advisory  council  discharges  all  the  ordinary  duties  of  a  legis- 
lature. The  usual  duties  pertaining  to  said  offices  are  to  be  performed 
by  the  secretaries  of  the  treasury,  interior,  agriculture,  public  instruc- 
tion, the  attorney-general,  and  the  auditor. 

The  judicial  power  is  vested  in  three  judges,  who  are  to  be  appointed 
by  the  military  governor  of  the  island.  Inferior  courts  are  to  be  estab- 

Free  public  schools  are  to  be  established  throughout  the  populous 
districts  of  the  island,  in  which  the  English  language  shall  be  taught, 
and  this  subject  will  receive  the  careful  consideration  of  the  advisory 

The  burden  of  government  must  be  distributed  equally  and  equitably 
among  the  people.  The  military  authorities  will  collect  and  receive 
the  customs  revenue  and  will  control  postal  matters  and  Philippine 
inter-island  trade  and  commerce. 

The  military  governor,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  military  gov- 
ernor of  the  Philippines,  determines  all  questions  not  specifically  pro- 
vided for  and  which  do  not  come  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  advisory 


The  authorities  of  the  Sulu  islands  have  accepted  the  succession  of 
the  United  States  to  the  rights  of  Spain,  and  our  flag  floats  over  that 
territory.  On  the  loth  of  August,  1899,  Brigadier-General  J.  C.  Bates. 
United  States  Volunteers,  negotiated  an  agreement  with  the  sultan  and 

ig2  Life  of  William  McKinley 

his  principal  chiefs,  which  I  transmit  herewith.  By  article  i,  the  sov- 
ereigntj>^  of  the  United  States  over  the  whole  archipelago  of  Jolo  and 
its  dependencies  is  declared  and  acknowledged. 

The  United  States  flag  will  be  used  in  the  archipelago  and  its  de- 
pendencies, on  land  and  sea.  Piracy  is  to  be  suppressed,  and  the  sultan 
agrees  to  co-operate  heartily  with  the  United  States  authorities  to  that 
end  and  to  make  every  possible  effort  to  arrest  and  bring  to  justice  all 
persons  engaged  in  piracy. 

All  trade  in  domestic  products  of  the  archipelago  of  Jolo  when  car- 
ried on  with  any  part  of  the  Philippine  islands  and  under  the  American 
flag  shall  be  free,  unlimited  and  undutiable.  The  United  States  will 
give  full  protection  to  the  sultan  in  case  any  foreign  nation  should 
attempt  to  impose  upon  him. 

The  United  States  will  not  sell  the  island  of  Jolo  or  any  other  island 
of  the  Jolo  archipelago  to  any  foreign  nation  without  the  consent  of  the 
sultan.  Salaries  for  the  sultan  and  his  associates  in  the  administration 
of  the  islands  have  been  agreed  upon  to  the  amount  of  $760  monthly. 


Article  X  provides  that  any  slave  in  the  archipelago  of  Jolo  shall 
have  the  right  to  purchase  freedom  by  paying  to  his  master  the  usual 
market  value.  The  agreement  by  General  Bates  was  made  subject  to 
confirmation  by  the  President  and  to  future  modifications  by  the  consent 
of  the  parties  in  interest.  I  have  confirmed  said  agreement,  subject 
to  the  action  of  the  congress,  and  with  the  reservation  which  I  have 
directed  shall  be  communicated  to  the  sultan  of  Jolo,  that  this  agree- 
ment is  not  to  be  deemed  in  any  way  to  authorize  or  give  the  consent 
of  the  United  States  to  the  existence  of  slavery  in  the  Sulu  archipelago. 
I  communicate  these  facts  to  the  congress  for  its  information  and  action. 


Everything  indicates  that  with  the  speedy  suppression  of  the  Tagalo 
rebellion  life  in  the  archipelago  will  soon  resume  its  ordinary  course 
under  the  protection  of  our  sovereignty,  and  the  people  of  those  favored 
islands  will  enjoy  a  prosperity  and  a  freedom  which  they  have  never 
before  known. 

Already  hundreds  of  schools  are  open  and  filled  with  children. 

Religious  freedom  is  sacredly  assured  and  enjoyed. 

The  courts  are  dispensing  justice. 

Business  is  beginning  to  circulate  in  its  accustomed  channels. 

Manila,  whose  inhabitants  were  fleeing  to  the  country  a  few  months 
ago,  is  now  a  populous  and  thriving  mart  of  commerce. 


(Taken  December,  1862.) 

Our  Martyred  President  193 

The  earnest  and  unremitting  endeavors  of  the  commission  and  the 
admiral  and  major-general  commanding  the  department  of  the  Pacific 
to  assure  the  people  of  the  beneficent  intentions  of  this  government  have 
had  their  legitimate  eft'ect  in  convincing  the  great  mass  of  them  that 
peace  and  safety  and  prosperity  and  staple  government  can  only  be  found 
in  a  loyal  acceptance  of  the  authority  of  the  United  States. 


The  future  government  of  the  Philippines  rests  with  the  congress  of 
the  United  States.  Few  graver  responsibilities  have  ever  been  confided 
to  us. 

If  we  accept  them  in  a  spirit  worthy  of  our  race  and  our  traditions, 
a  great  opportunity  comes  with  them.  The  islands  lie  under  the  shelter 
of  our  flag.  They  are  ours  by  every  title  of  law  and  equity.  They  can 
not  be  abandoned. 

If  we  desert  them  we  leave  them  at  once  to  anarchy  and  finally  to 
barbarism.  We  fling  them,  a  golden  apple  of  discord,  among  the  rival 
powers,  no  one  of  which  could  permit  another  to  seize  them  unques- 
tioned. Their  rich  plains  and  valleys  would  be  the  scene  of  endless 
strife  and  bloodshed. 

The  advent  of  Dewey's  fleet  in  Manila  bay  instead  of  being,  as  we 
hope,  the  dawn  of  a  new  day  of  freedom  and  progress,  will  have  been 
the  beginning  of  an  era  of  misery  and  violence  worse  than  any  which 
has  darkened  their  unhappy  past. 

The  suggestion  has  been  made  that  we  could  renounce  our  authority 
over  the  islands  and,  giving  them  independence,  could  retain  a  protec- 
torate over  them. 


This  proposition  will  not  be  found,  I  am  sure,  worthy  of  your  serious 
attention.  Such  an  arrangement  would  involve  at  the  outset  a  cruel 
breach  of  faith.  It  would  place  the  peaceable  and  loyal  majority,  who 
ask  nothing  better  than  t6  accept  our  authority,  at  the  mercy  of  the 
minority  of  armed  insurgents.  It  would  make  us  responsible  for  the 
acts  of  the  insurgent  leaders  and  give  us  no  power  to  control  them.  It 
would  charge  us  with  the  task  of  protecting  them  against  each  other, 
and  defending  them  against  any  foreign  power  with  which  they  chose  to 
quarrel.  In  short,  it  would  take  from  the  congress  of  the  United  States 
the  power  of  declaring  war  and  vest  that  tremendous  prerogative  in  the 
Tagal  leader  of  the  hour. 


It  do€s  not  seem  desirable  that  I  should  recommend  at  this  time  a 


194  Life  of  William  McKinley 

specific  and  final  form  of  government  for  lliese  islands.  When  peace 
shall  be  restored  it  will  be  the  duty  of  congress  to  construct  a  plan  of 
government  which  shall  establish  and  maintain  freedom  and  order  and 
peace  in  the  Philippines. 

The  insurrection  is  still  existing,  and  when  it  terminates  further 
information  will  be  required  as  to  the  actual  condition  of  affairs  before 
inaugurating  a  permanent  scheme  of  civil  government.  The  full  report 
of  the  commission,  now  in  preparation,  will  contain  information  and 
suggestions  which  will  be  of  value  to  congress,  and  which  I  will  trans- 
mit as  soon  as  it  is  completed.  As  long  as  the  insurrection  continues 
the  military  arm  must  necessarily  be  supreme.  But  there  is  no  reason 
why  steps  should  not  be  taken  from  time  to  time  to  inaugurate  gov- 
ernments essentially  popular  in  their  form  as  fast  as  territory  is  held 
or  controlled  by  our  troops. 


To  this  end  I  am  considering  the  advisability  of  the  return  of  the 
commission,  or  such  of  the  members  thereof  as  can  be  secured,  to  aid 
the  existing  authorities  and  facilitate  this  work  throughout  the  islands. 

I  have  believed  that  reconstruction  should  not  begin  by  the  estab- 
lishment of  one  central  civil  government  for  all  the  islands,  with  its 
seat  at  Manila,  but  rather  that  the  w^ork  should  be  commenced  by  build- 
ing up  from  the  bottom,  first  establishing  municipal  governments  and 
then  provincial  governments,  a  central  government  at  last  to  follow. 


Until  congress  shall  have  made  known  the  formal  expression  of  its 
will  I  shall  use  the  authority  vested  in  me  by  the  constitution  and  the 
statutes  to  uphold  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States  in  these  distant 
islands  as  in  all  other  places  where  our  flag  rightfully  floats. 

I  shall  put  at  the  disposal  of  the  army  and  navy  all  the  means  which 
the  liberality  of  congress  and  the  people  has  provided  to  cause  this 
unprovoked  and  wasteful  insurrection  to  cease. 

If  any  orders  of  mine  were  required  to  insure  the  merciful  conduct  of 
military  and  naval  operations,  they  would  not  be  lacking,  but  every  step 
of  the  progress  of  our  troops  has  been  marked  by  a  humanity  which  has 
surprised  even  the  misguided  insurgents. 


The  truest  kindness  to  them  will  be  a  swift  and  effective  defeat  of 
their  present  leader.  The  hour  of  victory  will  be  the  hour  of  clemency 
and  reconstruction. 

Our  Martyred  President  195 

No  effort  will  be  spared  to  buikl  up  the  waste  places  desolated  l)y 
war  and  by  long  years  of  misgovernment.  We  shall  not  wait  for  the 
end  of  strife  to  begin  the  beneficent  work.  We  shall  continue,  as  we 
have  begun,  to  open  the  schools  and  the  churches,  to  set  the  courts  in 
operation,  to  foster  industry,  and  trade,  and  agriculture,  and  in  every 
way  in  our  power  to  make  these  people  whom  Providence  has  brought 
within  our  jurisdiction  feel  that  it  is  their  liberty  and  not  our  power, 
their  welfare  and  not  our  gain,  w'e  are  seeking  to  enhance. 


Our  flag  has  never  waved  over  any  community  but  in  blessing.  I 
believe  the  Filipinos  wull  soon  recognize  the  fact  that  it  has  not  lost  its 
gift  of  benediction  in  its  world-wide  journey  to  their  shores. 

Since  the  above  message  was  written,  the  islands  have  been  almost 
wholly  tranquilized,  and  civil  government  is  rapidly  being  established. 

Meets  the  Crisis  in  China. 

The  firmness  and  wisdom  with  which  the  President  met  the  trouble 
with  Spain  did  not  end  his  experiences  in  foreign  warfare.  The  crisis 
in  the  affairs  of  the  Chinese  empire,  which  threatened  its  dismemberment, 
engaged  his  atteytion.  Here,  as  on  all  other  great  occasions,  the  firmness 
and  honesty  of  the  President  was  displayed,  and  to  it  is  in  no  small 
measure  due  the  settlement  of  questions  which  threatened  the  peace 
of  the  civilized  world.  For  a  recital  of  the  events  attending  the  rebellion 
in  China,  we  turn  again  to  the  President's  own  words.  In  his  message 
of  December  3,   1900,  he  said: 

'Tn  our  foreign  intercourse  the  dominant  question  has  been  the 
treatment  of  the  Chinese  problem.  Apart  from  this  our  relations  with 
the  powers  have  been  happy. 

"The  recent  troubles  in  China  sprang  from  the  anti-foreign  agitation 
which  for  the  past  three  years  has  gained  strength  in  the  northern 
provinces.  Their  origin  lies  deep  in  the  character  of  the  Chinese  races 
and  in  the  traditions  of  their  government.  The  Tai-Ping  rebellion  and 
the  opening  of  the  Chinese  ports  to  foreign  trade  and  settlement  disturbed 
alike  the  homogeneity  and  the  seclusion  of  China. 

Meanwhile  foreign  activity  made  itself  felt  in  all  quarters,  not  alone 
on  the  coast,  but  along  the  great  river  arteries  and  in  the  remoter  dis- 
tricts, carrying  new  ideas  and  introducing  new  associations  among  a 
primitive  people  which  had  pursued  for  centuries  a  national  policy  of 

"The  telegraph  and  the  railway  spreading  over  their  land,  the  steamers 
plying  on  their  waterways,  the  merchant  and  the  missionary  penetrating 
year  by  year  farther  to  the  interior,  became  to  the  Chinese  mind  types 
of  an  alien  invasion,  changing  the  course  of  their  national  life  and  fraught 
with  vague  forebodings  of  disaster  to  their  beliefs  and  their  self-control. 

"For  several  years  before  the  present  troubles  all  the  resources  of 
foreign  diplomacy,  backed  by  moral  demonstrations  of  the  physical  force 
of  fleets  and  arms,  have  been  needed  to  secure  due  respect  for  the  treaty 
rights   of   foreigners  and  to   obtain   satisfaction   from   the  responsible 



Our  Martyred  President  197 

authorities  for  the  sporadic  outrages  upon  the  persons  and  property 
of  unoffending  sojourners,  which  from  time  to  time  occurred  at  widely 
separated  points  in  the  northern  provinces,  as  in  the  case  of  the  outbreaks 
in  Sze-Chuen  and  Shan-Tung. 

"Posting  of  anti-foreign  placards  became  a  daily  occurrence,  which 
the  repeated  reprobation  of  the  imperial  power  failed  to  check  or  punish. 
These  inflammatory  appeals  to  the  ignorance  and  superstition  of  the 
masses,  mendacious  and  absurd  in  their  accusations  and  deeply  hostile 
in  their  spirit,  could  not  but  work  cumulative  harm.  They  aimed  at  no 
particular  class  of  foreigners ;  they  were  impartial  in  attacking  everything 

"An  outbreak  in  Shan-Tung,  in  which  German  missionaries  were 
slain,  was  the  too  natural  result  of  these  malevolent  teachings.  The  post- 
ing of  seditious  placards,  exhorting  to  the  utter  destruction  of  foreigners 
and  of  every  foreign  thing,  continued  unrebuked.  Hostile  demonstra- 
tions toward  the  stranger  gained  strength  by  organization. 


"The  sect  commonly  styled  the  Boxers  de\'eloped  greatly  in  the 
provinces  north  of  the  Yang- Tse,  and  with  the  collusion  of  many  notable 
officials,  including  some  in  the  immediate  councils  of  the  throne  itself, 
became  alarmingly  aggressive.  No  foreigner's  life,  outside  of  the  pro- 
tected treaty  ports,  was  safe.  No  foreign  interest  was  secure  from 

"The  diplomatic  representatives  of  the  powers  in  Peking  strove  in 
vain  to  check  this  movement.  Protest  was  followed  by  demand  and 
demand  by  renewed  protest,  to  be  met  with  perfunctory  edicts  from  the 
palace  and  evasions  and  futile  assurances  from  the  tsung-Ii-yamen.  The 
circle  of  the  Boxer  influence  narrowed  about  Peking,  and,  while  nominally 
stigmatized  as  seditious,  it  was  felt  that  its  spirit  pervaded  the  capital 
itself,  that  the  imperial  forces  were  imbued  with  its  doctrines,  and  that 
the  immediate  counselors  of  the  empress  dowager  were  in  full  sympathy 
with  the  anti-foreign  movement. 

"The  increasing  gravity  of  the  conditions  in  China  and  the  imminence 
or  peril  to  our  own  diversified  interests  in  the  empire,  as  well  as  to  thosQ 
of  all  other  treaty  governments,  were  soon  appreciated  by  this  govern- 
ment, causing  it  profound  solicitude. 


"The  United  States,  from  the  earliest  days  of  foreign  intercourse 
with  China,  had  followed  a  policy  of  peace,  omitting  no  occasions  tQ 
testify  good  will,  to  further  the  extension  of  lawful  trade,  to  respect 

1^8  Life  of  William  McKinley 

the  sovereignty  of  its  government,  and  to  insure  by  all  legitimate  and 
kindly  but  earnest  means  the  fullest  measure  of  protection  for  the  lives 
and  property  of  our  law-abiding  citizens  and  for  the  exercise  of  their 
beneficent  callings  among  the  Chinese  people. 

"JMindful  of  this,  it  was  felt  to  be  appropriate  that  our  purposes  should 
be  pronounced  in  favor  of  such  course  as  would  hasten  united  action  of 
the  powers  at  Peking  to  promote  the  administrative  reforms  so  greatly 
needed  for  strengthening  the  imperial  government  and  maintaining  the 
integrity  of  China,  in  which  we  believed  the  whole  western  world  to  be 
alike  concerned. 

"To  these  ends  I  caused  to  be  addressed  to  the  several  powers  occu- 
pying territory  and  maintaining  spheres  of  influence  in  China  the  circular 
proposals  of  1899,  inviting  from  them  declarations  of  their  intentions 
and  views  as  to  the  desirability  of  the  adoption  of  measures  insuring 
the  benefits  of  equality  of  treatment  of  all  foreign  trade  throughout 


"With  gratifying  unanimity  the  responses  coincided  in  this  common 
policy,  enabling  me  to  see  in  the  successful  termination  of  these  negotia- 
tions proof  of  the  friendly  spirit  which  animates  the  various  powers 
interested  in  the  untrammeled  development  of  commerce  and  industry 
in  the  Chinese  empire  as  a  source  of  vast  benefit  to  the  whole  commercial 

"In  this  conclusion,  which  I  had  the  gratification  to  announce  as  a 
completed  engagement  to  the  interested  powers  on  INIarch  20,  1900,  I 
hopefully  discerned  a  potential  factor  for  the  abatement  of  the  distrust 
of  foreign  purposes  which  for  a  year  past  had  appeared  to  inspire  the 
policy  of  the  imperial  government,  and  for  the  effective  exertion  by  it  of 
power  and  authority  to  quell  the  critical  anti-foreign  movement  in  the 
northern  provinces  most  immediately  influenced  by  the  INIanchu  senti- 

"Seeking  to  testify  confidence  in  the  willingness  and  al)ility  of  the 
imperial  administration  to  redress  the  wrongs  and  prevent  the  evils  we 
suffered  and  feared,  the  marine  guard,  which  had  been  sent  to  Peking 
in  the  autumn  of  1899  for  the  protection  of  the  legation,  was  withdrawn 
at  the  earliest  practicable  moment,  and  all  pending  questions  were  re- 
mitted, as  far  as  we  were  concerned,  to  the  ordinary  reports  of  diplomatic 

"The  Chinese  government  proved,  however,  unable  to  check  the 
rising  strength  of  the  Boxers  and  appeared  to  be  a  prey  to  internal  dissen- 

Our  Martyred  President  199 


In  the  unequal  contest  the  anti-foreign  influences  soon  gained  the  as- 
cendency under  the  leadership  of  Prince  Tuan.  Organized  armies  of 
Boxers,  with  which  the  imperial  forces  affiliated,  held  the  country 
between  Peking  and  the  coast,  penetrated  into  Manchuria  up  to  the 
Russian  border,  and  through  their  emissaries  threatened  a  like  rising 
throughout  northern  China. 

"Attacks  upon  foreigners,  destruction  of  their  property,  and  slaughter 
of  native  converts  were  reported  from  all  sides.  The  tsung-li-yamen, 
already  permeated  with  hostile  sympathies,  could  make  no  effective  re- 
sponse to  the  appeals  of  the  legations.  At  this  critical  juncture,  in  the 
early  spring  of  this  year,  a  proposal  was  made  by  the  other  powers  that 
a  combined  fleet  should  be  assembled  in  Chinese  waters  as  a  moral  dem- 
onstration, under  cover  of  which  to  exact  of  the  Chinese  government  re- 
spect for  foreign  treaty  rights  and  the  suppression  of  the  Boxers. 

The  United  States,  while  not  participating  in  the  joint  demonstra- 
tion, promptly  sent  from  the  Philippines  all  ships  that  could  be  spared  for 
service  on  the  Chinese  coast.  A  small  force  of  marines  was  landed  at 
Taku  and  sent  to  Peking  for  the  protection  of  the  American  legation. 
Other  powers  took  similar  action,  until  some  400  men  were  assembled 
in  the  capital  as  legation  guards. 

"Still  the  peril  increased.  The  legations  reported  the  development 
of  the  seditious  movement  in  Peking  and  the  need  of  increased  provision 
for  defense  against  it.  While  preparations  were  in  progress  for  a  larger 
expedition,  to  strengthen  the  legation  guards  and  keep  the  railway  open, 
an  attempt  of  the  foreign  ships  to  make  a  landing  at  Taku  was  met  by  a 
fire  from  the  Chinese  forts. 

"The  forts  were  thereupon  shelled  by  the  foreign  vessels,  the  Amer- 
ican admiral  taking  no  part  in  the  attack,  on  the  ground  that  we  were 
not  at  war  with  China  and  that  a  hostile  demonstration  might  consoli- 
date the  anti-foreign  elements  and  strengthen  the  Boxers  to  oppose  the 
relieving  column. 

"Two  days  later  the  Taku  forts  were  captured  after  a  sanguinary  con- 
flict. Severance  of  communication  with  Peking  followed,  and  a  combined 
force  of  additional  guards,  which  was  advancing  to  Peking  by  the  Pei-Ho 
was  checked  at  Lang  Fang.    The  isolation  of  the  legations  was  complete. 

"The  siege  and  the  relief  of  the  legations  have  passed  into  undying 
history.  In  all  the  stirring  chapter  which  records  the  heroism  of  the 
devoted  band,  clinging  to  hope  in  the  face  of  despair,  and  the  undaunted 
spirit  that  led  theh"  relievers  through  battle  and  sufifering  to  the  goal, 
it  is  a  memory  of  which  my  countrymen  may  be  justly  proud  that  the 
honor  of  our  flag  was  maintained  alike  in  the  siege  and  the  rescue,  and 

200  Life  of  William  McKinley 

that  stout  American  hearts  have  again  set  high,  in  fervent  emulation  with 
true  men  of  other  race  and  language,  the  indomitable  courage  that  ever 
strikes  for  the  cause  of  right  and  justice. 


"By  June  19  the  legations  were  cut  off.  An  identical  note  from  the 
yamen  ordered  each  minister  to  leave  Peking,  under  a  promised  escort, 
within  twenty-four  hours.  To  gain  time  they  replied,  asking  prolonga- 
tion of  the  time,  which  was  afterward  granted,  and  requesting  an  inter- 
view wuth  the  tsung-li-yamen  on  the  following  day. 

''No  reply  being  received,  on  the  morning  of  the  20th  the  German 
minister,  Baron  von  Ketteler,  set  out  for  the  yamen  to  obtain  a  response, 
and  on  the  way  was  murdered. 

"An  attempt  by  the  legation  guard  to  recover  his  body  was  foiled  by 
the  Chinese.  Armed  forces  turned  out  against  the  legations.  Their 
quarters  were  surrounded  and  attacked.  The  mission  compounds  were 
abandoned,  their  inmates  taking  refuge  in  the  British  legation,  where 
all  other  legations  and  guards  gathered  for  more  effective  defense. 
Four  hundred  persons  were  crowded  in  its  narrow  compass.  Two  thou- 
sand native  converts  were  assembled  in  a  near  by  palace  under  protection 
of  the  foreigners.  Lines  of  defense  were  strengthened,  trenches  dug, 
barricades  raised,  and  preparations  made  to  stand  a  siege,  which  at  once 

QUOTES    conger's    REPORT. 

"  'From  June  29  until  July  17,'  writes  Minister  Conger,  'there  was 
scarcely  an  hour  during  which  there  was  not  firing  upon  some  part  of 
our  lines  and  into  some  of  the  legations,  varying  from  a  single  shot 
to  a  general  and  continuous  attack  along  the  whole  line.' 

"Artillery  was  placed  around  the  legations  and  on  the  overlooking 
palace  walls,  and  thousands  of  three-inch  bullets  and  shell  were  fired, 
destroying  some  buildings  and  damaging  all.  So  thickly  did  the  balls 
rain  that,  when  the  ammunition  of  the  besieged  ran  low,  five  quarts  of 
Chinese  bullets  were  gathered  in  an  hour  in  one  compound  and  recast. 

"Attempts  were  made  to  burn  the  legations  by  setting  neighboring- 
houses  on  fire,  but  the  flames  were  successfully  fought  off,  although  the 
Austrian,  Belgian,  Italian,  and  Dutch  legations  were  then  and  sub- 
sequently burned.  With  the  aid  of  the  native  converts,  directed  by  the 
missionaries,  to  whose  helpful  co-operation  Mr.  Conger  awards  unstinted 
praise,  the  British  legation  was  made  a  veritable  fortress.  The  British 
minister,  Sir  Claude  Macdonald,  was  chosen  general  commander  of  the 
defense,  with  the  secretary  of  the  American  legation,  E.  G.  Squires,  as 
chief  of  staff. 

Our  Martyred  President  201 

"To  save  life  and  ammunition  the  besieged  sparingly  returned  the  in- 
cessant fire  of  the  Chinese  soldiery,  fighting  only  to  rej^el  attack  or  make 
an  occasional  successful  sortie  for  strategic  advantage,  such  as  that  of 
fifty-five  Americans,  British,  and  Russian  marines  led  by  Captain  Myers 
of  the  United  States  Marine  corps,  which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  a 
formidable  barricade  on  the  wall  that  gravely  menaced  the  American 
position.  It  was  held  to  the  last,  and  proved  an  invaluable  acquisition, 
because  commanding  the  water  gate  through  ^\4lich  the  relief  column 

"During  the  siege  the  defenders  lost  sixty-fivejs;illed,  135  wounded, 
and  seven  by  disease — the  last  all  children. 

"On  July  14  the  besieged  had  their  first  communication  with  the 
tsung-li-yamen,  from  whom  a  message  came  inviting  to  a  conference, 
which  was  declined.  Correspondence,  however,  -ensued,  and  a  sort  of 
armistice  was  agreed  upon,  wdiich  stopped  the  bombardment  and  lessened 
the  rifle  fire  for  a  time.  Even  then  no  protection  whatever  was  afforded, 
nor  any  aid  given,  save  to  send  to  the  legations  a  small  supply  of  fruit 
and  three  sacks  of  flour. 


"Indeed,  the  only  communication  had  with  the  Chinese  government 
related  to  the  occasional  delivery  or  dispatch  of  a  telegram  or  to  the  de- 
mands of  the  tsung-li-yamen  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  legation  to  the 
coast  under  escort.  Not  only  are  the  protestations  of  the  Chinese  govern- 
ment that  it  protected  and  succored  the  legations  positively  contradicted, 
but  irresistible  proof  accumulates  that  the  attacks  upon  them  were  made 
by  the  imperial  troops,  regularly  uniformed,  armed,  and  officered,  belong- 
ing to  the  command  of  Jung  Lu,  the  imperial  commander-in-chief. 

"Decrees  encouraging  the  Boxers,  organizing  them  under  prominent 
imperial  officers,  provisioning  them,  and  even  granting  them  large  sums 
in  the  name  of  the  empress  dowager,  are  known  to  exist.  Members  of 
the  tsung-li-yamen  who  counseled  protection  of  the  foreigners  were  be- 
headed. Even  in  the  distant  provinces  men  suspected  of  foreign  sym- 
])athy  were  put  to  death,  prominent  among  these  being  Chang- Yen-Hoon, 
formerly  Chinese  minister  in  Washington. 

"With  the  negotiation  of  the  partial  armistice  of  July  14,  a  pro- 
ceeding which  was  doubtless  promoted  15y  the  representations  of  tho 
Chinese  envoy  in  Washington,  the  way  was  opened  for  the  conveyance 
to  Mr.  Conger  of  a  test  message  sent  by  the  secretary  of  state  through 
the  kind  offices  of  Minister  Wu-Ting-Fang.  Mr.  Conger's  reply  dis- 
patched from  Peking  on  July  18  through  the  same  channel,  afforded 

202  Life  of  William  McKinley 

to  the  outside  world  the  first  tidings  that  the  inmates  of  the  legations 
were  still  ahve  and  hoping  for  succor. 

'This  news  stimulated  the  preparations  for  a  joint  relief  expedition 
in  numbers  sufficient  to  overcome  the  resistance  which  for  a  month  had 
been  organizing  between  Taku  and  the  capital.  Re-inforcements  sent  by 
all  the  co-operating  governments  were  constantly  arriving.  The  United 
States  contingent,  hastily  assembled  from  the  Philippines  or  dispatched 
from  this  country,  amounted  to  some  5,000  men,  under  the  able  command 
first  of  the  lamented  Col.  Liscum  and  afterward  of  Gen.  Chaffee. 

"Toward  the  end  of  July  the  movement  began.  A  severe  conflict 
followed  at  Tientsin,  in  which  Col.  Liscum  was  killed.  The  city  was 
stormed  and  partly  destroyed.  Its  capture  afforded  the  base  of  operations 
from  which  to  make  the  final  advan.ce,  which  began  in  the  first  days  of 
August,  the  expedition  being  made  up  of  Japanese,  Russian,  British  and 
American  troops  at  the  outset. 

''Another  battle  was  fought  and  won  at  Yang  Tsun.  Thereafter  the 
disheartened  Chinese  troops  offered  little  show  of  resistance.  A  few 
days  later  the  important  position  of  Ho-Si-Woo  w^as  taken.  A  rapid 
march  brought  the  united  forces  to  the  populous  city  of  Tung  Chow, 
which  capitulated  v;ithout  a  contest. 

"On  August  14  the  capital  was  reached.  After  a  brief  conflict  be- 
neath the  walls  the  relief  column  entered  and  the  legations  were  saved. 

"The  United  States  soldiers,  sailors  and  marines,  officers  and  men 
alike,  in  those  distant  climes  and  unusual  surroundings,  showed  the  same 
valor,  discipline  and  good  conduct  and  gave  proof  of  the  same  high  de- 
gree of  intelligence  and  efficiency  which  have  distinguished  them  in 
every  emergency. 

"The  imperial  family  and  the  government  had  fled  a  few  days  be- 
fore. The  city  was  without  visible  control.  The  remaining  imperial  sol- 
diery had  made  on  the  night  of  the  13th  a  last  attempt  to  exterminate 
the  besieged,  which  was  gallantly  repelled.  It  fell  to  the  occupying 
forces  to  restore  order  and  organize  a  provisional  administration. 

"Happily  the  acute  disturbances  v/ere  confined  to  the  northern  prov- 
inces. It  is  a  relief  to  recall  and  a  pleasure  to  record  the  loyal  conduct 
of  the  viceroys  and  local  authorities  (jf  the  southern  and  eastern  prov- 

"Their  efforts  were  contiguously  directed  to  the  pacific  control  of  the 
vast  populations  under  their  rule  and  to  the  scrupulous  observance  of 
foreign  treaty  rights. 

"At  critical  moments  they  did  not  hesitate  to  memorialize  the  throne, 
urging  the  protection  of  the  legations,  the  restoration  of  communication 
and  the  assertion  of  the  imperial  authority  against  the  subversive  ele- 

Our  Martyred  President  203 

ments.  They  maintained  excellent  relations  with  the  official  representa- 
tives of  foreign  powers.  To  their  kindly  disposition  is  largely  due  the 
success  of  the  consuls  in  removing  many  of  the  missionaries  from  the 
interior  to  places  of  safety.  In  this  relation  the  action  of  tlie  consuls 
should  be  highly  commended.  In  Shan-Tung  and  eastern  Chi-Li  the  task 
was  difficult,  but,  thanks  to  their  energy  and  the  co-operation  of  Ameri- 
can and  foreign  naval  commanders,  hundreds  of  foreigners,  including 
those  of  other  nationalities  than  ours,  were  rescued  from  imminent  peril. 


"The  policy  of  the  United  States  through  all  this  trying  period  was 
clearly  announced  and  scrupulously  carried  out.  A  circular  note  to  the 
powers  dated  July  3  proclaimed  our  attitude.  Treating  the  condition  in 
the  north  as  one  of  virtual  anarchy,  in  which  the  great  provinces  of  the 
south  and  southeast  liad  no  share,  we  regarded  the  local  authorities  in  the 
latter  quarters  as  representing  the  Chinese  people  with  whom  we  sought 
to  remain  in  peace  and  friendship. 

"Our  declared  aims  involved  no  war  against  the  Chinese  nation.  We 
adhered  to  the  legitimate  office  of  rescuing  the  imperiled  legation,  ob- 
taining redress  for  wrongs  already  suffered,  securing  wherever  possible 
the  safety  of  American  life  and  property  in  China,  and  preventing  a 
spread  of  the  disorders  or  their  recurrence. 

"As  was  then  said,  'the  policy  of  the  government  of  the  United  States 
is  to  seek  a  solution  which  may  bring  about  permanent  safety  and  peace 
to  China,  preserve  Chinese  territorial  and  administrative  entity,  protect  all 
rights  guaranteed  to  friendly  powers  by  treaty  and  international  law, 
and  safeguard  for  the  world  the  principle  of  equal  and  impartial  trade 
with  all  parts  of  the  Chinese  empire.' 

"Faithful  to  those  professions  which,  as  it  proved,  reflected  the  views 
and  purposes  of  the  other  co-operating  governments,  all  our  efforts  have 
been  directed  toward  ending  the  anomalous  situation  in  China  by  nego- 
tiations for  a  settlement  at  the  earliest  ]X)ssible  moment.  As  soon  as  the 
sacred  duty  of  relieving  our  legation  and  its  dependents  was  accomplished 
we  withdrew  from  active  hostilities,  leaving  our  legation  under  an  ade- 
quate guard  at  Peking  as  a  channel  of  negotiation  and  settlement — a 
course  adopted  by  others  of  the  interested  powers.  Overtures  of  the 
empowered  representatives  of  the  Chinese  emperor  have  been  consid- 
erably entertained. 

"The  Russian  proposition  looking  to  the  restoration  of  imperial 
power  in  Peking  has  been  accepted  as  in  full  consonance  with  our  own  de- 
sires, for  we  have  held,  and  hold,  that  effective  reparation  for  wTongs 
suffered,  and  an  enduring  settlement  that  will  make  their  recurrence  im- 

204  Life  of  William  McKinley 

possible,  can  best  be  brought  about  under  an  authority  which  the  Chinese 
nation  reverences  and  obeys.  While  so  doing  we  forego  no  jot  of  our  un- 
doubted right  to  exact  exemplary  and  deterrent  punishments  of  the  re- 
sponsible authors  and  abettors  of  the  criminal  acts  whereby  we  and  other 
nations  must  have  suffered  grievous  injury. 


"For  the  real  culprits,  the  evil  counselors  who  have  misled  the  im- 
perial judgment  and  diverted  the  sovereign  authority  to  their  own  guilty 
ends,  full  explanation  becomes  imperative  within  the  rational  limits  of 
retributive  justice.  Regarding  this  as  the  initial  condition  of  an  accept- 
able settlement  between  China  and  the  powers,  I  said  in  my  message  of 
October  i8  to  the  Chinese  emperor  : 

"I  trust  that  negotiations  may  begin  so  soon  as  we  and  the  other  of- 
fended governments  shall  be  effectively  satisfied  of  your  majesty's  ability 
and  power  to  treat  with  just  sternness  the  principal  offenders,  who  are 
doubly  culpable,  not  only  toward  the  foreigners,  but  toward  your  maj- 
esty, under  whose  rule  the  purpose  of  China  is  to  dwell  in  concord  with 
the  world  had  hitherto  found  expression  in  the  welcome  and  protection 
assured  to  strangers. 

"Taking,  as  a  point  of  departure,  the  imperial  edict  appointing  Earl 
Li  Hung  Chang  and  Prince  Ching  plenipotentiaries  to  arrange  a  settle- 
ment, and  the  edict  of  Sept.  25,  whereby  certain  high  officials  were 
designated  for  punishment,  this  government  has  moved,  in  concert  with 
the  other  powers,  toward  the  opening  of  negotiations,  which  Mr.  Conger, 
assisted  by  Mr.  Rockhill.  has  been  authorized  to  conduct  on  behalf  of  the 
United  States. 

"General  bases  of  negotiation  formulated  by  the  government  of  the 
French  republic  have  been  accepted  with  certain  reservations  as  to  details, 
made  necessary  by  our  own  circumstances,  but,  like  similar  reservations 
by  other  powers,  open  to  discussion  in  the  progress  of  the  negotiations. 
The  disposition  of  the  emperor's  government  to  admit  liability  for  wrongs 
done  to  foreign  governments  and  their  nationals,  and  to  act  upon  such 
additional  designation  of  the  guilty  persons  as  the  foreign  ministers  at 
Peking  may  be  in  a  position  to  make,  gives  hope  of  a  complete  settlement 
of  all  questions  involved,  assuring  foreign  rights  of  residence  and  inter- 
course on  terms  of  equality  for  all  the  world. 

"I  regard  as  one  of  the  essential  factors  of  a  durable  adjustment  the 
securement  of  adequate  guarantees  for  liberty  of  faith,  since  insecurity 
of  those  natives  who  may  embrace  alien  creeds  is  a  scarcely  less  effectual 
assault  upon  the  rights  of  foreign  worship  and  teaching  than  would  be 
the  direct  invasion  thereof. 

Our  Martyred  President  205 

'The  matter  of  indemnity  for  our  wronged  citizens  is  a  question  of 
grave  concern.  Measured  in  money  alone,  a  sufficient  reparation  may 
prove  to  be  beyond  the  abihty  of  China  to  meet.  All  the  powers  concur  in 
emphatic  disclaimers  of  any  purpose  of  aggrandizement  through  the  dis- 
memberment of  the  empire. 

"I  am  disposed  to  think  that  due  compensation  may  be  made  in  part 
by  increased  guarantees  of  security  for  foreign  rights  and  immunities, 
and,  most  important  of  all,  by  the  opening  of  China  to  the  equal  com- 
merce of  all  the  w^orld.  These  views  have  been  and  will  be  earnestly  ad- 
vocated by  our  representatives. 

"The  government  of  Russia  has  put  forward  a  suggestion  that  in  the 
event  of  protracted  divergence  of  views  in  regard  to  indemnities  the 
matter  may  be  relegated  to  the  court  of  arbitration  at  The  Hague.  I 
favorably  incline  to  this,  believing  that  high  tribunal  could  not  fail  to 
reach  a  solution  no  less  conducive  to  the  stability  and  enlarged  prosperity 
of  China  itself  than  immediately  beneficial  to  the  powers." 

From  the  first  invasion  of  China  by  foreign  troops,  the  president  pro- 
nounced firmly  against  any  settlement  of  the  trouble  which  included  a 
partition  of  the  empire.  It  was  believed  that  such  an  act  was  contem 
plated  by  some  of  the  European  nations,  and  President  McKinley  made  it 
clear  that  such  a  thing  could  never  be  consummated  with  the  consent  of 
this  government.  As  a  result  of  this  stand  a  settlement  was  reached, 
which  is  believed  to  have  been  just  and  honorable  to  all. 


Renominated  and  Re-Elected  President. 

Four  years  of  William  McKinley's  rule  had  worked  wonders  for 
the  American  republic.  Before  his  election  there  had  been  lethargy  in 
commercial  circles.  Industry  had  been  circumscribed,  prices  were  low, 
and  money  was  scarce.  Immediately  upon  the  announcement  of  his 
election,  the  material  condition  of  the  country  began  to  improve.  Capi- 
tal came  out  of  its  hiding  place.  The  captains  of  industry  took  their 
place  in  the  ranks,  and  the  prosperity  of  which  he  had  talked  during  the 
summer  of  1896,  at  Canton,  began  to  dawn. 

Before  the  end  of  his  first  term,  the  country  had  been  placed  on  a 
sound  financial  basis,  the  question  of  tariffs  had  been  adjusted  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  majority  of  tlie  people,  a  great  war  had  been  fought, 
and  by  far  the  greater  number  of  the  victorious  armies  had  returned  to 
pursuits  of  peace.  More  than  one  hundred  thousand  square  miles  of 
territory  had  been  added  to  the  country,  and  the  administration  was  en- 
gaged in  establishing  government  over  these  new  sections,  and  providing 
for  the  welfare  of  their  peoples. 

Under  such  circumstances  there  was  only  one  name  mentioned  for 
the  presidency  among  republicans  in  1900,  and  that  was  William  Mc- 

The  convention  met  in  Philadelphia,  June  19.  It  was  called  to  order 
by  Senator  M.  A.  Hanna,  chairman  of  the  national  committee,  amidst 
the  greatest  enthusiasm.  There  were  906  delegates,  and  they  shouted 
with  an  exuberance  rarely  heard  apart  from  such  a  gathering.  In  his 
opening  remarks.  Chairman  Hanna  said :  "We  are  now  forming  our 
battalions  under  the  leadership  of  our  general,  William  McKinley,"  and 
a  roar  arose  that  continued  for  several  minutes.  He  then  introduced 
Senator  Wolcott,  of  Colorado,  as  temporary  chairman  of  the  conven- 
tion.    In  his  address,  Senator  Wolcott  said : 

"The  spirit  of  justice  and  liberty  that  animated  our  fathers  found 
voice  three-quarters  of  a  century  later  in  this  same  City  of  Brotherly 
Love,  when  Fremont  led  tlie  forlorn  hope  of  united  patriots  who  laid 
here  the  foundation  of  our  party,  and  put  human  freedom  as  its  corner- 
stone. It  compelled  our  ears  to  listen  to  the  cry  of  suffering  across  the 
shallow  waters  of  the  gulf  two  years  ago.     While  we  observe  the  law 


Our  Martyred  President  loy 

of  nations  and  maintain  that  neutrality  which  we  owe  to  a  great  and 
friendly  government,  the  same  spirit  lives  today  in  the  genuine  sympa- 
thy we  cherish  for  the  bra\^e  men  now  fighting  for  their  homes  in  the 
veldts  of  South  Africa.  It  prompts  us  in  our  determination  to  give 
the  dusky  races  of  tlie  Pliilippines  the  blessings  of  good  government 
and  republican  institutions,  and  finds  voice  in  our  indignant  protest 
against  the  violent  suppression  of  the  rights  of  the  colored  men  in  the 
south.  That  spirit  will  survive  in  the  breasts  of  patriotic  men  as  long 
as  the  nation  endures,  and  the  events  of  the  past  have  taught  us  that  it 
can  find  its  fair  and  free  and  full  expression  only  in  the  principles  and 
policy  of  the  republican  party. 

"The  first  and  pleasant  duty  of  this  great  convention,  as  well  as  its 
instinctive  impulse,  is  to  send  a  message  of  affectionate  greeting  to  our 
leader  and  our  country's  president,  William  McKinley.  In  all  that 
pertains  to  our  welfare  in  times  of  peace  his  genius  has  directed  us.  He 
has  shown  an  unerring  mastery  of  the  economic  problems  which  con- 
front us,  and  has  guided  us  out  of  the  slough  of  financial  disaster,  im- 
paired credit,  and  commercial  stagnation,  up  to  the  high  and  safe  ground 
of  national  prosperity  and  financial  stability.  Through  the  delicate  and 
trying  events  of  the  late  war  he  stood  firm,  courageous  and  conserva- 
tive, and  under  his  leadership  we  emerged  triumphant,  our  national 
honor  untarnished,  our  credit  unassailed,  and  the  equal  devotion  of  every 
section  of  our  common  country  to  the  welfare  of  the  reiDublic,  cemented 
forever.  Never  in  the  memory  of  this  generation  has  there  stood  at 
the  head  of  the  government  a  truer  patriot,  a  wiser  or  more  courageous 
leader,  or  a  better  example  of  the  highest  type  of  American  manhood. 
The  victories  of  peace  and  the  victories  of  war  are  alike  inscribed  upon 
his  banner." 

The  second  day's  proceedings  of  the  convention  introduced  Senator 
H.  C.  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts,  as  the  permanent  chairman  of  the  body. 
Twenty  thousand  people  attended  the  session,  in  the  expectation  that 
President  McKinley  would  be  renominated,  but  for  the  time  being  they 
v/ere  disappointed.     In  his  opening  speech  Chairman  Lodge  said : 

"Dominant  among  the  issues  of  four  years  ago  was  that  of  our  mone- 
tary and  financial  system.  The  republican  party  promised  to  uphold  our 
credit,  to  protect  our  currency  from  revolution  and  to  maintain  the  gold 
standard.  We  have  done  so.  Failing  to  secure,  after  honest  effort, 
any  encouragement  for  international  bimetallism,  we  have  passed  a  law 
strengthening  the  gold  standard  and  planting  it  more  firmly  than  ever 
in  our  financial  system,  improving  our  banking  laws,  buttressing  our 
credit,  and  refunding  the  public  debt  at  2  per  cent  interest,  the  lowest 
rate  in  the  w^orld.     It  was  a  great  work  well  done." 

Concerning  the  war  with  Spain  he  said : 

2o8  Life  of  William  McKinley 

"Here  they  are,  these  great  feats :  A  war  of  a  hundred  days,  with 
many  victories  and  no  defeats,  with  no  prisoners  taken  from  us,  and  no 
advance  stayed ;  with  a  triumphant  outcome  startUng  in  its  completeness 
and  in  its  world-wide  meaning.  Was  ever  a  war  more  justly  entered 
upon,  more  quickly  fought,  more  fully  won,  more  thorough  in  its  results  ? 
Cuba  is  free.  Spain  has  been  driven  from  the  Western  hemisphere. 
Fresh  glory  has  come  to  our  arms  and  crowned  our  flag.  It  was  the 
work  of  the  American  people,  but  the  republican  party  was  their  instru- 

"So  much  for  the  past.  We  are  proud  of  it,  but  we  do  not  expect  to 
live  upon  it,  for  the  republican  party  is  pre-eminently  the  party  of  action, 
and  its  march  is  ever  forward.  The  deeds  of  yesterday  are  in  their  turn 
a  pledge  and  proof  that  what  we  promise  we  perform,  and  that  the  peo- 
ple who  put  faith  in  our  declarations  in  1896  were  not  deceived,  and  may 
place  the  same  trust  in  us  in  1900.  But  our  pathway  has  never  lain 
among  dead  issues,  nor  have  we  won  our  victories  and  made  history  by 
delving  in  political  graveyards. 

"We  are  the  party  of  today,  with  cheerful  yesterdays  and  confident 
tomorrows.  The  living  present  is  ours;  the  present  of  prosperity  and 
activity  in  business,  of  good  wages  and  quick  payments,  of  labor  em- 
ployed and  capital  invested ;  of  sunshine  in  the  market-place  and  the  stir 
of  abounding  life  in  the  workshop  and  on  the  farm.  It  is  with  this 
that  we  have  replaced  the  depression,  the  doubts,  the  dull  business,  the 
low  wages,  the  idle  labor,  the  frightened  capital,  the  dark  clouds  which 
overhung  industry  and  agriculture  in  1896.  This  is  what  we  would 
preserve,  so  far  as  sound  government  and  wise  legislation  can  do  it. 
This  is  what  we  offer  now." 

In  such  an  atmosphere  of  optimism  the  convention  proceeded  to 
adopt  the  platform  on  which  the  candidate  should  ask  the  suffrages  of 
the  American  electorate.  That  document  set  forth  that  four  years 
before — 

"When  the  people  assembled  at  the  polls  after  a  term  of  democratic 
legislation  and  administration,  business  was  dead,  industry  was  para- 
lyzed, and  the  national  credit  disastrously  impaired.  The  country's 
capital  was  hidden  away  and  its  labor  distressed  and  unemployed. 

"The  democrats  had  no  other  plan  with  which  to  improve  the  ruin- 
ous conditions,  which  they  had  themselves  produced,  than  to  coin  silver 
at  the  ratio  of  16  to  i.  The  republican  party,  denouncing  this  plan 
as  sure  to  produce  conditions  even  w^orse  than  those  from  which  relief 
was  sought,  promised  to  restore  prosperity  by  means  of  two  legislative 
measures — a  protective  tariff  and  a  law  making  gold  the  standard  of 



Our  Martyred  President  209 

'*The  people,  by  great  majorities,  issued  to  the  republican  party  a 
commission  to  enact  these  laws.  This  commission  has  been  executed, 
and  the  republican  promise  is  redeemed.  Prosperity,  more  general  and 
more  abundant  than  we  have  ever  known,  has  followed  these  enact- 
ments. There  is  no  longer  controversy  as  to  the  value  of  any  govern- 
ment obligations.  Every  American  dollar  is  a  gold  dollar,  or  its  assured 
equivalent,  and  American  credit  stands  higher  than  that  of  any  other 
nation.  Capital  is  fully  employed  and  everywhere  labor  is  profitably 

"We  endorse  the  administration  of  William  McKinley.  Its  acts 
have  been  established  in  wisdom  and  in  patriotism,  and  at  home  and 
abroad  it  has  distinctly  elevated  and  extended  the  influence  of  the  Ameri- 
can nation.  Walking  untried  paths  and  facing  unforeseen  responsi- 
bilities, President  McKinley  has  been  in  every  situation  the  true  Ameri- 
can patriot,  and  the  upright  statesman,  clear  in  vision,  strong  in  judg- 
ment, firm  in  action,  always  inspiring,  and  deserving  the  confidence  of 
his  countrymen." 

The  platform  further  declared  in  favor  of  a  renewal  of  "allegiance 
to  the  principle  of  the  gold  standard" ;  of  a  law  to  effectually  restrain 
and  prevent  all  conspiracies  and  combinations  intended  to  restrict  busi- 
ness, to  create  monopolies,  to  limit  production  or  to  control  prices;  the 
protection  policy  was  endorsed,  and  legislation  in  favor  of  the  interests 
of  workingmen  advocated ;  help  to  American  shipping,  pensions  for  sol- 
diers, maintenance  of  the  civil  service  system,  construction  of  an  isthmian 
canal,  and  endorsement  of  the  treaty  of  Paris  were  also  favored. 

This  brought  the  convention  to  its  third  and  last  day's  session,  and  it 
was  a  veritable  love  feast.  Factional  fights  and  all  friction  as  to  policy 
had  been  swept  away.  All  that  was  now  necessary  was  the  naming  of 
the  ticket.  Twenty  thousand  people  again  crowded  the  convention  hall, 
and  the  great  building  was  shaken  again  and  again  by  the  enthusiastic 
applause  of  the  multitude. 

Alabama  yielded  to  Ohio  when  the  call  of  states  began,  and  Senator 
Foraker,  to  whom  had  been  accorded  the  honor  of  nominating  the 
president,  arose  and  said : 

"Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  Alabama  yields 
to  Ohio,  and  I  thank  Alabama  for  that  accommodation.  Alabama  has 
so  yielded,  however,  by  reason  of  a  fact  that  would  seem  in  an  important 
sense  to  make  the  duty  that  has  been  assigned  to  me  a  superfluous  duty, 
for  Alabama  has  yielded  because  of  the  fact  that  our  candidate  for  the 
presidency  has  in  fact  been  already  nominated.  He  was  nominated 
by  the  distinguished  senator  from  Colorado  when  he  assumed  the  duties 
of  temporary  chairman.     He  was  nominated   again  yesterday  by  the 


210  Life  of  William  McKinley 

distinguished  senator  from  Massachusetts,  when  he  took  the  office  of 
permanent  chairman,  and  he  was  nominated  for  a  third  time  when  the 
senator  from  Indiana  yesterday  read  us  the  platform. 

"And  not  only  has  he  been  nominated  b}^  this  convention,  but  he  was 
also  nominated  by  the  whole  American  people.  From  one  end  pf  this 
land  to  the  other,  in  every  mind,  only  one  and  the  same  man  is  thought 
of  for  the  honor  which  we  are  now  about  to  confer,  and  that  man  is  the 
first  choice  of  every  other  man  who  wishes  republican  success  next 
November.  Upon  this  account,  it  is  indeed  not  necessary  for  me  or 
anyone  else  to  speak  for  him  here  or  elsewhere.  He  has  already  spoken 
for  himself,  and  to  all  the  world. 

"He  has  a  record  replete  with  brilliant  achievements;  a  record  that 
speaks  at  once  both  his  performances  and  his  highest  energy.  It  com- 
prehends both  peace  and  war,  and  constitutes  the  most  striking  illustra- 
tion possible  of  triumphant  and  inspiring  fidelity  and  success  in  the  dis- 
charge of  public  duty." 

The  nomination  was  seconded  by  Governor  Roosevelt,  Senator  Thur- 
ston, John  W.  Yerkes,  of  Kentucky,  George  Knight,  of  California,  and 
Governor  Mount,  of  Indiana.  When  Senator  Foraker  pronounced  the 
name  of  the  president,  there  was  a  great  demonstration  on  the  part  of 
the  convention.  Someone  threw  into  the  delegate's  division  a  great 
bundle  of  red,  white  and  blue  plumes,  made  of  pampas  grass.  The  dele- 
gates caught  them  up,  and  with  flags,  handkerchiefs  and  state  banners 
waving,  shouted  themselves  hoarse.  The  whole  convention,  906  dele- 
gates, voted  for  President  McKinley. 

Then  came  the  nomination  for  vice-president.  The  wisdom  of  the 
convention  had  decided  on  Governor  Roosevelt,  and  all  other  candidates 
had  withdrawn  from  the  confest.  Though  strongly  against  his  inclina- 
tion, the  governor  had  agreed  to  accept  the  position.  Colonel  Lafayette 
Young,  of  Iowa,  nominated  the  governor,  and  Butler  Murray,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, Gen.  J.  M.  Ashton,  of  Wisconsin,  and  Senator  Depew,  of  New 
York,  seconded  the  nomination.  At  the  close  of  the  convention.  Senator 
Depew  said : 

"We  have  the  best  ticket  ever  presented.  We  have  at  the  head  of  it 
a  western  man  with  eastern  notions,  and  we  have  at  the  other  end,  an 
eastern  man  with  western  character — the  statesman  and  the  cowboy,  the 
accomplished  man  of  affairs,  and  the  heroic  fighter.  The  man  who  has 
proved  great  as  president,  and  the  fighter  who  has  proved  great  as  gov- 
ernor. We  leave  this  old  town  simply  to  keep  on  shouting  and  work- 
ing to  make  it  unanimous  for  McKinley  and  for  Roosevelt." 

The  democrats  again  nominated  William  J.  Bryan,  but  the  country 
was  not  more  ready  to  accept  this  young  man  than  it  had  been  in  1896. 


Our  Martyred  President  ^il 

In  fact,  he  secured  fewer  votes  than  had  been  given  him  in  his  previous 
race.  President  McKinley  secured  7,208,244,  against  6,358,789  for  Mr. 
Bryan.  In  the  electoral  college  the  vote  stood,  President  McKinley, 
292;  Mr.  Bryan,  155. 

Amidst  the  applause  of  admiring  thousands,  President  McKinley, 
for  the  second  time,  took  the  oath  of  office,  March  4,  1901.  He  retained 
his  former  cabinet  ministers,  and  was  steadfastly  carrying  out  the  great 
work  he  ha,d  begun  when  he  was  stricken  down  by  the  bullets  of  the 


Anecdotes  and  Incidents  in  McKinley's  Life. 


He  had  for  the  observance  of  the  Sabbath  the  most  profound  respect. 
At  one  time  during  the  presidential  campaign  a  large  party  of  visitors, 
who  had  arrived  in  Canton  on  Sunday  morning,  sent  a  message  to  Mr. 
McKinley,  stating  that  they  would  call  upon  him  accompanied  by  a  band 
of  music.  He  sent  word  in  reply :  "This  is  the  Sabbath  day  and  I 
cannot  receive  delegations,  much  would  I  have  you  to  come  with  a  band 
of  music  on  the  Sabbath.  I  cannot,  in  any  event,  see  you  this  morning, 
for  I  must  go  to  church.  I  attend  the  First  Methodist  Episcopal  church 
and  would  advise  you  to  be  present,  and  then  if  you  really  desire  to  call 
during  the  day,  and  care  to  drop  into  my  home  individually,  or  one  or 
two  at  a  time,  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  a  friendly  greeting,  all  right, 
but  you  must  not  come  as  a  delegation." 


An  interesting  incident  occurred  the  last  Sunday  Mr.  McKinley 
spent  in  Canton  before  going  to  Washington  to  be  inaugurated  Presi- 
dent. He  requested  his  pastor  some  days  in  advance  to  preach  on  that 
Sunday,  as  he  did  not  wish  to  have  a  stranger  indulge  in  words  of 
eulogy  to  him.  He  said :  "I  want  my  own  pastor  to  preach  the  last 
Sunday  before  I  go  to  Washington."  Once  he  said:  'Tf  you  or  any 
one  else  should  begin  to  gush  over  me,  I  would  get  up  and  leave  the 
church."  The  hymn  sung  on  that  occasion  was  No.  602  in  the  Methodist 
hymn-book : 

"It  may  not  be  our  lot  to  wield 
The  sickle  in  the  ripened  field; 
Nor  ours  to  hear,  on  summer  eves 
The  reaper's  song  among  the  sheaves. 

"Yet  where  our  duty's  task  is  wrought 
In  unison  with  God's  great  thought 
The  near  and  future  blend  in  one, 
And  whatsoever  is  willed,  is  done. 



Our  Martyred  President  213 

"And  ours  the  greatful  service  whence 
Comes,   day  by  day,  the  recompense; 
The  hope,  the  trust,  ihe  purpose  stayed, 
The  fountain,  and  the  noonday  shade. 

"And  were  this  life  the  utmost  span, 
The  only  end  and  aim  of  man. 
Better  the  toil  of  fields  like  these 
Than  waking  dream  and  slothful  ease." 

Mr.  McKinley  was  so  pleased  with  the  sentiment  of  the  hymn  that 
the  next  day  he  asked  the  board  of  trustees,  as  a  special  favor,  to  give 
him  the  copy  of  the  book  from  which  he  sang  the  day  before,  saying 
that  he  had  marked  that  hymn  and  that  he  would  like  to  have  that 
particular  book. 


It  is  a  very  dangerous  thing  for  a  military  man  to  disobey  or  change 
the  orders  of  his  commanding  officer.  But  a  true  soldier,  who  has  later 
acquired  information  which  such  officer  does  not  possess,  and  which  if 
known  would  cause  a  modification  of  his  orders,  must  be  disobedient  and 
take  the  consequences.     Captain  McKinley  was  such  a  soldier. 

It  was  at  the  battle  of  Opequan,  fought  near  Winchester,  Va.,  Sep- 
tember 19,  1864.  Captain  McKinley  was  acting  as  an  aide-de-camp  on 
the  staff  of  General  Sheridan  and  General  Deval  was  commandine 
the  second  division.  General  Crook  sent  McKinley  with  a  verbal  order 
to  General  Deval,  commanding  Jiim  to  move  quickly  by  a  certain  road 
and  take  his  position  on  the  right  of  the  Sixth  corps.  In  going  to 
General  Deval,  McKinley  took  this  road,  through  a  ravine,  and  found 
it  almost  blockaded  with  broken  wagons,  dead  horses  and  fallen  trees. 
It  was  with  difficulty  that  he  could  get  through  and,  when  he  reached 
Deval  and  delivered  his  order  as  given  him,  he  added :  "But,  General, 
I  have  come  over  that  road  and  it  is  so  obstructed  that  an  army  could 
not  move  that  way  quickly  enough  to  be  of  any  service.  There  is  another 
route,  by  which  I  am  sure  you  could  reach  the  place  assigned  you  and 
I  suggest  that  you  take  that  one." 

General  Deval  was  a  trained  soldier  and  felt  the  responsibility  of 
his  position  too  much  to  disobey  an  order  from  his  superior  officer, 
even  in  the  letter,  but  he  saw  the  force  of  McKinley's  suggestion.  He 
hesitated  as  to  what  to  do,  and  then  said :  "Captain,  I  must  obey  Gen- 
eral Crook's  order  to  the  letter.     What  road  did  he  say  I  should  take?" 

It  was  the  captain's  time  to  hesitate.  He  saw  that  General  Deval 's 
idea  of  military  discipline  would  compel  him  to  follow  the  order  to 

214  -^^^^  ^^  William  McKinley 

the  letter,  and  he  knew,  from  his  own  experience,  that  an  army  could 
nat  move  along  that  route  and  reach  his  position  in  time  to  be  of 
service.  He  answered :  "General  Deval,  General  Crook  commands  you 
to  move  your  division  along  this  road  (mentioning  the  one  he  had  sug- 
gested and  take  up  your  position  on  the  right  of  the  Sixth  corps." 
General  Deval  accepted  the  order  and,  moving  his  command  as  directed, 
was  able  to  reach  his  new  position  in  time  to  be  of  great  service  in  driv- 
ing the  enemy  from  their  fortified  position  and  saving  the  Union  troops 
from  defeat. 

When  Captain  McKinley  reported  to  General  Crook  what  he  had 
done,  the  general  looked  at  him  in  amazement  as  he  asked :  "Did  you 
fully  understand  the  risk  you  took  in  changing  the  order  you  were  in- 
trusted to  dehver  to  General  Deval?" 

"I  did,"  was  the  captain's  reply. 

"Did  you  know  that  you  were  liable  to  be  court-martialed  and 
dismissed  from  the  service,  and,  had  it  led  to  disaster,  shot  as  a 

"I  did,  general,  but  I  was  willing  to  take  that  risk  to  save  the 

General  Crook  looked  the  young  captain  in  the  eyes  for  a  minute 
and  saw  that  he  was  dealing  with  a  man  who  had  the  courage  to  put 
aside  technicalities  and  do  his  duty  as  judgment  and  conscience  and 
absolute  personal  knowledge  of  the  situation  dictated,  without  regard  to 
the  consequences,  and  he  said : 

"Captain,  you  have  saved  the  battle,  and  you  are  a  brave  man;  but 
I  would  not  advise  you  to  take  such  risks  again,  as,  in  case  of  failure, 
even  the  officer  who  received  the  command,  to  do  his  duty  in  the  light 
of  your  knowledge,  the  blame  would  rest  upon  you  alone." 

Mckinley's  first  law  case. 

It  was  a  suit  of  replevin  and  McKinley  received  $25  for  his  work. 
He  was  at  the  time  a  student  in  the  law  office  of  Judge  George  W. 
Belden.  He  had  been  admitted  to  the  bar,  but  having  no  clients,  was 
still  reading  law  in  Belden's  office.  One  day  the  old  judge  came  in 
and  said  to  McKinley : 

"William,  I  want  you  to  try  the  Blank  case  for  me  tomorrow.  I 
find  that  I  will  not  be  able  to  attend  it." 

"But,  judge,"  said  McKinley,  "I  don't  know  anything  about  it.  I 
have  never  tried  a  case  in  my  life.     I  am  afraid  I  can't  do  it." 

"Oh,  yes,  you  can,"  said  the  judge.  "You  have  got  to  do  it.  I 
must  go  away  and  that  case  is  sure  to  come  up.  Here  are  the  papers," 
and  with  that  the  judge  threw  a  lot  of  papers  on  the  table  beside  Mc- 
Kinley and  left. 

Our  Martyred  President  215 

McKinley  took  up  the  case  and  went  into  it.  He  sat  up  all  night 
and  worked  at  it.  At  10  o'clock  next  day  he  was  on  hand,  when  the 
court  opened.  He  took  the  place  of  Judge  Belden,  made  an  argument 
and  won  the  case.  As  he  was  speaking  he  happened  to  look  at  the 
back  of  the  court  room  and  there  he  saw  Judge  Belden  sitting.  This 
seemed  rather  queer  to  him,  but  he  afterward  found  that  Belden  had 
put  up  the  job  to  test  what  he  could  do  as  a  lawyer.  The  next  day 
tlie  judge  came  into  the  office  and  said  to  McKinley:  "Well,  William 
you've  won  the  case  and  here  is  your  fee."  As  he  said  this  he  took 
out  his  pocketbook  and  handed  McKinley  $25. 

"But,"  said  young  McKinley,  "I  can't  take  that,  judge.  It  was 
only  a  night's  work.  It  ain't  worth  it  and  I  can't  take  it,"  and  with 
that  he  offered  the  bill  to  the  judge. 

"Oh,  yes,  you  can,"  was  the  reply.  "You  have  earned  the  money 
■and  you  must  take  it.  Besides  it  is  all  right.  I  shall  charge  my  client 
$100  for  the  work  and  it  is  only  right  that  you  should  have  this  $25." 
This  argument  overcame  McKinley's  scruples  and  he  took  the  money. 


When  Mr.  McKinley  was  a  congressman  there  was  among  the  pages 
in  the  house  of  representatives  one  boy  who  was  considered  to  be  a  most 
incorrigible  lad.  And  he  was,  at  the  same  time,  very  bright.  His  mind 
occupied  itself  in  plotting  mischief,  which  he  carried  out  with  spirit. 
He  was  impertinent  to  a  degree;  he  swore  with  a  fluency  never  heard 
before  and  his  battles  with  his  companions  were  of  daily  occurrence. 
He  was  attractive — so  attractive  that  his  influence  with  the  other  boys 
was  very  great.  There  was  danger  that  the  whole  company  of  boys 
would  become  demoralized,  and  the  only  remedy  seemed  to  lie  in  dis- 
missal. He  had  often  been  reprimanded,  so  when  he  was  called  before 
the  authorities  and  informed  of  his  dismissal  he  was  stunned. 

Mr.  McKinley  had  liked  the  boy  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  seemed 
to  be  a  little  degenerate,  and  when  he  learned  that  the  lad  had  been 
discharged  he  sent  for  him.  After  a  long  talk  the  future  President 
begged  that  the  boy  be  given  another  chance,  and,  much  subdued, 
the  page  again  took  his  place  in  the  house.  This  was  the  beginning' 
of  the  little  drama  of  reformation.  The  boy  was  not  all  bad.  He 
was  grateful  and  Mr.  McKinley  made  his  good  behavior  a  personal 
favor  to  himself.  At  first  the  boy  tried  to  do  well  because  it  pleased 
Mr.  McKinley,  and  then,  because  he  was  possessed  of  a  strength  that 
would  not  lead  him  to  do  anything  by  halves,  he  became  as  enthusiastic 
for  good  as  he  had  been  for  evil.  Time  went  on,  and  through  Mr. 
McKinley's   influence,   he  joined  the  church  and,   later  still,   with  the 

2i6  Life  of  William  McKinley 

encouragement  of  his  friend,  he  studied  for  the  ministry.  He  is  now 
a  clergyman,  doing  splendid  work  in  the  far  west.  He  was  made  a 
minister  by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 


While  governor  of  Ohio,  Mr.  McKinley  walked  to  and  from  the 
statehouse  daily.  These  trips  were  watched  for  by  the  newsboys  of 
Columbus,  to  whom  they  meant  a  golden  harvest.  No  matter  what 
the  paper  or  its  politics,  the  governor  made  an  invariable  practice  of 
purchasing  a  supply  from  each  and  every  newsboy  who  cropped  up 
in  his  path  or  besieged  him  as  he  walked  up  and  down  the  statehouse 

One  very  stormy  day  the  governor  emerged  from  the  statehouse 
on  his  homeward  trip,  accompanied  by  a  friend,  who  urged,  in  view 
of  the  storm  and  sleet,  that  the  governor  get  home  quickly  and  avoid 
the  newsboys. 

"No!"  said  the  governor,  "this  stormy  day  they  need  me  to  buy 
their  papers  more  than  any  other  time.  Another  thing  is,  they  will 
look  for  me,  and  I  do  not  mean  to  disappoint  them." 

This  was  his  method  of  distributing  help  to  the  boys  willing  to 
work  for  their  living  and  who  would  not  have  liked  the  idea  of  re- 
ceiving charity. 


After  the  destruction  of  the  United  States  battleship  Maine,  in 
Havana  harbor,  almost  every  prominent  leader  in  the  Republican  party, 
almost  every  Republican  member  of  Congress,  almost  every  newspaper 
was  crowding  President  IMcKinley  to  take  radical  action  upon  the  Cuban 
question.  His  message  proposing  armed  intevention  was  written,  sub- 
mitted to  the  cabinet  and  approved.  It  was  all  ready  to  send  to  an 
impatient  congress,  which  had  given  notice  through  its  committees  that 
unless  the  President  did  something  before  a  certain  date  the  independ- 
ence of  Cuba  would  be  recognized  and  war  declared.  While  the  cabinet 
was  in  session,  Assistant  Secretary  Day  entered  with  a  cablegram  from 
Consul-General  Lee  advising  the  department  of  state  that  it  would  be 
impossible  for  all  the  United  States  consuls  to  leave  Cuba  within  less 
than  ten  days,  and  asking  that  if  radical  measures  were  taken,  the  con- 
suls in  Cuba  might  be  assassinated  or  the  consulates  mobbed.  When 
the  President  read  that  dispatch,  he  turned  to  his  cabinet  and  said 
calmly : 

"Well,  we  must  liold  up  this  message  until  all  our  people  arc  out  of 

"Impossible !"   exclaimed   two  or  three   of   his   advisers   in   unison. 

Our  Martyred  President  217 

Congress  will  not  permit  twenty-four  hours'  delay.  It  will  be  impos- 
sible^ to  restrain  them.  If  you  withhold  that  message  any  longer,  Mr. 
President,  you  will  be  politically  ruined,"  said  one  of  them^ 

The  President  looked  down  at  the  table  for  a  moment,  thoughtfully, 
then,  raising  his  eyes  with  a  determined  expression,  remarked: 

"The  important  question  is  not  how  a  postponement  wall  affect  me, 
l)Ut  how  it  wall  affect  those  consuls  in  Cuba.  We  have  already  lost 
enough  lives.     I  shall  hold  the  message." 



Just  after  President  McKinley's  inauguration  he  had  his  relatives 
who  were  in  the  city,  at  a  family  dinner  at  the  White  House.  It  was  a 
large  company  and  a  good  dinner.  Dear  old  Mother  McKinley  was 
there,  but  she  was  not  very  talkative.  She  was  too  happy  for  words. 
But  she  kept  a  sharp  eye  on  the  dinner,  and  no  detail  of  it  escaped  her. 
She  was  impressed  by  the  quantity  of  cream  served  with  the  fruit  and 
coffee,  for  she  looked  up  at  her  son  in  her  sweetly  simple  way  and  said : 

"William,  you  must  keep  a  cow  now." 

Some  of  the  younger  members  of  the  family  party  found  it  difficult 
to  suppress  a  smile,  but  the  President,  with  his  usual  tact  and  gracious- 
ness,  replied : 

"Yes,  mother,  we  can  afford  to  have  a  cow  now,  and  have  all  the 
cream  we  can  possibly  use." 

THE  president's  TITLE. 

Just  after  election,  which  made  Mr.  McKinley  President-elect,  an 
old  man,  one  of  the  oldest  friends  o^"  the  McKinley's,  called  at  the  Can- 
ton home. 

"Why,  how  do  you  do.  Uncle  John?"  cordially  exclaimed  the  Presi- 
dent-elect to  the  farmer. 

The  farmer's  face  flushed  as  he  replied,  "Neighbor,  'taint  all  right 
to  call  you  neighbor  any  more,  and  I  want  to  know  just  how  to  speak  to 
you.  You  used  to  be  just  Major  McKinley,  and  then  you  was  Lawyer 
McKinley,  and  then  after  a  bit  you  was  Congressman  McKinley,  and 
then  you  got  to  be  Governor  McKinley,  but  you  ain't  President  yet." 

The  President-elect  laughed  heartily  at  the  perplexity  of  his  constit- 
uent, and  answered : 

"John,  I  won't  have  a  friend  of  mine,  such  as  you  are,  address  me 
by  any  prouder  title  than  that  of  major.  That  rank  belongs  to  me.  I 
am  not  governor  any  more,  and  I  am  not  President  yet.  So  you  just 
call  me  plain  major,  wdiich  I  like  to  be  to  all  my  friends." 

2i8  Life  of  William  McKinley 


Many  peopk  wonder  how  the  President  got  through  the  amount  of 
work  required  of  him  daily,  and  how  he  stood  the  strain.  Perhaps  as 
close  view  of  him  in  his  othcial  Hfe  as  could  be  presented,  is  found  in 
this  estimate  given  in  1898  by  one  of  his  closest  friends,  Senator  Ed- 
ward Wolcott,  of  Colorado: 

"The  President  is,  without  exception,  the  kindest-hearted  man  that 
I  have  ever  met.  He  is  so  good  and  kind  in  his  nature  that  he  is  grow- 
ing younger  every  day.  His  only  worry  is  that  wdien  night  comes  he 
thinks  of  the  activities  of  the  busy  day,  and  wonders  if  he  has  not  failed 
to  see  someone  who  wanted  to  see  him,  or  failed  to  do  something  which 
someone  w^anted  him  to  do.  Instead  of  growing  old  in  the  White 
House,  the  wrinkles  are  coming  out  of  his  face.  He  is  the  happiest  man 
in  the  country.  He  is  full  of  joy  because  the  fates  have  placed  in  his 
hands  the  power  to  do  so  much  good,  and  to  show  so  much  kindness  and 
generosity.  You  can  see  it  in  his  face  and  feel  it  in  the  touch  of  his 
handfe.  There  is  no  man  in  this  country  for  whom  the  sun  shines 
brighter  than  for  William  McKinley.  The  work  and  worry  that  killed 
other  Presidents,  only  warm  his  heart  and  gladden  his  life.  Whenever 
I  see  the  President  I  think  there  is  a  lesson  in  his  life  for  us  all :  that  we 
should  soften  our  natures  and  strive  to  find  pleasure  in  doing  good, 
rather  than  in  self-seeking." 


Those  who  knew  President  McKinley  longest  say  they  never  knew 
him  to  lose  his  temper  or  to  scold  even  the  worst  offending  servant. 
He  had  a  quiet  method  of  disapproval  far  more  effective.     He  would 
select  different  people  around  him  to  do  certain  things  for  him.     As, 
for  instance,  when  some  engagement  called  him  from  Washington,  he 
would  look  around,  and  the  man  on  whom  his  eyes  happened  to  fall 
would  be  the  man  selected  to  arrange  for  the  journey.     To  him,  the 
President  would  say :  "I  want  to  go  to  Philadelphia  next  Tuesday  on  the 
nine  o'clock  train;  Mrs.  McKinley  will  go  with  me.     Will  you  see  to 
things,  please?"     This  meant  that  the  President  looked  for  every  detail 
necessary  to  the  journey  to  that  particular  man.     Personally,  he  gave 
the  matter  no  more  thought.     If,  however,  there  was  a  hitch  in  the 
arrangements,  due  to  the  carelessness  on  the  part  of  the  man  detailed 
to  attend  to  "the  matter,  the  President  never  gave  expression  to  a  word 
of  censure  nor  made  any  comment  whatever.     He  was  always  careful, 
however,  never  again  to  intrust  similar  duties  to  that  person.     This  was 
Mr.  McKinley's  invariable  method  of  expressing  his  disapproval. 

Our  Martyred  President  219 


President  McKinley  always  showed  the  highest  degree  of  gener- 
osity towards  his  poUtical  opponents.  While  governor-  of  Ohio,  he 
was  about  to  appoint  to  an  exalted  and  lucrative  office  a  man  who  for 
many  years  had  been  his  ardent  supporter,  but  who  had  deserted  him 
and  gone  over  to  the  enemy  at  a  critical  period.  Later,  when  that 
critical  period  had  passed,  the  deserter  slipped  back  into  his  party  and 
remained  unnoticed  until  he  became  a  candidate  for  office.  Many  of 
Governor  McKinley's  loyal  friends  earnestly  protested  against  his  ap- 
pointment. They  argued  that  the  man  had  been  a  traitor  when  he  was 
most  needed,  and  that  he  was  not  entitled  to  consideration. 

The  governor's  face  lighted  up  with  a  smile,  and  he  remarked: 
"Gentlemen,  you  seem  to  forget  that  I  am  a  Methodist,  and  believe  in 
the  doctrine  of  falling  from  grace." 


One  morning  a  delegation  composed  of  the  officers  of  the  several 
great  labor  organizations,  called  at  the  White  House  to  ask  a  favor 
which  the  President  could  not  grant.  He  listened  attentively  to  the 
presentation  of  their  case  and  then,  expressing  his  regret  that  he  could 
not  oblige  them,  explained  at  length  the  reason  why.  They  thanked 
him  for  his  candor,  and  were  bidding  him  good  morning,  when  he  took 
a  carnation  from  his  button-hole  and  pinned  it  on  the  lapel  of  the  coat 
of  the  leader  of  the  party.  Then,  taking  the  cluster  of  carnations  on 
his  desk,  he  distributed  them  among  the  others,  saying : 

"Please  give  these  to  your  wives,  or  to  your  sweethearts  if  you  are 
not  married,  with  my  compliments." 

His  visitors  were  horny-handed  sons  of  toil,  unaccustomed  to  giving 
and  receiving  nosegays,  but  they  were  touched  by  the  delicate  little 
compliment,  and  before  they  left  the  White  House  the  flowers  so 
graciously  given  were  carefully  stowed  away  in  their  handkerchiefs. 

A   page's   SYMPATHY    WINS    HIM    FAVOR. 

Many  years  ago  when  Mr.  McKinley  was  in  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives, there  was  one  page  who  always  waited  on  him.  When  Mr. 
McKinley  was  unseated  in  1890,  by  Mr.  Warwick,  it  became  necessary 
to  move  his  papers  and  books  and  the  flowers  that  had  been  sent  to  him, 
from  his  desk  in  the  house  of  representatives  to  the  hotel  where  he  was 
stopping.     He  asked  the  page  to  attend  to  the  matter. 

The  boy  secured  a  carriage,  paid  a  dollar  to  the  driver,  and  carried 
the  things  to  the  room  of  the  ex-congressman.  Mr.  McKinley  thanked 
him  heartily,  and  put  five  dollars  in  his  hand  when  he  said  good-by. 

220  Life  of  William  McKinley 

The  page  shrank  back.  With  his  hands  behind  him,  he  said :  "Oh,  no, 
Mr.  McKinley,  I  could  not  take  money  from  you  now." 

Mr.  McKinley  looked  at  the  boy  kindly,  and  as  he  shook  his  hand 
said:  "I  understand  you,  and  I  want  you  to  know  that  I  appreciate 
your  sympathy.  I  shall  not  forget  it.  Perhaps  some  day  I  shall  be  able 
to  show  you  that." 

Years  after,  a  young  man  called  at  the  White  House,  and  as  he  gave 
his  name  to  the  President,   he  modestly  added:   "I  used  to  be  your 


"I  remember  you  very  well,"  replied  the  President,  "and  I  have  not 

forgotten  one  very  kind  act  of  yours." 

He  was  not  an  office  seeker,  but  merely  called  to  pay  his  respects. 
Before  the  week  was  over,  however,  the  former  page  was  appointed  to 
a  responsible  office  in  the  District. 


McKinley's  name  has  been  the  synonym  for  the  policy  of  protection 
to  American  industries.  One  story  told  of  McKinley  as  chairman  of 
the  committee  on  ways  and  means,  illustrates  how  he  looked  upon  this 
question,  not  as  a  political  issue,  but  one  of  national  import,  important 
for  all  the  people. 

A  manufacturer,  who  was  a  democrat,  went  to  McKinley's  rooms  at 
the  Ebbitt  house,  in  Washington,  one  evening,  and  said  to  him :  "Mr. 
McKinley,  I  have  been  to  my  member,  who  is  a  democrat  like  myself, 
to  have  him  help  me  to  get  a  hearing  before  your  committee.  I  have 
been  to  my  senator,  who  is  a  democrat,  and  I  have  been  to  others,  and 
they  all  failed  me.  Now,  I  have  come  to  you.  I  have  no  claim  on  you, 
but  I  want  to  ask  the  privilege  of  representing  my  case." 

McKinley  sat  with  the  man  until  after  midnight,  listened  to  his 
presentation,  searched  the  records,  went  over  the  tariff  schedules  and  at 
last  said  to  the  manufacturer,  who  was  an  entire  stranger  to  him: 
"Your  claim  is  just.  I  thank  you  for  bringing  it  to  me.  We  should 
have  made  a  mistake  had  we  left  the  schedule  as  it  is.  I  will  see  that  it 
is  changed."  The  story  illustrates  that  Major  McKinley's  devotion  to 
the  policy  of  protection  was  not  because  it  was  a  republican  doctrine, 
but  because  for  more  than  twenty-five  years  he  believed  it  to  be  the  most 
important  question  to  the  American  people. 

m'kinley's  courtship. 

Mrs.  McKinley  was  the  first  child  of  James  and  ]\Iary  Saxton,  of 
Canton.  As  a  child  and  young  woman,  she  was  vivacious,  and  had 
friends  among  all  classes.     She  had  then  the  happy  faculty  of  becoming 

Our  Martyred  President  221 

endeared  to  those  who  knew  her — a  trait  which  is  hers  still.  Her  edu- 
cation was  obtained  in  the  public  schools  of  Canton,  at  a  school  in 
Cleveland,  and  later  at  Brook  Hall  seminary,  Media,  Pa.,  then  under 
the  charge  of  Miss  Eastman,  who  w^as  a  well-known  educator  of  that 
time.  Here,  Mrs.  McKinley,  then  Ida  Saxton,  spent  three  years. 
After  this,  she  spent  six  months  with  a  party  of  friends  visiting  points 
of  interest  in  Europe. 

When  she  returned  to  Canton,  a  young  woman,  handsome  and  re- 
fined, a  career  of  belleship  was  open  to  her.  She  added  to  her  charming 
manners  a  dash  of  coquetry,  just  enough  to  make  the  young  men  eager 
to  be  a  friend  of  the  worthy  young  woman. 

Her  father  was  a  man  of  staid  character  and  pronounced  opinions. 
He  was  then  a  banker,  and  he  concluded  to  give  his  daughter  such  a 
training  as  would  fit  her  to  cope  with  all  the  duties  of  woman,  new  or 
old.  Accordingly,  Miss  Ida  was  installed  as  assistant  in  the  bank,  and 
there  is  a  common  saying  here  that  her  fair  face  attracted  bouquets  and 
bank-notes  to  the  window.  ''She  must  be  trained,"  said  her  father, 
"to  buy  her  own  bread  if  necessary,  and  not  to  sell  herself  to  matri- 

Mr.  Saxton  had  married  happily,  and  he  jealously  guarded  his 
daughter.  His  placing  her  in  the  bank  was  a  master-stroke.  She 
was  having  business  to  think  about,  and  was  fitting  herself  for  the  trials 
of  life  and  adversity  if  they  should  come. 

Of  suitors,  Miss  Ida  Saxton  had  many.  There  were  among  them 
the  best  in  point  of  position  and  w'ealth  the  country  knew.  When  Miss 
Saxton  returned  from  her  foreign  tour.  Major  McKinley  was  fairly 
started  in  his  legal  career.  His  honest  face  and  manly  bearing  van- 
quished all  rivals,  removed  the  young  woman  from  the  cashier's  win- 
dow, and  won  from  honest  James  Saxton  these  w^ords  when  the  hand 
of  his  daughter  was  gained  : 

"You  are  the  only  man  I  have  ever  known  to  whom  I  would  entrust 
my  daughter." 


In  Columbus,  Ohio,  the  people  who  happened  to  be  about  the  capital 
grounds  or  on  High  street  in  the  morning  or  afternoon,  and  saw  Gov- 
ernor McKinley  go  back  and  forth  between  the  capital  and  the  old  Neil 
house,  noticed  that  he  always  paused  on  the  steps  of  the  state  house 
before  entering,  turned  and  lifted  his  hat  to  a  certain  window  in  the 
hotel  directly  opposite.  Men  and  women  who  saw  this  silent  salute 
watched  for  it  day  after  day,  morning  and  evening,  and  never  "saw  the 
governor  enter  the  capitol  without  giving  it.  There  was  no  occasion 
for    inquiry    or    comment.      Everyone    in    the    city    knew    that    Mrs. 

222  Life  of  William  McKinley 

McKinley  was  an  invalid,  and  that  the  window  was  hers.  If  they 
glanced  up  at  the  window,  they  saw  a  beautiful  face  brighten  with  a 
smile  as  she  saw  the  silk  hat  lifted  at  the  entrance  to  the  capitol. 

This  salute  told  the  story  of  Governor  McKinley's  home-life  and  its 
romance,  better  than  could  any  biographer  or  poet  or  writer  of  fiction. 
It  fitted  exactly  into  the  governor's  remark :  "Oh,  we  are  just  old  mar- 
ried lovers." 

THE  president's  DEVOTION  TO  HIS   MOTHER, 

The  most  beautiful  traits  in  the  character  of  President  McKinley 
found  their  expression  in  the  filial  devotion  that  he  always  showed  for 
his  mother,  and  in  the  deep  love  and  tender  solicitude  for  his  invalid 

During  the  lifetime  of  his  mother,  no  twenty-four  hours  w^re  al- 
lowed to  pass  without  some  communication  passing  between  her  and  her 
son.  If  he  were  at  his  home  in  Canton,  Ohio,  his  daily  call  at  Mother 
McKinley's  little  cottage  was  as  certain  as  the  dawn  of  day.  Sickness 
alone  prevented  it,  and  then  some  message,  written  or  verbal,  would 
take  its  place.  During  the  entire  brief  term  of  his  governorship  of 
Ohio,  he  sent  a  letter,  no  matter  how  brief,  to  his  mother  every  day. 
Sometimes,  when  under  some  tremendous  pressure  of  work,  the  daily 
message  would  take  the  form  of  a  telegram,  but  this  resort  he  avoided  as 
much  as  possible.  At  one  time,  during  a  serious  disturbance  in  Ohio, 
when  the  troops  had  been  called  out  to  prevent  an  anticipated  lynching. 
Governor  McKinley,  for  a  period  of  ten  days,  scarcely  slept.  Yet,  every 
night,  the  very  last  thing  before  he  allowed  himself  to  snatch  the  briefest 
rest,  he  wrote  a  little  note  to  his  mother,  knowing  her  great  anxiety. 

When,  after  the  inauguration  of  her  son  as  President,  Mother 
McKinley  returned  to  Canton,  the  daily  letters  were  resumed.  Every 
day  there  came  to  the  Canton  postoffice  the  little  White  House  envelope, 
bearing  some  tender  message  from  her  "William  at  Washington"  to  his 
mother.  "William  at  Washington"  was  always  the  way  that  she  re- 
ferred to  her  President-son. 


The  President's  tender  solicitude  for  his  wife  was  not  less  than 
was  his  beautiful  devotion  to  his  mother.  The  husband  knew  how  his 
invalid  wife  suffered  at  times,  and  his  watchful  eye  scarcely  ever  left 
her.  Whenever  it  was  at  all  possible  for  her  to  accompany  him  on  some 
journey,  he  made  it  a  personal  matter  that  she  should  go.  At  all  din- 
ners, even  the  most  formal  state  affairs,  the  regulation  etiquette  was  set 
aside,  and  Mrs.  McKinley  always  sat,  not  opposite  to  him  at  the  other 
end  cr  side  of  the  table,  as  official  custom  demanded,  but  at  the  Presi- 

Our  Martyred  President  223 

dent's  side,  so  that  he  might  be  close  to  her.  This  rule  was  never  de- 
parted from,  and  the  deviation  from  the  usual  custom  was  accepted  by 
everybody.  When  Mrs.  McKinley  was  upstairs  in  the  White  House, 
and  not  feeling  very  well,  it  w^as  not  unusual  for  the  President  to  excuse 
himself  from  some  conference,  or  to  callers,  and  run  quickly  up-stairs 
to  spend  a  moment  with  his  wife.  He  had  been  known  to  do  this  as 
often  as  twelve  times  a  day.  His  tender  care  of  her  when  traveling- 
won  for  him  the  deepest  reverence  and  admiration  of  all  who  happened 
to  be  near  the  devoted  husband  and  wife.  When  affairs  of  state  were 
urgent,  the  President  invariably  shielded  his  wife  from  the  unfavorable 
side,  always  presenting  to  her  the  most  cheerful  and  brightest  view  of 
any  question  at  issue.  Again  and  again  during  the  tenancy  of  the 
White  House  the  President  himself,  in  addition  to  all  his  other  duties, 
directed  so  far  as  he  could,  the  domestic  machinery  of  the  executive 
mansion,  in  order  to  save  his  wife  from  the  worry  of  household  cares. 
No  two  people  could  be  closer  in  understanding  and  in  more  perfect 
sympathy  than  were  President  McKinley  and  his  wife.  In  every  por- 
trait she  had  taken,  she  invariably  insisted  that  the  President  should  be 
included,  or  that  a  portrait  of  him  should  hang  on  the  wall  behind  her 
or  stand  on  a  table  at  her  side. 

ONE   DAY    AT    A    TIME. 

During  the  Peace  Jubilee  in  Chicago,  President  McKinley  was 
present  at  the  great  religious  services  in  the  Auditorium  on  Sunday 
afternoon  for  the  children,  and  in  the  evening  for  adults,  presided  over 
by  the  chairman  of  the  committee,  Bishop  Samuel  Fallows.  At  the 
close  of  the  afternoon  exercises  he  accepted  an  invitation  to  address 
the  colored  people  in  Ouinn  Chapel,  and  invited  Bishop  B.  W.  Arnett, 
D.  D.,  of  the  African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  and  Bishop  Fal- 
lows to  accompany  him.  As  they  were  riding  together  Bishop  Arnett 
said :  "Mr.  President,  your  duties  during  the  Spanish- American  war 
were  so  numerous  and  burdensome  that  you  must  have  been  often 
unable  to  sleep  when  night  came." 

The  president  turned  to  Bishop  Fallows  and  said :  "Bishop,  do  you 
try  to  get  out  two  sermons  at  the  same  time  ?"  The  bishop  responded : 
"No,  Mr.  President,  one  sermon  is  all  I  can  manage  at  once."  Mr. 
McKinley  then  said  :  "No  matter  how  long  or  how  short  my  day  may 
be,  I  am  through  with  its  cares  when  night  comes.  I  leave  the  results 
with  divine  providence  and  do  not  attempt  to  do  tomorrow's  work  in 
the  day  I  have  ended." 


During  the  same  carriage  ride.  Bishop  Arnett  said  to  Mr.  McKinley : 

224  Our  Martyred  President 

"Mr.  President,  there  are  at  least  three  bishops  who  are  thoroughly 
united  in  love  for  you  and  in  their  support  of  your  administration.  One 
is  Archbishop  Ireland,  another  is  Bishop  Fallows  here,  and  another  is 

An  acknowledging  smile  was  on  the  president's  face  as  the  words  of 
scripture  occurred  to  him,  "Behold  how  good  and  how  pleasant  a  thing- 
it  is  for  brethren  to  dwell  together  in  unity." 


At  the  laying  of  the  corner  stone  of  the  new  government  building 
in  Chicago,  Mr.  McKinley  and  several  members  of  his  cabinet  were 
present  and  participated  in  the  exercises.  At  an  informal  reception 
given  them  all  at  the  Chicago  Athletic  Club  one  of  the  members  of  the 
cabinet  said  to  Bishop  Fallows :  "Every  member  of  the  president's 
official  household  sincerely  love  their  chief.  They  love  him  for  his 
sterling  personal  qualities  and  for  the  high  sense  of  honor  he  always 
manifests  in  dealing  with  questions  of  state.  No  matter  though  the 
question  for  consideration  is  upon  some  minor  subject  he  is  accustomed 
to  say:     "Let  us  do  the  thing  that  is  right  in  this  matter." 


The  Rev.  Dr.  Chase,  pastor  of  the  Centenary  Methodist  Church  in 
Chicago,  was  visiting  the  Rev.  Frank  Bristol  in  Washington.  Before 
the  services  on  Sunday  morning  Chase  said :  "Do  you  think  the  presi- 
dent will  be  present  today?"  "Yes,"  replied  Dr.  Bristol  in  the  ener- 
getic manner  characteristic  of  this  eminent  young  divine.  "I  always 
count  on  the  president's  being  present,  rain  or  shine,  unless  some  unex- 
pected emergency  arises  to  prevent  his  coming,  such  as  a  meeting  with 
his  cabinet  or  attendance  upon  Mrs.  McKinley  in  her  illness." 


Tributes  of  old  soldiers  and  personal  friends  expressed  not  only  the 
love  of  those  who  gave  them,  but  they  manifested  the  tenderness  of  him 
whose  departure  they  mourned.  While  the  body  of  the  president  was 
lying  in  state  in  Canton  an  aged  man  leaning  upon  two  crutches,  which 
he  managed  with  difficulty,  appeared  at  the  door  through  which  the 
people  w^ere  making  their  exit.  He  asked  the  sentry  to  allow  him  to 
enter  and,  when  the  soldier  refused,  saying  he  had  received  orders  to 
allow  nobody  through  that  door,  the  old  man  stood  back  the  picture  of 
woe.  In  a  short  time  he  again  asked  the  young  sentry  in  pleading  tones 
to  allow  him  entrance  through  the  doorway,  saying  that  in  his  feeble  con- 
dition he  was  not  able  to  stand  in  the  line,  which  at  that  time  was  extend- 
ing fully  a  mile  from  the  entrance.  "I  fought  in  his  regiment  during  the 
war,"  he  said,  "and  I  just  want  to  lay  this  flag  on  his  coffln  and  then 


Life  of  William  McKinley  225 

keep  it  as  a  reminder  of  the  time  I  saw  him  last."  'Take  it  in,"  said  the 
sentry,  and  the  veteran  hobbled  into  the  hall.  When  he  got  inside  he 
had  more  trouble  and  was  compelled  to  explain  his  errand  several  times. 
Finally  the  line  passing  the  coftin  was  stopped  long  enough  to  allow  the 
old  man  to  step  to  its  side  for  a  glance  into  the  coffin,  and  to  lay  his  tiny 
flag  on  its  glass  front.  Then  he  turned  back  with  the  crowd,  hugging 
the  now  sanctified  flag  tightly  beneath  his  coat. 

Among  those  in  the  line  was  an  old  farmer  from  the  lower  end  of 
Stark  county.  He  paused  beside  the  casket  and  burst  into  tears.  "His 
kindness  and  his  counsel  saved  a  boy  of  mine,"  the  old  man  murmured, 
half  in  apology,  to  the  guards  as  he  tottered  out  of  the  building.  Old 
soldiers  who  had  served  with  the  "major,"  as  they  called  him,  stumped 
by  with  limping  feet  on  wooden  legs  and  on  crutches.  Poor  men  and 
poor  women  whom  he  had  helped  when  they  needed  help  and  without 
anybody  being  the  wiser,  dropped  flowers  on  the  pall.  One  old  soldier 
broke  through  the  second  time  for  another  look.  "I  went  to  the  war  with 
him,"  the  old  man  said,  "and  I  would  not  have  come  back  but  for  him. 
He  saw  that  I  wasn't  forgotten  in  the  hospital." 


No  man  was  ever  more  devoted  to  children  than  Mr.  McKinley,  or 
had  a  more  winning  manner  with  them.  An  illustration  of  his  kindness 
occurred  during  the  president's  transcontinental  tour.  The  train  stopped 
for  a  few  minutes  at  a  little  town  on  the  desert.  Among  those  who 
were  at  the  station  to  see  the  president's  train  go  by  were  two  little  girls, 
one  of  whom  had  a  kodak.  The  president  stepped  off  the  train  and  was 
about  to  walk  along  the  platform  when  one  of  the  girls,  unabashed  as 
older  persons  are  in  the  presence  of  the  great,  asked  him  if  she  might  take 
his  picture.  The  president  smilingly  consented,  and  stood  patiently  while 
the  child  adjusted  her  kodak  to  the  correct  focus  and  took  the  picture. 
Thousands  of  children  had  been  the  recipients  of  similar  acts  of  kind- 
ness, and  these  were  represented  in  spirit  by  a  little  girl  of  Canton  while 
the  body  was  lying  in  state.  She  stopped  long  enough  to  press  a  kiss 
upon  the  glass  over  the  dead  face  and  then  ran  from  the  building  with 
streaming  eyes.  One  of  the  guards  thought  he  saw  her  drop  something 
and  looked.  He  found  a  little  cluster  of  common,  late-bloomino-  earden 
flowers,  and  to  it  was  tied  with  a  piece  of  thread  a  note  written  in  a 
cramped,  childish  hand  : 

Dear  Mr.  McKinley  :  I  wish  I  could  send  you  some  prettier  flow- 
ers, but  these  are  all  I  have.     I  am  sorry  you  got  shot.       Katie  Lee. 

The  guard  picked  up  the  modest  little  buncli  of  flowers  and  tenderly 
laid  it  across  a  cluster  of  orchids.  "I  thought  I  saw  the  president  smile," 
he  said  to  a  comrade. 

226  Life  of  William  McKinley 


When  the  President  repeated  the  words,  "Nearer  my  God  to  thee, 
nearer  to  thee;  e'en  though  it  be  a  cross  that  raiseth  me,"  he  said:  "It 
has  been  my  constant  prayer,  my  hfe-long  prayer." 

When,  in  the  last  moments,  Mrs.  McKinley  said  to  him :  "I  want 
to  go  with  you,"  he  rephed,  "W^e  are  all  going,  my  dear." 

While  his  hand  was  laid  upon  the  shoulder  of  Mrs.  McKinley,  one 
of  her  dearest  friends  entered  the  room.  With  unfailing  courtesy  he 
turned  its  palm  so  that  it  could  be  grasped  by  this  friend.  It  was 
already  turning  cold  in  death,  and  while  no  words  could  escape  his  lips, 
the  smile  of  loving  recognition  came  to  his  face. 

He  said  to  one  of  the  nurses  who  waited  upon  him :  "Have  you  been 
to  the  exposition  ?"  She  answered,  "No,  Mr.  President."  "Why,  where 
did  you  come  from?"  he  said  with  a  playful  movement  of  the  lips. 
"From  Baltimore,"  she  said.  "Oh,  were  you  the  nurse  that  attended 
Mrs.  Gage?"  he  asked.  "Yes,"  she  replied.  "Then  I  am  very  glad  in- 
deed to  have  you  wait  upon  me."  "And  I  am  very  glad  indeed,"  she 
answered,  "to  wait  upon  you,  Mr.  President." 

An  intimate  friend  was  permitted  to  look  over  the  little  w^ork  en- 
titled "Daily  Strength  for  Daily  Need,"  out  of  which  he  daily  read  to 
Mrs.  McKinley.  In  it  she  found  many  passages  marked,  but  one  was 
particularly  noted : 

"So  near  is  grandeur  to  our  dust. 

So  near  is  God  to  man 
When  Duty  whispers  low,  'I  must,' 
Then  Youth  replies  T  can.'  " 

In  the  early  part  of  the  President's  struggle  for  life  he  would  say 
to  the  nurses  and  physicians,  after  his  wound  had  been  attended  to :  "Let 
us  have  prayer."  Then,  k^ieeling,  they  would  repeat  with  him  the  Lord's 


When  President  McKinley  appointed  the  late  ex-Senator  Bruce  to  the 
position  of  register  of  the  treasury,  considerable  surprise  was  felt  that  he 
should  select  a  colored  man  to  fill  so  important  a  position.  One  day  a 
friend  asked  him  what  were  his  reasons  for  appointing  Bruce. 

"I  have  two,"  replied  the  President.  "The  first  is  the  man's  fitness 
for  the  position.  The  second  is  that  Bruce's  name  will  appear  on  every 
bank  bill  that  will  be  issued  by  the  government  while  he  is  in  office,  and 
every  colored  man  who  gets  one  of  the  notes  can  read  on  it  the  name  of 
a  man  of  his  own  race,  and  see  in  it  the  lesson  that,  v/itli  economy,  indus- 
try, honesty  and  ambition,  this  government  will  recognize  him  the  same 
as  it  does  men  of  a  lighter  color  of  skin." 


Chronological  Record  of  the  Life  of    President  William 


1843.  Jan.  29.  William  McKinley,  son  of  William  and  Nancy  (Al- 
lison) McKinley,  is  born  at  Niles,  Trumbull  county,  O.,  being  the  seventh 
of  a  family  of  nine  children. 

1852.  The  McKinley  family  removes  to  Poland,  Mahoning  county, 
O.,  where  William  studies  at  the  Union  seminary  until  he  is  17. 

1859.  Becomes  a  member  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  church  in 

i860.  Enters  the  junior  class  in  Allegheny  college,  ]\Ieadville,  Pa., 
but  poor  health  prevents  the  completion  of  the  course.  Subsequently 
teaches  in  a  public  school  near  Poland  and  later  becomes  a  clerk  in 
the  Poland  postoffice. 

1861.  June  II.  Enlists  as  a  private  in  Company  E,  of  the  Twenty- 
third  Ohio  volunteer  infantry. 

1862.  April  15.  Promoted  to  commissary  sergeant  while  in  the  win- 
ter's camp  at  Fayette,  W.  Va. 

1862.  Sept.  24.  Promoted  to  second  lieutenant,  in  recognition  of 
services  at  the  battle  of  Antietam.  Wins  the  highest  esteem  of  the 
colonel  of  the  regiment,  Rutherford  B.  Haj^es,  and  becomes  a  member 
of  his  staff. 

1863.  Feb.  7.  Promoted  to  first  lieutenant. 

1864.  July  25.  Promoted  to  captain  for  gallantry  at  the  battle  of 
Kernstown,  near  \Mnchester,  \^a. 

1864.  Oct.  II.  First  vote  for  president  cast,  while  on  a  march,  for 
Abraham  Lincoln. 

1864.  Shortly  after  the  battle  of  Cedar  Creek  (October  19),  Captain* 
McKinley  serves  on  the  staffs  of  General  George  Crook  and  General 
Winfield  S.  Hancock. 

1865.  Assigned  as  acting  assistant  adjutant  general  on  the  staff 
of  General  Samuel  S.  Carroll,  commanding  the  veteran  reserve  corps 
at  Washington. 


1865.    March  13.    Commissioned  by  President  Lincoln  as  major  by 


228  Life  of  William  McKinley 

brevet  in  the  volunteer  United  States  army,  "for  gallant  and  merito- 
rious service  at  the  battles  of  Opequan,  Cedar  Creek  and  Fisher's  Hill." 
1865.  July  26.  Mustered  out  of  the  army  with  his  regiment,  having 
never  been  absent  from  his  command  on  sick  leave  during  more  than 
four  years'  service. 

1865.  Returns  to  Poland  and  at  once  begins  the  study  of  law. 

1866.  Enters  the  Albany  (N.  Y.)  law  school. 

1867.  Admitted  to  the  bar  at  Warren,  O.,  in  March.  Accepting 
the  advice  of  an  elder  sister  teaching  in  Canton,  O.,  he  begins  the 
practice  of  law  in  Canton  and  makes  that  place  his  home. 


1869.  Elected  prosecuting  attorney  of  Stark  county  on  the  repub- 
lican ticket,  although  the  county  had  usually  been  democratic. 

1 87 1.  Jan.  25.  Marries  Miss  Ida  Saxton,  of  Canton.  (Two  daugh- 
ters born  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  McKinley — Katie  in  1871  and  Ida  in  1873 — 
and  both  lost  in  early  childhood). 

1 87 1.  Fails  of  re-election  as  prosecuting  attorney  by  forty-five  votes, 
and  for  the  next  five  years  devotes  himself  successfully  to  the  practice 
of  law,  and  becomes  a  leading  member  of  the  bar  of  Stark  county. 

1872.  Though  not  a  candidate,  very  active  as  a  campaign  speaker 
in  the  Grant-Greeley  presidential  campaign. 

1875.  Especially  active  and  conspicuous  as  a  campaigner  in  the  closely 
contested  state  election  in  which  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  is  elected  governor. 


1876.  Elected  member  of  the  house  of  representatives  by  3,300  ma- 
jority, his  friend  Hayes  bemg  elected,  to  the  presidency. 

1878.  Re-elected  to  congress  by  1,234  majority,  his  district  in  Ohio 
having  been  gerrymandered  to  his  disadvantage  by  a  democratic  legis- 

18S0.  Re-elected  to  congress  by  3,571  majority.  Appointed  a  mem- 
ber of  the  ways  and  means  committee,  to  succeed  President-elect  Garfield. 

1882.  The  republicans  suffer  reverses  throughout  the  country  in 
the  congressional  election  and  McKinley  is  re-elected  by  a  majority 
of  only  8. 

1884.  Prominent  in  opposition  to  the  proposed  "Morrison  tariff"  in 

1884.  As  a  delegate-at-large  to  the  republican  national  convention 
in  Chicago  actively  supports  James  G.  Blaine  for  tlie  presidential  nom- 

Our  Martyred  President  229 

1884.  Re-elected  to  congress  by  a  majority  of  2,000,  although  his 
district  had  again  been  gerrymandered  against  him. 

1886.   Re-elected  to  congress  by  a  majority  of  2,550. 

1886.  Leads  the  minority  opposition  in  congress  against  the  "Mills 
tariff  bill." 

1888.  Delegate-at-large  to  the  national  convention  in  Chicago  that 
nominated  Benjamin  Harrison,  an.d  serves  as  chairman  of  the  com- 
mittee on  resolutions.  Many  delegates  wish  McKinley  to  become  a 
nominee,  but  he  stands  firm  in  his  support  of  John  Sherman. 

1888.  Elected  to  congress  for  the  seventh  successive  time,  receiving 
a  majority  of  4,100  votes. 

1889.  At  the  organization  of  the  Fifty-first  congress,  is  .a  candidate 
for  speaker  of  the  house,  but  is  defeated  on  the  third  ballot  in  the  Re- 
publican caucus  by  Thomas  B.  Reed. 

1890.  Upon  the  death  of  William  D.  Kelley  in  January  McKinley 
becomes  chairman  of  the  ways  and  means  committee  and  leader  of  his 
party  in  the  house.  He  introduces  a  bill  "to  simplify  the  laws  in  rela- 
tion to  the  collection  of  revenues,"  known  as  the  "customs  administra- 
tion bill."  He  also  introduces  a  general  tariff  bill.  The  bill  becomes 
a  law  October  6. 

1890.  As  a  result  of  the  gerrymandered  congressional  district  and 
the  reaction  against  the  republican  party  throughout  the  country,  caused 
by  the  protracted  struggle  over  the  tariff  bill,  McKinley  is  defeated  in 
the  election  for  congress  by  300  votes  in  counties  that  had  previously 
gone  democratic  by  3,000. 

*       GOVERNOR  OF  OHIO. 

1 89 1.  Nov.  3.  Elected  governor  of  Ohio  by  a  plurality  of  21,511, 
polling  the  largest  vote  that  had  ever  been  cast  for  governor  in  Ohio.  His 
opponent  is  the  democratic  governor,  James  E.  Campbell. 

1892.  As  delegate-at-large  to  the  national  convention  at  Minne- 
apolis and  chairman  of  the  convention,  McKinley  refuses  to  permit  the 
consideration  of  his  name  and  supports  the  renomination  of  President 
Harrison.  The  roll  call  results  as  follows:  Harrison  535,  Blaine  182, 
McKinley  182,  Reed  4,  Lincoln  i. 

1892.  Death  of  William  McKinley,  Sr.,  in  November. 

1893.  Unanimously  renominated  for  governor  of  Ohio  and  re-elected 
by  a  plurality  of  80,995,  this  majority  being  the  greatest  ever  recorded, 
with  a  single  exception  during  the  civil  war,  for  any  candidate  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  state. 

1896.  June  18.  At  the  Republican  national  convention  in  St.  Louis 
is  nominated  for  president  on  the  first  ballot,  the  result  of  the  voting 

230  Life  of  William  McKinley 

being  as  follows:     McKinley  66i>4,  Reed  84^,  Quay  60^,  Morton 
58,  yVllison  35^/^,  Cameron  i. 


1896.  Nov.  3.  Receives  a  popular  vote  in  the  presidential  election 
of  7,104.779,  a  plurality  of  601,854  over  his  democratic  opponent,  Wil- 
liam J,  Bryan.  In  the  electoral  college  later  McKinley  receives  271  votes, 
against  176  for  Bryan. 

1897.  March  4.  Inaugurated  President  of  the  United  States  for  the 
twenty-eighth  cjuadrennial  term.  ^ 

1897.  March  6.  Issues  proclamation  for  an  extra  session  of  con- 
gress to  assemble  March  15.  The  president's  message  dwells  solely  upon 
the  need  of  a  revision  of  the  existing  tariff  law. 

1897.  May  17.  In  response  to  an  appeal  from  the  President  con- 
gress appropriates  $50,000  for  the  relief  of  the  destitution  in  Cuba. 

1897.  July  24.  The  "Dingley  tariff  bill"  receives  the  president's  ap- 

1897.  Dec.  12.  Death  of  President  McKinley 's  mother  at  Canton,  O. 

1898.  Both  branches  of  congress  vote  unanimously  (the  house  on 
March  8  by  a  vote  of  313  to  o  and  the  senate  by  a  vote  of  76  to  o  on  the 
following  day)  to  place  $50,000,000  at  the  disposal  of  the  president  to 
be  used  at  his  discretion  "for  the  national  defense." 

1898.  March  23.  The  president  sends  to  the  Spanish  government 
through  Minister  Woodford  at  Madrid,  an  ultimatum  regarding  the  in- 
tolerable condition  of  affairs  in  Cuba. 

1898.  March  28.  The  report  of  the  court  of  inquiry  on  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Maine  at  Havana,  on  February  15,  is  transmitted  by  the  presi- 
dent to  congress. 

1898.  April  II.  The  president  sends  a  message  to  congress  out- 
lining the  situation,  declaring  that  intervention  is  necessary  and  advising 
against  the  recognition  of  the  Cuban  government. 

1898.  April  21.  The  Spanish  government  sends  Minister  Woodford 
his  passports,  thus  beginning  the  war. 

1898.  April  23.  The  president  issues  a  call  for  125,000  volunteers. 

1898.  April  24.  Spain  formally-  declares  that  war  exists  with  the 
United  States. 


1898.  April  25.  The  President  sends  message  to  congress  recom- 
mending the  passage  of  a  joint  resolution  declaring  that  war  exists  with 
Spain.  On  the  same  day  both  branches  of  congress  passed  such  a 

1898.  May  25.  The  President  issues  a  call  for  75,000  additional 

Our  Martyred  President  231 

1898.  June  29.  Yale  university  confers  upon  President  McKinley 
the  degree  of  LL.  D. 

1S98.  July  7.  Joint  resolution  of  congress  providing  for  the  annexa- 
tion of  Hawaii  receives  the  approval  of  the  president. 

1898.  Aug.  9.  Spain  formally  accepts  the  president's  terms  of  peace. 

1898.  Aug.  12.  The  peace  protocol  is  signed.  An  armistice  is  pro- 
claimed and  the  Cuban  blockade  raised. 

1898.  Oct.  17.  The  president  receives  the  degree  of  LL.  D.  from 
the  University  of  Chicago. 

1898.  Dec.  10.  The  treaty  of  peace  between  Spain  and  the  United 
States  is  signed  at  Paris. 

1900.  March  14.  The  President  signs  the  "gold  standard  act." 


1900.  June  21.  The  Republican  national  convention  at  Philadelphia 
unanimously  renominates  William  McKinley  for  the  presidency. 

1900.  June  21.  The  president's  amnesty  proclamation  to  the  Filipinos 
is  published  in  Manila. 

1900.  July  10.  The  United  States  government  makes  public  a  state- 
ment of  its  policy  as  to  affairs  in  China, 

1900.  Sept.  10.  Letter  accepting  the  presidential  nomination  and  dis- 
cussing the  issues  of  the  campaign  is  given  to  the  public. 

1900.  Nov.  6.  In  the  presidential  election  William  McKinley  carries 
twenty-eight  states,  which  have  an  aggregate  of  292  votes  in  the  electoral 
college,  his  democratic  opponent,  William  J.  Bryan,  carrying  seventeen 
states,  having  ip5  electoral  votes.  His  popular  plurality  is  also  larger 
than  in  the  eLjfrnon  cf  1896. 

1 90 1.  ^I^ch  4.  Inaugurated  president.  Shot  by  Czolgosz  Septem- 
ber 6,  a^^ffalo,  N.  Y.  Dies  September  14  at  Buffalo.  Buried  at  Can- 
ton, O.,  September  19. 



Masterpieces  of  William  McKinley's  Eloquence. 


"Mr.  President,  Gentlemen  of  the  Michigan  Repubhcan  Club. 

"It  gives  me  sincere  pleasure  to  meet  with  you  to-night.  I  have 
not  met  with  the  Republicans  of  Michigan  since  the  great  victory  of 
1894 — the  great  national  victory — and  I  bring  to  you  my  congratula- 
tions upon  the  proud  part  you  bore  in  that  great  conflict  resulting 
so  triumphantly  for  Republican  principles,  and,  as  I  believe,  for  the 
best  interests  of  the  whole  country.  I  cannot  believe  that  our  prin- 
ciples are  less  dear  to  us  in  their  triumph  than  they  were  in  their  tem- 
porary defeat.  I  cannot  believe  that  the  principles  which  won  a  most 
unprecedented  victory  from  ocean  to  ocean  require  now  either  modi- 
fication or  abandonment.  They  are  dearer  and  closer  to  the  Amer- 
ican heart  than  they  have  ever  been  in  the  past,  notwithstanding  the 
magnificent  victory  of  1894,  and  notwithstanding  these  great  principles 
are  cherished  in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people,  there  is  still  a 
greater  and  more  significant  battle  to  be  fought  in  the  near  future, 
before  w^e  can  realize  those  principles  in  administration  and  legislation. 

"While,  in  the  situation  of  the  country,  there  is  no  cause  for  con- 
gratulation, this  is  not  the  time  to  employ  terms  of  distrust  or  aggra- 
vation. Times  are  bad  enough,  and  the  voice  of  encouragement  is 
more  appropriate  than  that  of  alarm  and  exaggeration.  The  realities 
are  quite  ugly  enough,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  each  of  us,  by  word  and 
act,  insofar  as  it  can  be  done,  to  improve  the  present  condition.  But 
above  all,  we  must  not  disparage  our  government.  We  must  up- 
hold it,  and  uphold  it  at  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances,  not- 
withstanding that  we  may  not  be  able  to  support  the  measures  and  pol- 
icies of  the  present  administration.  Home  prosperity  is  the  only  key 
to  an  easy  treasury  and  a  high  credit.  The  Republican  party  never 
lowered  the  flag  or  the  credit  of  the  government,  but  has  exalted 
both.  I  agree  with  the  president,  in  his  recent  message,  that,  a  pre- 
dicament confronts   us.      When   I   was   here   six   years   ago,    reading 


Our  Martyred  President  233 

from  his  message,  it  was  a  condition  that  confronted  us,  and  that  con- 
dition was  an  overflowing  treasury,  under  Republican  legislation.  Now 
I  come  back  to  you,  and  it  is  a  predicament  that  confronts  the  people 
of  the  United  Stales,  because  of  a  deficiency  created  by  the  legislation 
of  a  Democratic  congress  and  administration. 

■  "I  am  sure,  hov/ever,  that  there  is  wisdom  and  patriotism  ample 
enough  in  the  country  to  relieve  ourselves  from  this  or  any  other 
predicament,  and  tu  place  us  once  more  at  the  head  of  the  nations  of 
the  world  in  credit,  production  and  prosperity.  The  Republican  party 
needs  but  to  adhere  faithfully  to  its  principles — to  the  principles  enun- 
ciated by  its  great  national  conventions,  which  guided  the  republic 
for  a  third  of  a  century  in  safety  and  honor,  which  gave  the  country 
an  adequate  revenue,  and,  while  doing  that,  labor  received  comfort- 
able wages  and  steady  employment,  which  guarded  every  American 
interest  at  hom_e  and  abroad  with  zealous  care — principles,  the  appli- 
cation of  which  made  us  a  nation  of  homes,  of  independent,  prosper- 
ous freemen,  where  all  had  a  fair  chance  and  an  equal  opportunity  in 
the  race  of  life.  You  do  not  have  to  guess  what  the  Republican  party 
will  do.  The  whole  world  knows  its  purposes.  It  has  embodied  them 
in  law,  and  executed  them  in  administration.  It  has  bravely  met  every 
emergency,  and  has  ever  measured  up  to  every  new  duty.  It  is  dedi- 
cated to  the  people ;  it  stands  for  the  United  States.  It  practices  what 
it  preaches,  and  fearlessly  enforces  what  it  teaches.  Its  simple  code 
is  home  and  country.  Its  central  idea  is  the  well-being  of  the  people, 
and  all  the  people.  It  has  no  arm  which  does  not  take  into  account  the 
honor  of  the  government,  and  the  material  advancement  and  happi- 
ness of  the  American  people.  The  Republican  party  is  neither  an 
apology  nor  a  reminiscence.  It  is  proud  of  its  past,  and  it  sees  greater 
usefulness  in  the  future." — Michigan  Club,  Feb.  22,  1803. 

THE  m'kINLEY  tariff  OF   189O. 

*T  do  not  intend  to  enter  upon  any  extended  discussion  of  the 
two  economic  systems  which  divide  parties  in  this  house  and  the  peo- 
ple throughout  the  country.  For  two  years  we  have  been  occupied 
in  both  branches  of  congress  and  in  our  discussions  before  the  people 
with   these  contending  theories  of  taxation. 

"At  the  first  session  of  the  Fiftieth  congress  the  house  spent  sev- 
eral weeks  in  an  elaborate  and  exhaustive  discussion  of  these  svstems. 
The  senate  was  for  as  many  weeks  engaged  in  their  investigation  and 
in  debate  upon  them,  while  in  the  political  contest  of  1888  the  tariff 
in  all  its  phases  was  the  absorbing  question,  made  so  by  the  political 
platforms   of  the   respective   parties,    to   the   exclusion,   practically,   of 

234  ^^^^  °^  William  McKinley 

every  other  subject  of  party  division.  It  may  be  said  that,  from  the 
December  session  of  1887- 1888  to  March  4,  1889,  no  pubhc  question 
ever  received,  in  congress  and  out,  such  scrutinizing  investigation  as 
that  of  the  tariff.  It  has,  therefore,  seemed  to  me  that  any  lengthy 
general  discussion  of  these  principles  at  this  time,  so  soon  after  their 
thorough  consideration  and  determination  by  the  people,  is  neither  ex- 
pected, required,  nor  necessary. 

"If  any  one  thing  was  settled  by  the  election  of  1888,  it  was  that 
the  protective  policy,  as  promulgated  in  the  Republican  platform  and 
heretofore  inaugurated  and  maintained  by  the  Republican  party,  should 
be  secured  in  any  fiscal  legislation  to  be  had  by  the  congress  chosen 
in  that  great  contest  and  upon  that  mastering  issue.  I  have  interpreted 
that  victory  to  mean,  and  the  majority  in  this  house  and  in  the  senate 
to  mean,  that  a  revision  of  the  tariff  is  not  only  demanded  by  the  votes 
of  the  people,  but  that  such  revision  should  be  on  the  line  and  in  full 
recognition  of  the  principle  and  purpose  of  protection.  The  people 
have  spoken;  they  want  their  will  registered  and  their  decree  embodied 
in  public  legislation.  The  bill  which  the  committee  on  ways  and  means 
has  presented  is  their  answer  and  interpretation  of  that  victory  and  in 
accordance  with  its  spirit  and  letter  and  purpose.  \\'e  have  not  been 
compelled  to  abolish  the  internal  revenue  system  that  we  might  pre- 
serve the  protective  system,  which  we  were  pledged  to  do  in  the  event 
that  the  abolition  of  the  one  was  essential  to  the  preservation  of  the 
other.     That  was  unnecessary, 

"It  is  asserted  in  the  views  of  the  minority,  submitted  with  the 
report  accompanying  this  bill,  that  the  operation  of  the  bill  will  not 
diminish  the  revenues  of  the  government;  tliat  with  the  increased  duties 
we  have  imposed  upon  foreign  articles  which  may  be  sent  to  market 
here  we  have  increased  taxation,  and  that,  therefore,  instead  of  being 
a  diminution  of  the  revenues  of  the  government,  there  will  be  an 
increase  in  the  sum  of  $50,000,000  or  $60,000,000.  Now,  that  state- 
ment is  entirely  misleading.  It  can  only  be  accepted  upon  the  as- 
sumption that  the  importation  of  the  present  year  under  this  bill,  if 
it  becomes  a  law,  will  be  equal  to  the  importations  of  like  articles  under 
the  existing  law ;  and  there  is  not  a  member  of  the  committee  on  ways 
and  means,  there  is  not  a  member  of  the  minority  of  that  committee, 
there  is  not  a  member  of  the  house  on  either  side,  who  does  not  know 
that  the  very  instant  that  you  have  increased  the  duties  to  a  fair  pro- 
tective point,  putting  them  above  the  highest  revenue  point,  that  very 
instant  yon  diminish  importations  and  to  that  extent  diminish  the 
revenue.  Nobody  can  well  dispute  this  proposition.  Why,  when  the 
senate  bill   was  under  consideration   by  the  committee  on  ways  and 

^  Our  Martyred  President  235 

means,  over  which  my  friend  from  Texas  presided  in  the  last  con- 
gress, the  distinguished  chairman  of  that  committee  (Mr.  jMihs)  wrote 
a  letter  to  Secretary  Fairchild  inquiring  what  would  be  the  effect  of  in- 
creased duties  proposed  under  the  senate  bill,  and  this  is  Mr.  Fairchild' s 
reply : 

"  'Where  the  rates  upon  articles  successfully  produced  here  are  ma- 
terially increased,  it  is  fair  to  assume  that  the  imports  of  such  articles 
would  decrease  and  the  revenue  therefrom  diminish.' 

"He  further  states  that  where  the  rate  upon  an  article  is  so  increased 
as  to  deprive  the  foreign  producer  of  the  power  to  compete  with  the 
domestic  producer,  the  revenue  from  that  source  will  cease  altogether. 
Secretary  Fairchild  only  states  w^iat  has  been  the  universal  experi- 
ence in  the  United  States  wherever  increase  of  duties  above  the  rev- 
enue point  has  been  made  upon  articles  which  we  can  produce  in  the 
United  States.  Therefore,  it  is  safe  to  assume  that  no  increase  of  the 
revenues,  taking  the  bill,  through,  will  arise  from  the  articles  upon 
which  duties  have  been  advanced.     Now  as  to  the  schedules : 

"The  bill  recommends  the  retention  of  the  present  rates  of  duty 
on  earthen  and  chinaware.  No  other  industry  in  the  United  States 
either  deserves  or  requires  the  fostering  care  of  government  more  than 
this  one.  It  is  a  business  requiring  technical  and  artistic  knowledge, 
and  the  most  careful  attention  to  the  many  and  delicate  processes 
through  which  the  raw  material  must  pass  to  the  completed  product. 
For  many  years,  down  to  1683,  the  pottery  industry  of  the  United 
States  had  very  little  or  no  success,  and  made  but  slight  progress  in 
a  practical  and  commercial  way.  At  the  close  of  the  low-tariff  period 
of  i860,  there  was  but  one  pottery  in  the  United  States,  with  two 
small  kilns.  There  were  no  decorating  kilns  at  the  time.  In  1873, 
encouraged  by  the  tariff  and  the  gold  premium,  which  was  an  added 
protection,  we  had  increased  to  twenty  potteries,  with  sixty-eight  kilns, 
but  still  no  decorating  kilns.  The  capital  invested  was  $1,020,000, 
and  the  value  of  the  product  was  $1,180,000.  In  1882,  there  w^re 
fifty-five  potteries,  244  kilns,  twenty-six  decorating  kilns,  with  a  cap- 
ital invested  of  $5,076,000,  and  an  annual  product  of  $5,299,140.  The 
wages  paid  in  the  potteries  in  1882  were  $2,387,000,  and  the  number 
of  employes  engaged  therein  7,000;  the  ratio  of  wages  to  sales,  in  1882, 
was  45  per  cent.  In  1889,  there  were  eighty  potteries,  401  kilns,  and 
decorating  kilns  had  increased  from  twenty-six  in  1822,  to  188  in 
1889.  The  capital  invested  in  the  latter  year  was  $10,957,357,  the 
value  of  the  product  was  $10,389,910,  amount  paid  in  wages,  $6,265,- 
224,  and  the  number  of  employes  engaged,  16,900.  The  ratio  of  wages 
to  sales  was  60  per  cent  of  decorated  ware  and  50  per  cent  of  white 

236  Life  of  William  McKInley 

ware.  The  per  cent  of  wages  to  value  of  product,  it  will  be  observed, 
has  advanced  from  45  per  cent  in  1882,  to  60  per  cent  in  1889.  This 
increase  is  not  due,  as  might  be  supposed,  to  an  advance  in  wages, 
but  resuhs  in  a  reduction  in  the  selUng  price  of  the  product  and  the 
immense  increase  in  sales  of  decorated  ware  in  which  labor  enters  in 
greater  proportion  to  materials.  The  total  importation  for  1874  and 
1875  of  earthenware  was  to  the  value  of  $4,441,216,  and  in  1888  and 
1889  it  ran  up  to  $6,476,190.  The  American  ware  produced  in  1889 
was  valued  at  $10,389,910.  The  difference  between  the  wages  of 
labor  in  this  country  and  competing  countries  in  the  manufacture  of 
earthenware  is  fully  100  per  cent. 

"The  agricultural  condition  of  the  countrv  has  received  the  care- 
ful  attention  of  the  committee,  and  ever}^  remedy  which  was  believed 
to  be  within  the  power  of  tariff  legislation  to  give  has  been  granted 
by  this  bill.  The  depression  in  agriculture  is  not  confined  to  the 
United  States.  The  reports  of  the  agricultural  department  indicate 
that  this  distress  is  general;  that  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Germany 
are  suffering  in  a  larger  degree  tlian  the  farmers  of  the  United  States. 
Mr.  Dcdge,  statistician  of  the  department,  says,  in  his  report  of  March, 
1890,  that  the  depression  in  agriculture  in  Great  Britain  has  probably 
been  more  severe  than  that  of  any  other  nation;  which  would  indicate 
that  it  is  greater  even  in  a  country  whose  economic  system  differs  from 
ours,  and  that  this  condition  is  inseparable  from  any  fiscal  system, 
and  less  under  the  protective  than  the  revenue  tariff  system. 

"It  has  been  asserted  in  the  views  of  the  minority  that  the  duty 
put  upon  wheat  and  other  agricultural  products  would  be  of  no  value 
to  the  agriculturists  of  the  United  States.  The  committee,  believing 
differently,  has  advanced  the  duty  upon  these  products.  As  we  are 
the  greatest  wheat-producing  country  of  the  world,  it  is  habitually 
asserted  and  believed  by  many  that  this  product  is  safe  from  foreign 
competition.  We  do  not  appreciate  that  while  the  United  States  last 
year  raised  490,000,000  bushels  of  wheat,  France  raised  316,000,000 
bushels,  Italy  raised  103,000,000  bushels,  Russia  189,000,000  bushels 
and  India  243,000,000  bushels,  and  that  the  total  production  of  Asia, 
including  Asia  Minor,  Persia  and  Syria,  amounted  to  over  315,000,- 
000  bushels.  Our  sharpest  competition  comes  from  Russia  and  India, 
and  the  increased  product  of  other  nations  only  serves  to  increase  the 
world's  supply,  and  diminish  proportionately  the  demand  for  ours;  and 
if  we  will  only  reflect  on  the  difference  between  the  cost  of  labor  in 
producing  wheat  in  the  United  States  and  in  competing  countries,  we 
will  readily  perceive  how  near  we  are  to  the  danger  line,  if  indeed  we 
have  not  quite  reached  it,  so  far  even  as  our  own  markets  are  concerned. 

Our  Martyred  President  ^37 

''Professor  Goldwiii  .Smith,  a  Canadian  and  political  economist, 
speaking  of  the  Canadian  farmers  and  the  effect  of  this  bill, upon  their 
interests,  says : 

"  'They  will  be  very  much  injured  if  the  McKinley  bill  shall  be 
adopted.  The  agricultural  schedule  will  bear  very  hardly  on  the  Can- 
adian farmers  who  particularly  desire  to  find  a  market  in  the  United 
States  for  their  eggs,  their  barley  and  their  horses.  The  European  mar- 
ket is  of  little  value  to  them  for  their  horses.  If  there  shall  be  a  slow 
market  in  JEngland  all  the  profits  will  be  consumed  on  a  cargo  of  horses 
and  great  loss  will  entail.  I  do  not  see  how  the  Canadian  farmers  can 
export  their  produce  to  the  United  States  if  the  McKinley  bill  shall  be- 
come a  law.' 

"If  that  be  true,  Mr.  Chairman,  then  the  annual  exports  of  about 
$25,000,000  in  agricultural  products  will  be  supplied  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States  by  the  American  farmer  rather  than  by  the  Canadian 
farmer;  and  who  will  say  that  $25,000,000  of  additional  demand  for 
American  agricultural  products  will  not  inure  to  the  benefit  of  the 
American  farmer;  and  that  $25,000,000  distributed  among  our  own 
farmers  will  not  relieve  some  of  the  depression* now  prevailing,  and 
give  to  the  farmer  confidence  and  increased  ability  to  lift  the  mortgages 
from  his  lands? 

"The  duty  recommended  in  the  bill  is  not  alone  to  correct  this  in- 
ecjuality,  but  to  make  the  duty  on  foreign  tin  plate  high  enough  to 
insure  its  manufacture  in  this  country  to  the  extent  of  our  home  con- 
sumption. The  only  reason  we  are  not  doing  it  now  and  have  not 
been  able  to  do  it  in  the  past  is  because  of  inadecjuate  duties.  We 
have  demonstrated  our  ability  to  make  it  here  as  successfully  as  they 
do  in  Wales.  We  have  already  made  it  here.  Two  factories  were 
engaged  in  producing  tin  plate  in  the  years  1873,  1874,  and  1875,  but 
no  sooner  had  they  got  fairly  under  way  than  the  foreign  manufacturer 
reduced  his  price  to  a  point  which  made  it  impossible  for  our  manu- 
facturers to  continue.  When  our  people  embarked  in  the  business 
foreign  tin  plate  was  selling  for  $12  per  box,  and  to  crush  them  out, 
before  they  were  firmly  established,  the  price  was  brought  down  to 
$4.50  per  box;  but  it  did  not  remain  there.  When  the  fires  were  put 
out  in  the  American  mills,  and  its  manufacture  thought  by  the  for- 
eigners to  be  abandoned,  the  price  of  tin  plate  advanced,  until  in  187Q 
it  was  selling  for  v$9  and  v$io  a  box.  '  Our  people  again  tried  it,  and 
again  prices  were  depressed,  and  again  our  people  abandoned  tem- 
porarily the  enterprise,  and,  as  a  gentleman  stated  before  the  com- 
mittee, twice  they  have  lost  their  whole  investment  through  the  cem- 
bination  of  the  foreign    manufacturers  in  striking  down  the  prices,  not 

238  Life  of  William  McKinley 

for  the  benefit  of  the  consumer,  but  to  drive  our  manufacturers  from 
the  business;  and  this  would  be  followed  by  an  advance  within  six 
months  after  our  mills  were  shut  down. 

"We  propose  this  advanced  duty  to  protect  our  manufacturers  and 
consumers  against  the  British  monopoly,  in  the  belief  that  it  will 
defend  our  capital  and  labor  in  the  production  of  tin  plate  until  they 
shall  establish  an  industry  which  the  English  will  recognize  has  come 
to  stay,  and  then  competition  will  insure  regular  and  reasonable  prices 
to  consumers.  It  may  add  a  little  temporaril}^  to  the  cost  of  tin  plate 
to  the  consumer,  but  will  eventuate  in  steadier  and  more  satisfactory 
prices.  At  the  present  prices  for  foreign  tin  plate,  the  proposed  duty 
would  not  add  anything  to  the  cost  of  the  heavier  grades  of  tin  to  the 
consumer.  If  the  entire  duty  were  added  to  the  cost  of  the  can  it 
would  not  advance  it  more  than  one-third  or  one-half  of  one  cent,  for 
on  a  dozen  fruit  cans  the  addition  would  properly  only  be  about  3 

"Mr.  Chairman,  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  take  great  comfort 
in  a  quotation  which  they  make  from  Daniel  Webster.  They  have 
thought  it  so  valuable  that  they  have  put  it  in  their  minority  report. 
It  is  from  a  speech  made  by  Mr.  Webster  in  Faneuil  hall  in  1820 
when  he  condemned  the  protective  policy.  I  want  to  put  Daniel  Web- 
ster in  1846  against  Daniel  Webster  in  1820.  Listen  to  an  extract 
from  his  speech  of  July  25,  1846 — the  last  tariff  speech  and  probably 
the  most  elaborate  tariff  speech  that  he  ever  made  in  his  long  public 
career.     He  then  said : 

"  'But,  sir,  before  I  proceed  further,  I  will  take  notice  of  what 
appears  to  be  some  attempt,  latterly,  by  the  republication  of  opinions 
and  expressions,  arguments  and  speeches  of  mine,  at  an  earlier  and  a 
later  period  of  my  life,  to  place  me  in  a  position  of  inconsistency  on 
this  subject  of  the  protective  policy  of  the  country.  Mr.  President, 
if  it  be  an  inconsistency  to  hold  an  opinion  upon  a  subject  of  public 
policy  to-day  in  one  state  of  circumstances,  and  to  hold  a  different 
opinion  upon  the  same  subject  of  public  policy  to-morrow  in  a  dif- 
ferent state  of  circumstances,  if  that  be  an  inconsistency,  I  admit  its 
application  to  myself.' 

"And  then,  after  discussing  the  great  benefits  of  the  protective 
tariff,  he  added : 

"  'The  interest  of  every  laboring  community  requires  diversity  of 
occupations,  pursuits,  and  objects  of  industry.  Tlie  more  that  diversity 
is  multiplied  or  extended  the  better.  To  diversify  employment  is  to 
increase  employment  and  to  enhance  wages.  And,  sir,  take  this  great 
truth;  place  it  on  the  title  page  of  every  book  of  political  economy  in- 

Our  Martyred  President  239 

tended  for  the  use  of  the  government;  put  it  in  every  farmer's  ahiianac; 
let  it  be  the  heading  of  the  cokmm  in  every  mechanic's  magazine;  pro- 
claim it  everywhere,  and  make  it  a  proverb,  tiiat  where  there  is  work 
for  the  hands  of  men  there  will  be  work  for  their  teeth.  Where  there 
is  employment  there  will  be  bread.  It  is  a  great  blessing  to  the  poor 
to  have  cheap  food,  but  greater  than  that,  prior  to  that,  and  of  still 
higher  value,  is  the  blessing  of  being  able  to  buy  food  by  honest  and 
respectable  employment.  Employment  feeds,  and  clothes,  and  instructs. 
Employment  gives  health,  sobriety,  and  morals.  Constant  employ- 
ment and  well  paid  labor  produce  in  a  country  like  ours  general  pros- 
perity, contentment  and  cheerfulness.  Thus  happy  have  we  seen  the 
country.    Thus  happy  may  we  long  continue  to  see  it.' 

"In  this  happy  condition  we  have  seen  the  country  under  a  pro- 
tective policy.  It  is  hoped  we  may  long  continue  to  see  it,  and  if  he 
had  lived  long  enough  he  would  have  seen  the  best  vindication  of  his 
later  views.  Then  he  continued,  and  I  commend  this  especially,  in  all 
kindness  and  with  great  respect,  to  the  gentlemen  of  the  minority  of 
the  committee : 

"  'I  hope  I  know  more  of  the  constitution  of  my  country  than  1  did 
when  I  was  20  years  old. 

"  T  hope  I  have  contemplated  its  great  objects  more  broadly.  I 
hope  I  have  read  with  deeper  interest  the  sentiments  of  the  great  men 
who  framed  it.  I  hope  I  have  studied  with  more  care  the  condition 
of  the  country  when  the  convention  assembled  to  form  it.  .  .  . 
And  now,  sir,  allow  me  to  say  that  I  am  quite  indifierent,  or  rather  thank- 
ful, to  those  conductors  of  the  public  press  who  think  they  cannot  do 
better  than  now  and  then  to  spread  my  poor  opinions  before  the  public' 

"WHiat  is  the  nature  of  the  complaint  against  this  bill — that  it 
shuts  us  out  of  the  foreign  market?  No,  for  whatever  that  is  worth 
to  our  citizens  will  be  just  as  accessible  imder  this  bill  as  under  the 
present  law.  We  place  no  tax  or  burden  or  restraint  upon  American 
products  going  out  of  tlie  country.  They  are  as  free  to  seek  the  best 
markets  as  the  products  of  any  commercial  power,  and  as  free  to  go 
out  as  though  we  had  absolute  free  trade.  Statistics  show  that  pro- 
tective tariffs  have  not  interrupted  our  export  trade,  but  that  it  has 
always  steadily  and  largely  increased  under  them. 

'Tn  the  year  1843,  being  the  first  year  after  the  protective  tariff  of 
1842  went  into  operation,  our  exports  exceeded  our  imports  $40,392,- 
229,  and  in  the  following  year  they  exceeded  our  imports  $3,141,226. 
In  the  two  years  follow"ing  the  excess  of  exports  over  imports  w^as 
$15,475,000.  The  last  year  under  that  tariff  the  excess  of  exports  over 
imports  was  $34,317,249.     So  during  the  five  years  of  the  tariff  of  1842 

^40  Life  of  William  McKinley 

the  excess  of  exports  over  imports  was  $62,175,000.  Under  the  low 
tariff  of  1846,  this  was  reversed,  and,  with  the  single  exception  of  the 
year  1858,  the  imports  exceeded  the  exports  (covering  a  period  of 
fourteen  years)  $465,553'625. 

"We  have  now  enjoyed  twenty-nine  years  contmnously  of  pro- 
tective tariff  laws — the  longest  uninterrupted  period  iii  which  that 
policy  has  prevailed  since  the  formation  of  the  federal  government— 
and  we  find  ourselves  at  the  end  of  that  period  in  a  condition  of  inde- 
pendence and  prosperity  the  like  of  which  has  never  been  witnessed 
at  any  other  period  in  the  history  of  our  country,  and  the  like  of  which 
has  no  parallel  in  the  recorded  history  of  the  world.  In  all  that  goes 
to  make  a  nation  great  and  strong  and  independent  we  have  made 
extraordinary  strides.  In  arts,  in  science,  in  literature,  in  manufactures, 
in  invention,  in  scientific  principles  applied  to  manufacture  and  agri- 
culture, in  wealth  and  credit  and  national  honor  we  are  at  the  very 
front,  abreast  with  the  best,  and  behind  none. 

"In  i860,  after  fourteen  years  of  a  revenue  tariff,  just  the  kind  of 
a  tariff  that. our  political  adversaries  are  advocating  to-day,  the  busi- 
ness of  the  country  was  prostrated,  agriculture  was  deplorably  de- 
pressed, manufacturing  w^as  on  the  decline,  and  the  poverty  of  the  gov- 
ernment itself  made  this  nation  a  byword  in  the  financial  centers  of 
the  world.  We  neither  had  money  nor  credit.  Both  are  essential;  a 
nation  can  get  on  if  it  has  abundant  revenues,  but  if  it  has  none  it 
must  have  credit.  We  had  neither,  as  the  legacy  of  the  Democratic 
revenue  tariff.  We  have  both  now.  We  have  a  surplus  revenue  and 
a  spotless  credit.  I  need  not  state  what  is  so  fresh  in  our  minds,  so 
recent  in  our  history  as  to  be  known  to  every  gentleman  who  hears 
me,  that  from  the  inauguration  of  the  protective  tariff  laws  of  1861, 
the  old  Morrill  tariff — which  has  brought  to  that  veteran  statesman 
the  highest  honor,  and  will  give  to  him  his  proudest  monument — this 
condition  changed.  Confidence  was  restored,  courage  was  inspired, 
the  government  started  upon  a  progressive  era  under  a  system  thor- 
oughly American. 

"With  a  great  war  on  our  hands,  with  an  army  to  enlist  and  pre- 
pare for  service,  with  untold  millions  of  money  to  supply,  the  pro- 
tective tariff  never  failed  us  in  a  single  emergency,  and  while  money 
was  flowing  into  our  treasury  to  save  the  government,  industries  were 
springing  up  all  over  the  land — the  foundation  and  cornerstone  of 
our  prosperity  and  glory.  With  a  debt  of  over  $2,750,000,000  when 
the  war  terminated,  holding  on  to  our  protective  laws,  against  Dem- 
ocratic opposition,  we  have  reduced  that  debt  at  an  average  rate  of 
more  than  $62,000,000  each  year,  $174,000  every  twenty-four  hours 



Our  Martyred  President  241 

for  the  last  twenty-five  years,  and  what  looked  to  be  a  burden  almost 
mipossible  to  bear  has  been  removed,  under  the  Republican  fiscal  sys- 
tem, until  now  it  is  less  than  $1,000,000,000,  and  with  the  payment  of 
this  vast  sum  of  money  the  nation  has  not  been  impoverished.  The 
individual  citizen  has  not  been  burdened  or  bankrupted.  National 
and  individual  prosperity  have  gone  steadily  on,  until  our  wealth  is  so 
great  as  to  be  almost  incomprehensible  when  put  into  figures. 

"First,  then,  to  retain  our  own  market,  under  the  democratic  sys- 
tem of  raising  revenue  by  removing  all  protection,  would  require  our 
producers  to  sell  at  as  low  a  price  and  upon  as  favorable  terms  as  our 
foreign  competitors.  How  could  that  be  done?  In  one  way  only — • 
by  producing  as  cheaply  as  those  who  would  seek  our  markets.  What 
would  that  entail?  An  entire  revolution  in  the  methods  and  condi- 
tion and  conduct  of  business  here,  a  leveling  down  through  every  chan- 
nel to  the  lowest  line  of  our  competitors;  our  habits  of  living  would 
have  to  be  changed,  our  wages  cut  down  50  per  cent  more,  our  com- 
fortable homes  exchanged  for  hovels,  our  independence  yielded  up, 
our  citizenship  demoralized.  These  are  conditions  inseparable  to  free 
trade;  these  would  be  necessary  if  we  would  command  our  own  mar- 
ket among  our  own  people;  and  if  we  would  invade  the  world's  mar- 
kets, harsher  conditions  and  greater  sacrifices  w^ould  be  demanded  of 
the  masses.  Talk  about  depression — we  would  then  have  it  in  its  ful- 
ness. We  would  revel  in  unrestrained  trade.  Everything  would,  in- 
deed, be  cheap,  but  how  costly  when  measured  by  the  degradation 
which  would  ensue!  When  merchandise  is  the  clieapest,  men  are  the 
poorest,  and  the  most  distressing  experiences  in  the  history  of  our 
country — ay,  in  all  human  history — have  been  when  everything  was 
the  lowest  and  cheapest,  measured  by  gold,  for  everything  was  the 
highest  and  the  dearest,  measured  by  labor.  We  want  no  return  of 
cheap  times  in  our  own  country.  We  have  no  wish  to  adopt  the  con- 
ditions of  other  nations.  Experience  has  demonstrated  that  for  us  and 
ours,  and  for  the  present  and  the  future,  the  protective  system  meets 
our  wants,  our  conditions,  promotes  the  national  design,  and  will  work 
out  our  destiny  better  than  any  other. 

"With  me,  this  position  is  a  deep  conviction,  not  a  theory.  I  be- 
lieve in  it  and  thus  warmly  advocate  it  because  enveloped  in  it  are  my 
country's  highest  development  and  greatest  prosperity;  out  of  it  come 
the  greatest  gains  to  the  people,  the  greatest  comforts  to  the  masses, 
the  widest  encouragement  for  manly  aspirations,  with  the  largest  re- 
wards, dignifying  and  elevating  oitr  citizenship,  upon  which  the  safety, 
and  purity,  and  permanency  of  our  political  system  depend." — House 
of  Representatives,  May  7,  i8po. 


242  Life  of  William  McKinley 


"Our  black  allies  must  neither  be  deserted  nor  forsaken.  Every 
right  secured  them  by  the  constitution  must  be  as  surely  given  to 
them  as  though  God  had  put  upon  their  faces  the  color  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  race.  They  fought  for  the  flag  in  the  war,  and  that  flag,  with 
all  it  represents  and  stands  for,  must  secure  them  every  constitutional 
right  in  peace.  At  Baton  Rouge,  the  first  regiment  of  the  Black  bri- 
gade, before  starting  for  Port  Hudson,  received  at  the  hands  of  its 
white  colonel — Colonel  Stafford — its  regimental  colors  in  a  speech  from 
the  colonel,  which  ended  with  this  injunction: 

"  'Color-bearer,  guard,  defend,  protect,  die  for,  but  do  not  surrender, 
these  colors.' 

"To  which  the  sergeant  replied — and  he  was  as  black  as  my  coat : 

"  'Colonel,  I'll  return  those  flags  to  you  in  honor,  or  I'll  report  to 
God  the  reason  why.' 

"He  fell  mortally  wounded,  in  one  of  the  desperate  charges  in  front 
of  Port  Hudson,  with  his  face  to  the  enemy,  with  those  colors  in  his 
clenched  fist  pressed  upon  his  breast.  He  did  not  return  the  colors,  but 
God  above  him  knew  the  reason  why. 

"Against  those  who  fought  on  the  other  side  in  that  great  conflict 
we  have  no  resentment;  for  them  we  have  no  bitterness.  We  would 
impose  upon  them  no  punishment ;  we  would  inflict  upon  them  no  in- 
dignity. They  are  our  brothers.  We  would  save  them  even  from 
humiliation.  But  I  wnll  tell  you  what  we  insist  upon,  and  we  will  insist 
upon  it  until  it  is  secured — that  the  settlement  made  between  Grant 
and  Lee  at  Appomattox,  which  was  afterward  embodied  in  the  consti- 
tution of  the  United  States,  shall  be  obeyed  and  respected  in  every  part 
of  this  Union.  More  we  have  never  asked,  less  we  will  not  have." — 
Nezv  York,  "The  American  J^oluntccr  Soldier,"  May  jo,  188^. 


"The  ideals  of  yesterday  are  the  truths  of  to-day.  What  we  hope 
for  and  aspire  to  now  we  will  realize  in  the  future  if  we  are  prudent 
and  careful.  If  right  is  on  our  side,  and  we  pursue  resolute  but  orderly 
methods  to  secure  our  end,  it  is  sure  to  come.  There  is  no  better  way 
of  securing  what  we  want,  and  what  we  believe  is  best  for  us  and  those 
for  whom  we  have  a  care,  than  the  old  way  of  striving  earnestly  and 
honestly  for  it.  The  labor  of  the  country  constitutes  its  strength  and 
its  wealth,  and  the  better  that  labor  is  conditioned,  the  higher  its 
rewards,  the  wider  its  opportunities,  and  the  greater  its  comforts  and 
refinements,  the  better  will  be  our  civilization,  the  more  sacred  will  be 


Our  Martyred  President  243 

our  homes,  the  more  capable  our  children,  and  the  nobler  will  be  tlie 
destiny  which  awaits  us.  We  can  only  walk  in  the  path  of  right,  reso- 
lutely insisting  on  the  right,  always  being  sure  at  the  same  time  that 
we  are  right  ourselves,  and  time  will  bring  the  victories.  To  labor 
is  accorded  its  full  share  of  the  advantages  of  a  government  like  ours. 
None  more  than  the  laborers  enjoy  the  benefits  and  blessings  which  our 
free  institutions  make.  This  country  differs  in  many  and  essential 
respects  from  other  countries,  and,  as  is  often  said,  it  is  just  this  dif- 
ference which  makes  us  the  best  of  all.  It  is  the  difference  between 
our  political  equality  and  the  caste  conditions  of  other  nations  which 
elevates  and  enlightens  the  American  laborer,  and  inspires  within  him 
a  feeling  of  pride  and  manhood.  It  is  the  difference  in  recompense 
received  by  him  for  his  labor  and  that  received  by  the  foreigner  which 
enables  him  to  acquire  for  himself  and  his  a  cheery  home 
and  the  comforts  of  life.  It  is  the  difference  between  our 
educational  facilities  and  the  less  liberal  opportunities  for  learning  in 
other  lands  which  vouchsafes  to  him  the  priceless  privilege  of  rearing 
a  happy,  intelligent,  and  God-fearing  family.  The  great  Matthew 
Arnold  has  truly  said,  'America  holds  the  future.'  It  is  in  commemo- 
ration of  the  achievements  of  labor  in  the  past  that  Labor  day  was 
established.  It  was  eminently  fitting  that  the  people  should  turn  aside 
on  one  day  of  the  year  from  their  usual  vocation  and  rejoice  together 
over  the  unequaled  prosperity  that  has  been  vouchsafed"  to  them.  The 
triumplis  of  American  labor  cannot  easily  be  recited  nor  Its  trophies 
enumerated.  But,  great  as  they  have  been  in  the  past,  I  am  fully  con- 
vinced that  there  are  richer  rewards  in  store  for  labor  in  the  future." — 
Cincinnati,  O.,  Sept.  i,  iSpi. 


■  ^  ''Mr.  Speaker: — I  am  in  favor  of  this  bill.  It  has  been  said  that 
it  is  a  bill  to  limit  the  opportunity  of  the  workingman  to  gain  a  live- 
lihood. This  is  not  true;  it  will  have  the  opposite  effect.  So  far  as 
the  government  of  the  United  States  as  an  employer  is  concerned, 
in  the  limitation  for  a  day's  work  provided  in  this  bill  to  eight  hours, 
instead  of  putting  any  limitation  upon  the  opportunity  of  the  Amer- 
ican freeman  to  earn  a  living,  it  increases  and  enlarges  his  opportunity. 
Eight  hours  under  the  laws  of  the  United  States  constitute  a  day's 
work.  That  law  has  been  on  our  statute  books  for  twenty-two  years. 
In  all  these  years  it  has  been  'the  word  of  promise  to  the  ear,'  but  by 
the  government  of  the  United  States  it  has  been  'broken  to  the  hope.' 
the  government  and  its  officials  should  be  swift  to  execute  and  enforce 

244  Li^^  ^^  Wiiliam  McKinley 

its  own  laws;  failure  in  this  particular  is  most  reprehensible.  Now, 
it  must  be  remembered  that  when  we  constitute  eight  hours  a  day's 
•work,  instead  of  ten  hours,  every  four  days  give  an  additional  day's 
work  to  some  workingman  who  may  not  have  any  employment  at 
all.  It  is  one  more  day's  work,  one  more  day's  wages,  one  more  oppor- 
tunity for  work  and  wages,  an  increased  demand  for  labor.  I  am  in 
favor  of  this  bill  as  it  is  amended  by  the  motion  of  the  gentleman 
from  Maryland.  It  applies  now  only  to  the  labor  of  men's  hands. 
It  applies  only  to  their  work.  It  does  not  apply  to  material,  it  does 
not  apply  to  transportation.  It  only  applies  to  the  actual  labor,  skilled 
or  unskilled,  employed  on  public  works  and  in  the  execution  of  the  con- 
tracts of  the  government.  And  the  government  of  the  United  States* 
ought,  finally  and  in  good  faith,  to  set  this  example  of  eight  hours 
as  constituting  a  day's  work  required  of  laboring  men  in  the  service 
of  the  United  States.  The  tendency  of  the  times  the  world  over  is 
for  shorter  hours  for  labor,  shorter  hours  in  the  interest  of  health, 
shorter  hours  in  the  interest  of  humanity,  shorter  hours  in  the 
interest  of  the  home  and  the  family;  and  the  United  States 
can  do  no  better  service  to  labor  and  to  its  own  citizens  than 
to  set  the  example  to  states,  to  corporations  and  to  individuals  employ- 
ing men  by  declaring  that,  so  far  as  the  government  is  concerned, 
eight  hours  shall  constitute  a  day's  work,  and  be  all  that  is  required  of 
its  laboring  force.  This  bill  should  be  passed.  My  colleague,  Mr. 
Morey,  has  stated  what  we  owe  the  family  in  this  connection,  and 
Cardinal  Manning,  in  a  recent  article,  spoke  noble  words  on  the  general 
subject  when  he  said: 

"  'But  if  the  domestic  life  of  the  people  be  vital  above  all,  if  the 
peace,  the  purity  of  homes,  the  education  of  children,  the  duties  of 
wives  and  mothers,  the  duties  of  husbands  and  of  fathers  be  written  j 
in  the  natural  law  of  mankind,  and  if  these  things  are  sacred,  far  be-  i 
yond  anything  that  can  be  sold  in  the  market,  then  I  say,  if  the  hours 
of  labor  resulting  from  the  unregulated  sale  of  a  man's  strength  and 
skill  shall  lead  to  the  destruction  of  domestic  life,  to  the  neglect  of 
children,  to  turning  wives  and  mothers  into  living  machines,  and  of 
fathers  and  husbands  into — what  shall  I  say,  creatures  of  burden? — 
I  will  not  say  any  other  w^ord — who  rise  up  before  the  sun,  and  come 
back  when  it  is  set,  wearied  and  able  only  to  take  food  and  lie  down  to 
rest,  the  domestic  life  of  men  exists  no  longer,  and  w^e  dare  not  go  on 
in  this  path.' 

"We  owe  something  to  the  care,  the  elevation,  the  dignity,  and  the 
education  of  labor.  We  owe  something  to  the  workingmen  and  the 
families  of  the  workingmen  throughout  the  United  States,  who  con- 

Our  Martyred  President  245 

stitute  the  large  body  of  our  population,  and  this  bill  is  a  step  in  the 
right  direction." — House  of  Representatives,  August  28,  i8po. 


"Mr.  President,  Members  of  the  Faculty  and  Students  of  the  Ohio 
State  University,  and  Fellozv  Citizens: — The  Prussian  maxim,  'What- 
ever you  would  have  appear  in  the  life  of  a  nation,  you  must  put  into 
your  schools,'  I  would  amend:  'What  you  would  have  appear  in  the 
life  of  a  nation,  you  must  put  into  your  homes  and  schools.'  The  be- 
ginning of  education  is  in  the  home,  and  the  great  advantage  of  the 
American  system  of  instruction  is  largely  due  to  the  elevated  influences 
of  the  happy  and  prosperous  homes  of  our  people.  There  is  the  foun- 
dation, and  a  most  important  part  of  education.  If  the  home  life  be 
pure,  sincere,  and  good,  the  child  is  usually  well  prepared  to  receive  all 
the  advantages  and  inspirations  of  more  advanced  education.  The 
American  home,  where  honesty,  sobriety,  and  truth  preside,  and  tlie 
simple  every-day  virtues  are  practised,  is  the  nursery  of  true  education. 
Out  of  such  homes  usually  come  the  men  and  women  who  make  our 
citizenship  pure  and  elevating,  and  the  state  and  nation  strong  and 

'Tt  is  unfortunate  that  the  great  National  University  which  Wash- 
ington so  strenuously  advocated  was  not  long  ago  established,  with 
an  endowment  commensurate  with  the  dignity  and  importance  of  our 
government,  to  which  all  the  universities  of  all  the  states  would  be 
auxiliary  institutions  and  tributary  in  the  same  degree  that  our  public 
schools  are  becoming  more  and  more  training  schools  for  the  state 
universities.  To  my  mind  the  need  of  such  a  university  is  as  essential 
today  for  the  welfare  of  the  republic  as  the  most  enlightened  and  pro- 
gressive nation  of  the  world  as  it  was  in  the  days  of  our  first  greatest 
president.  His  great  character  and  broad  comprehension  not  only  domi- 
nated the  age  in  which  he  lived,  but  his  advice  may  yet  be  followed  to 
the  great  ad\-antage  of  the  youth  of  this  and  future  ages. 

"In  tlie  limitations  of  an  address  of  this  character,  it  is  impossible 
to  do  more  than  allude  to  the  great  work  of  the  states  of  the  Union, 
in  their  independent  relations,  in  behalf  of  education.  It  has  surpassed 
even  the  high  standard  of  the  nation.  Two  items  may  be  given  in 
illustration :  The  t'^tal  expenditures  of  the  country  in  support  of  the 
common  schools  in  1870  were  $63,300,000;  in  1880,  $78,100,000;  and 
in  1890,  $140,370,000,  an  average  increase  of  nearly  $4,000,000  per 
annum.  The  value  of  school  property  has  also  greatly  increased.  In 
1870  it  was  $130,380,000;  in  1880,  $209,571,000;  and  in  1890,  $342,- 

246  Life  of  William  McKinley 

876,000,  an  average  increase  per  year  of  $10,000,000  for  the  whole 

"In  addition  to  this  great  outlay  by  the  nation  and  the  states,  Amer- 
ica has  just  reason  to  be  proud  of  the  private  benefactions  which  her 
philanthropic  citizens  are  constantly  making  to  her  colleges  and  univer- 
sities. In  the  founding  of  public  libraries  and  in  aid  of  the  higher 
schools  from  1871  to  1891  the  amount  of  these  gifts  exceeded  $80,000,- 
000,  or  more  than  $4,000,000  a  year.  I  have  been  pleased  to  observe 
that  this  great  University  has  not  been  neglected  in  this  regard.  The 
wise  beneficence  of  the  late  Hon.  Henry  F.  Page,  of  Circleville,  the 
widow  of  the  late  Hon.  Henry  C.  Noble,  and,  more  recently,  of  the 
Hon.  Emerson  jMcMillin,  of  Columbus,  are  examples  worthy  of  emula- 
tion by  those  who  have  been  favored  by  fortune.  Surely  accumulated 
wealth  can  find  no  object  so  deserving  and  so  far-reaching  in  its  benefits. 

"But  what  has  been  the  result  of  this  unparalleled  expenditure  and 
munificence?  We  behold,  first,  the  most  satisfactory  progress  in  the 
public  schools,  whose  enrollment  has  now  reached  13,203,877  pupils, 
or  twenty-three  per  cent  of  our  entire  population,  a  greater  percentage 
than  that  of  any  other  nation  in  the  world.  The  people  were  never 
more  willing  to  pour  out  their  treasure  for  the  support  of  these  schools. 
The  annual  expenditure  in  the  United  States  compared  with  other  coun- 
tries shows  how  near  they  are  to  the  hearts  of  the  people.  The  expendi- 
ture in  Italy  is  $7,000,000,  or  twenty-five  cents  per  capita;  in  Austria, 
$12,000,000,  or  thirty  cents  per  capita;  in  Germany,  $26,000,000,  or 
fifty  cents  per  capita;  in  France,  $31,000,000,  or  eighty  cents  per 
capita;  in  Great  Britain  $48,000,000,  or  $1.30  per  capita;  in  the  United 
States,  in  1892,  $156,000,000,  or  $2.40  per  capita.  Our  census  returns 
of  1890  show  that  eighty-se\-en  per  cent  of  our  total  population  over 
ten  years  of  age  can  read  and  write.  'In  the  history  of  the  human  race,' 
says  Mulhall,  the  English  statistician,  'no  nation  ever  before  possessed 
41,000,000  instructed  citizens.' 

"But,  Mr.  President,  we  must  not  forget  that  the  whole  aim  and 
object  of  education  is  to  elevate  the  standard  of  citizenship.  The  up- 
lifting of  our  schools  will  undoubtedly  result  in  a  higher  and  better  tone 
in  business  and  professional  life.  Old  methods  and  standards  may  be 
good,  but  they  must  advance  with  the  new^  problems  and  needs  of  the 
age.  The  collegiate  methods  of  the  Eighteenth  Century  will  not  suf- 
fice for  the  Twentieth,  any  more  than  the  packhorse  could  meet  the 
demands  of  the  great  freight  trafific  of  today.  This  age  demands  an 
education  which,  while  not  depreciating  in  any  degree  the  inestimable 
advantages  of  high  intellectual  culture,  shall  best  fit  the  man  and  woman 
for  his  or  her  calling,  whatever  it  may  be.     In  this  the  moral  element 

Our  Martyred  President  247 

must  not  be  omitted.  Character — Christian  character — is  the  founda- 
tion upon  which  we  must  build  if  our  institutions  are  to  endure.  Our 
obhgations  for  the  splendid  advantages  we  enjoy  should  not  rest  upon 
us  too  lightly.  We  owe  to  our  country  much.  We  must  give  in  return 
for  these  matchless  educational  opportunities  the  best  results  in  our 
lives.  We  must  make  our  citizenship  worthy  the  great  Republic,  intelli- 
gent, patriotic,  and  self-sacrificing,  or  our  institutions  will  fail  of  their 
high  purpose,  and  our  civilization  will  inevitably  decline.  Our  hope  is 
in  the  public  schools  and  in  the  university.  Let  us  fervently  pray  that 
they  may  always  be  generously  supported,  and  that  those  who  go  out 
from  these  halls  will  be  themselves  the  best  witnesses  of  their  force  and 
virtue  in  popular  government." — Columbus,  Ohio,  June  12,  18^5. 


''Mr.  President,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: — I  am  very  glad  to  join 
with  the  citizens  of  Youngstown  in  celebrating  the  completion  of  this 
beautiful  building,  dedicated  to  the  young  men  for  physical,  moral, 
and  religious  training.  1  congratulate  the  young  men  upon  their  good 
fortune  and  unite  with  them  in  gratitude  to  the  generous,  public-spirited 
people  through  whose  efforts  this  Christian  home  has  been  established. 
It  will  stand  a  monument  to  your  city  and  an  honor  to  those  who  have 
shared  in  its  erection.  It  will  be  an  auxiliarv  to  all  moral  and  relie- 
ious  effort.  It  will  be  the  vestibule  to  the  Church,  and  the  gateway 
to  a  higher  and  better  Christian  life.  It  will  not  take  the  place  of  the 
Church,  and  other  agencies  for  good,  but  it  will  supplement  and  strengthen 
them  all. 

"It  is  a  good  omen  for  our  civilization  and  country  when  these 
Associations  can  be  successfully  planted  as  a  part  of  the  system  of  per- 
manent education  for  the  improvement  and  elevation  of  the  masses; 
it  is  another  step  upward  and  onward  to  a  higher  and  grander  Christian 
civilization.  It  is  another  recognition  of  the  Master  who  rules  over  all,  a 
worthy  tribute  to  Him,  who  came  on  earth  to  save  fallen  man  and  lead 
him  to  a  higher  plane.  It  is  an  expression  of  your  faith  in  an  overruling 
Providence,  and  strengthens  the  faith  of  every  believer.  You  have  been 
made  better  by  the  gifts  you  have  bestowed  upon  this  now  completed 
undertaking ;  you  have  the  approval  of  not  only  your  own  consciences,  but 
you  have  the  gratitude  of  the  present  generation,  and  you  will  have, 
in  all  time  to  come,  the  blessings  of  those  who  are  to  be  the  future 
beneficiaries  of  this  institution.  Respect  for  true  religion  and  righteous 
living  is  on  the  iiicrease.  Men  no  longer  feel  constrained  to  conceal 
their  faith  to  avoid  derision.     The  religious  believer  commands  and  re- 

248  Life  of  William  McKinley 

ceives  the  highest  consideration  at  the  hands  of  his  neighbors  and 
countrymen,  however  much  they  may  disagree  with  him;  and  when  his 
Hfe  is  made  to  conform  to  his  rehgious  professions,  his  influence  is 
almost  without  limitation,  widespread  and  far-reaching. 

"No  man  gets  on  so  well  in  this  world  as  he  whose  daily  walk 
and  conversation  are  clean  and  consistent,  whose  heart  is  pure  and  whose 
life  is  honorable.  A  religious  spirit  helps  every  man.  It  is  at  once  a 
comfort  and  an  inspiration,  and  makes  him  stronger,  wiser,  and  better 
in  every  relation  of  life.  There  is  no  substitute  for  it.  It  may  be 
assailed  by  its  enemies,  as  it  has  been,  but  they  offer  nothing  in  its  place. 
It  has  stood  the  test  of  centuries,  and  has  never  failed  to  help  and  bless 
mankind.  It  is  stronger  today  than  at  any  previous  period  of  its  his- 
tory, and  every  event  like  this  you  celebrate  increases  its  permanency 
and  power.  The  world  has  use  for  the  young  man  who  is  well  grounded 
in  principle,  who  has  reverence  for  truth  and  religion,  and  courageously 
follows  their  teachings.  Employment  awaits  his  coming,  and  honor 
crowns  his  path.  More  than  all  this.,  conscious  of  rectitude,  he  meets 
the  cares  of  life  with  courage;  the  duties  which  confront  him  he  dis- 
charges with  manly  honesty.  These  Associations  elevate  and  purify 
our  citizenship,  and  establish  more  firmly  the  foundations  of  our  free 
institutions.  The  men  who  established  this  government  had  faith  in 
God  and  sublimely  trusted  in  Him.  They  besought  His  counsel  and 
advice  in  every  step  of  their  progress.  And  so  it  has  been  ever  since; 
American  history  abounds  in  instances  of  this  trait  of  piety,  this  sin- 
cere reliance  on  a  Higher  Power  in  all  great  trials  in  our  national  affairs. 
Our  rulers  may  not  always  be  observers  of  the  outward  forms  of  re- 
ligion, but  we  have  never  had  a  president,  from  Washington  to  Harri- 
son, who  publicly  avowed  infidelity,  or  scoffed  at  the  faith  of  the  masses 
of  our  people. 

"It  is  told  of  Lincoln  that  he  once  called  upon  General  Sickles,  who 
had  just  been  brought  from  the  field  to  Washington  City,  having  lost 
a  leg  in  one  of  the  charges  at  Gettysburg.  His  call  was  one  of  sym- 
pathy, and,  after  he  had  inquired  into  every  detail  of  that  great  and 
crucial  battle.  General  Sickles  said  to  him : 

"  'Mr.  Lincoln,  what  did  you  think  of  Gettysburg  ?  Were  you  much 
concerned  about  it?' 

"Lincoln  replied,  *I  thought  very  little  about  Gettysburg,  and  I  had 
no  concern  about  it.' 

"The  general  expressed  great  surprise,  and  said  that  he  had  under- 
stood that  the  capital  was  in  a  great  panic  as  to  the  outcome,  and  asked : 

"  'Why  were  you  not  concerned  about  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  ?' 

"  'Well,'  replied  the  simple-minded  Lincoln.  'I  will  tell  you,  if  you 

Our  Martyred  President  249 

will  not  tell  anybody  about  it.  Before  the  battle  I  went  into  my  room 
at  the  White  House,  I  knelt  on  my  knees,  and  I  prayed  to  God  as  I 
had  never  prayed  to  Him  before,  and  I  told  Him  if  He  would  stand 
by  us  at  Gettysburg  I  would  stand  by  Him;  and  He  did,  and  I  shall. 
And  when  I  arose  from  my  knees  I  imagined  I  saw  a  spirit  that  told  me 
I  need  not  trouble  about  Gettysburg.' 

''May  this  institution  meet  the  fullest  expectations  of  its  founders 
and  projectors,  and  prove  a  mighty  force  in  the  well-being  of  the  com- 
munity! Interested  as  I  am  in  every  department  of  work  in  our  state, 
I  can  not  avoid  especial  and  peculiar  interest  in  anything  which  bene- 
fits the  Mahoning  Valley,  the  place  where  I  was  born,  and  where  I 
spent  my  younger  manhood,  and  arbund  which  cling  tender  and  affec- 
tionate memories  that  can  never  be  effaced.  I  am  glad  to  share  this 
day  with  you,  to  participate  in  these  exercises  which  open  the  doors  of 
this  building  to  the  young  men  of  this  valley,  consecrated  to  honorable 
uses,  and  for  their  lasting  good.  I  wish  you  prosperity  in  your  work- 
shops, love  in  your  homes,  and  bid  you  Godspeed  in  this  laudable  work." 
— Dedication  of  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Building,  Yoimgstown,  0.,  Sept.  6,  18^2, 


"It  is  loudly  proclaimed  through  the  democratic  press  that  prosperity 
has  come.  I  sincerely  hope  that  it  has.  Whatever  prosperity  we  have 
has  been  a  long  time  coming,  and  after  nearly  three  years  of  business 
depression,  a  ruinous  panic  and  a  painful  and  widespread  suffering 
among  the  people.  I  pray  that  we  may  be  at  the  dawn  of  better  times 
and  of  enduring  prosperity.  I  have  believed  it  would  come,  in  some 
measure,  with  every  successive  republican  victory.  I  have  urged  for 
two  years  past  that  the  election  of  a  republican  congress  would  strip 
the  democratic  party  of  power  to  further  cripple  the  enterprises  of  the 
country,  and  would  be  the  beginning  of  a  return  of  confidence,  and  that 
general  and  permanent  prosperity  could  only  come  when  the  democratic 
party  was  voted  out  of  power  in  every  branch  of  the  national  government, 
and  the  republican  party  voted  in,  pledged  to  repeal  their  destructive 
and  un-American  legislation,  wdiich  has  so  seriously  impaired  the  pros- 
perity of  the  people  and  the  revenues  and  credit  of  the  government. 

"It  is  a  most  significant  fact,  however,  that  the  activity  in  business  we 
have  now  is  chiefly  confined  to  those  branches  of  industry  which  the 
democratic  party  was  forced  to  leave  with  some  protection,  notably,  iron 
and  steel.  There  is  no  substantial  improvement  in  those  branches  of 
domestic  industry  where  the  lower  duties  or  no  duties  on  the  democratic 
tariff  have  sharpened  and  increased  foreign  competition.     These  Indus- 

250  Life  of  William  McKinley 

tries  are  still  lifeless,  and  if  not  lifeless,  are  unsatisfactory  and  unprofit- 
able, both  to  capital  and  laB'or. 

"There  is  a  studied  effort  in  certain  quarters  to  show  that  the  apparent 
prosperity  throughout  the  country  is  the  result  of  democratic  tariff 
legislation.  I  do  not  think  that  those  who  assert  this,  honestly  and 
sincerely  believe  it.  It  is  worth  remembering,  and  can  never  be  forgotten, 
that  there  was  no  revival  of  business,  no  return  of  confidence  or  gleam 
of  hope  in  business  circles,  until  the  elections  of  1894,  which,  by  unprece- 
dented majorities,  gave  the  popular  branch  of  congress  to  the  republican 
party,  and  took  away  from  the  democratic  party  the  power  to  do  further 
harm  to  the  industries  of  the  country  and  the  occupations  of  the  people. 
This  was  the  aim,  meaning  and  purpose  of  that  vote.  With  the  near 
and  certain  return  of  the  republican  party  to  full  possession  of  power 
in  the  United  States,  comes  naturally  and  logically  increased  faith  in 
the  country  and  assurance  to  business  men  that,  for  years  to  come,  they 
will  have  rest  and  relief  from  democratic  incompetency  in  the  manage- 
ment of  the  industrial  and  financial  affairs  of  the  government.  Whatever 
prosperity  we  are  having  (and  just  how  much  nobody  seems  to  know), 
and  with  all  hoping  for  the  best,  and  hoping  that  it  may  stay  and  increase, 
and  yet  all  breathless  with  suspense,  is  in  spite  of  democratic  legislation, 
and  not  because  of  it. 

"The  republican  party  never  conceals  its  purposes.  They  are  an  open 
book  to  be  read  by  every  man.  The  whole  world  knows  them;  it  has 
embodied  them  in  law,  and  executed  them  in  administration  almost  unin- 
terruptedly since  the  4th  of  March,  1861.  It  has  bravely  met  every 
emergency  in  all  those  trying  years,  and  has  been  adequate  to  every 
public  obligation  and  public  duty.  It  is  dedicated  to  the  people ;  it  stands 
for  the  United  States;  it  believes  that  this  government  should  be  run 
by  ourselves  and  for  ourselves ;  its  simple  code  is  home  and  country ;  its 
central  idea  is  the  well-being  of  the  people  and  all  the  people;  it  has  no 
aim  which  does  not  take  into  account  the  honor  of  the  government  and 
the  material  and  intellectual  well-being  and  happiness  of  the  people.  We 
can  do  no  better  than  to  stick  to  the  old  party — indeed,  we  can  not  do  so 
well  as  to  stick  to  the  old  party  which  guided  the  republic  for  a  third 
of  a  century  in  safety  and  honor;  which  gave  the  country  adequate 
revenue,  and,  while  doing  that,  gave  capital  profitable  investment  and 
labor  comfortable  wages  and  steady  employment;  which  guarded  every 
American  interest  at  home  and  abroad  with  zealous  care;  which  never 
lowered  the  flag  of  our  country,  but  whose  business  has  ever  been  to  exalt 
it,  and  whose  principles,  the  application  of  which  has  made  us  a  nation 
of  happy  homes,  of  independent  and  prospeious  free-men." — Spring^field, 
Ohio,  Sept.  JO,  1895. 

Our  Martyred  President  2Ci 


"Every  anniversary,  national  or  local,  properly  observed,  is  a  positive 
good.  It  emphasizes  the  ties  of  home  and  country.  It  appeals  to  our 
better  aspirations  and  incites  us  to  higher  and  nobler  aims." — Youngs- 
loivn,  Ohio,  Sept.  14,  188/. 

"The  admonition  of  Lincoln — to  'care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne 
the  battle  and  for  his  widow  and  his  orphan' — will  never  be  forgotten 
or  neglected  so  long  as  the  republican  party  holds  the  reins  of  power. 
Full  justice  will  always  be  done  to  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  Union." 
— At  Orrville,  Ohio,  Aug.  26,  i8go. 

"There  is  not  a  volunteer  soldier  before  me,  there  is  not  a  volunteer 
of  the  republic  anywhere,  who  would  exchange  his  honorable  record  in 
behalf  of  freedom  and  mankind,  in  behalf  of  the  freest  and  best  govern- 
ment on  the  face  of  the  earth,  for  any  money  consideration.  His  patriot- 
ism is  above  price.  It  can  not  be  bought.  It  is  not  merchandise  for 
barter.  It  is  not  in  the  market.  I  thank  God  there  are  some  things  that 
money  cannot  buy,  and  patriotism  is  one  of  them." — Canton,  Ohio,  May 
30,  ipoi. 


William  McKinley's  Masterpieces  of  Eloquence. 



"This  day  has  been  given  to  the  dead,  but  its  lessons  are  intended  for 
the  living.  It  has  been  the  occasion  for  a  generous  manifestation  on  the 
part  of  the  people  of  their  gratitude  to  the  men  who  saved  the  country  in 
war.  But  its  true  intent  will  have  been  lost  if  it  has  failed  to  inspire 
in  all  our  hearts  a  deeper  sentiment  of  patriotism  and  a  stronger  attach- 
ment to  those  great  ideas  for  which  these  men  gave  their  lives.  It  is  an 
impressive  fact  to  contemplate  that  today  millions  of  our  fellow  citizens 
from  every  part  of  the  country  have  abandoned  all  thoughts  of  business, 
and  turned  their  footsteps  to  the  places  wdiere  sleep  our  heroic  dead,  that 
they  may  with  loving  hands  and  grateful  hearts  pay  tender  tribute  to 
their  virtues  and  their  valor.  This  consecration  day  is  a  popular  demon- 
stration of  affection  for  the  patriotic  dead  and  bears  unmistakable  evi- 
dence that  patriotism  in  the  United  States  has  not  declined  or  abated. 

"There  was  nothing  personally  attractive  about  any  of  the  features 
of  enlistment  in  the  War  of  the  Rebellion.  It  was  business  of  the  most 
serious  sort.  Every  soldier  took  a  dreadful  chance.  His  offering  was 
nothing  short  of  his  own  life-blood  if  required.  These,  however,  seemed 
insignificant  in  that  overmastering  love  of  country,  in  that  fervent 
patriotism  which  filled  the  souls  of  the  boys,  in  that  high  and  noble 
resolve  which  they  all  possessed,  that  they  were  to  save  to  themselves,  to 
their  families  and  their  fellow  countrymen,  the  freest  and  purest  govern- 
ment, and  to  mankind  the  largest  liberty  and  the  highest  and  best  civiliza- 
tion in  the  world.  With  that  spirit  more  than  two  million  men  went  forth 
to  accept  any  sacrifice  which  cruel  war  might  exact.  The  extent  of  that 
sacrifice  exceeded  human  expectation,  but  it  was  offered,  freely  oft'ered. 
for  the  country.  Can  we  ever  cease  to  be  debtors  to  these  men?  Is 
there  anything  they  are  not  worthy  to  receive  at  our  hands?  Is  there 
any  emolument  too  great  for  them  ?  Is  -there  any  benefaction  too  bounti- 
ful? Is  there  any  obligation  too  lasting?  Is  there  any  honor  too  distin- 
guished which  a  loving  people  can  bestow  that  they  ought  not  to  receive? 
What  the  nation  is  or  may  become  we  owe  to  them.     If  there  is  one  of 


Our  Martyred  President  253 

these  lighting  patriots  sick  at  heart  and  discouraged,  the  cheerful  and 
the  strong,  who  are  the  beneficiaries  of  his  valor,  should  comfort  and 
console  him.  If  there  is  one  who  is  sick  or  suffering  from  wounds,  the 
best  skill  and  the  most  tender  nursing  should  wait  upon  and  attend  him. 

"It  is  interesting  to  note  the  size  of  our  armies  in  the  several  wars 
in  which  the  United  States  has  participated.  The  number  of  Colonial 
troops  in  the  Revolution  was  294,791.  In  the  War  of  1812  the  total 
number  of  Americans  was  576,622.  In  the  Mexican  War  the  troops 
engaged  for  the  United  States  numbered  1 12,230.  The  number  of  Union 
troops  engaged  in  the  Rebellion  was  2,859,000,  or  three  times  the  com- 
bined force  of  the  .Vmerican  army  in  all  former  wars.  The  magnitude 
of  the  struggle  is  also  strikingly  illustrated  by  a  comparison  of  casualties. 
The  casualties  in  the  W^ar  of  1812  were  1,877  killed  in  battle.  3,739 
w^ounded.  In  the  Mexican  War,  1,049  were  killed,  904  died  of  wounds, 
and  3,420  were  wounded.  In  the  War  of  the  Rebellion,  61,362  were 
killed  outright,  34,627  died  of  wounds,  and  183,287  died  of  disease.  In 
other  words,  our  casualties  in  the  Rebellion  in  killed  and  those  who 
died  of  wounds  and  disease  were  only  15,000  less  in  number  than  the 
entire  army  of  the  United  Colonies  in  the  war  with  Great  Britain,  and 
two  and  one-half  times  the  entire  force  engaged  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  in  the  war  with  Mexico.  But  it  gives  as  a  truer  idea  of  the  dread- 
ful sacrifices  of  the  country  to  compare  our  casualties  with  the  casualties 
of  European  w^ars.  At  the  battle  of  W^aterloo  there  w^ere  80,000  French, 
with  252  guns,  and  of  the  Allies,  72,000  troops  and  186  guns.  The  loss 
of  the  French  was  26,000,  estimated,  and  of  the  Allies,  23,185.  At  our 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  the  Union  force  engaged  \vas  82,000  and  300  guns. 
The  Confederates  had  70,000  troops  and  250  guns.  The  loss  was  25,203 
to  the  Union  forces,  and  27,525  to  the  Confederate  forces.  Gravelotte 
was  the  bloodiest  battle  of  the  Franco-Prussian  W^ar,  and  the  German 
loss  w^as  in  killed,  4,449,  and  wounded,  15,189,  out  of  146,000  troops 
engaged.  Meade's  loss  at  Gettysburg  was  greater  in  numbers,  while  he 
had  only  one-half  as  many  men  engaged. 

"The  pension  list  of  the  government  tells  well  the  story  of  the  suffer- 
ing of  our  great  army.  On  June  30,  1893,  pensions  were  paid  to  725,742 
invalid  soldiers,  and  to  185,477  wddows.  In  the  navy  pensions  were  paid 
to  16,901  invalid  sailors  and  to  6,697  widows,  making  a  grand  total  of 
934,817  pensioners.  Our  pension  roll  on  June  30,  1893,  contained  nearly 
as  many  pensioners  as  the  entire  muster  rolls  of  the  United  States  in  the 
War  of  the  Revolution,  in  the  W^ar  of  181 2,  and  the  Mexican  War 
combined.  Within  50,000  as  many  names  are  now  borne  on  our  pension 
rolls  as  w^ere  contained  on  the  enlistment  rolls  of  all  our  armies  in  every 
war  from  the  Revolution  to  the  Civil  War. 

254  Life  of  William  McKinley 

"My  comrades,  this  long  and  highly  honorable  list  is  being  diminished 
by  death,  and  will  rapidly  decrease  as  the  years  go  by.  The  pension  roll 
has  probably  now  reached  its  maximum.  Hereafter  it  is  likely  to  recede. 
Death  will  stalk  through  this  patriotic  list  with  increased  rapidity  as  age 
overtakes  it,  as  it  is  hourly  doing,  that  great  army  of  1861.  The  older 
veterans  cannot  last  a  great  while  longer.  Exposure  has  hastened  to  their 
door  the  steps  of  the  pale  messenger.  God  grant  that  while  they  are  still 
with  us  they  shall  enjoy,  without  stint  or  grudge,  the  bounteous  benefac- 
tions of  tlie  country  they  served  and  the  tender  care  and  the  generous 
respect  of  their  neighbors  and  fellow  citizens!  'Displaced  from  the 
pension  roll'  by  death  carries  no  taint  or  dishonor,  raises  no  suspicion  of 
un worthiness.  If  the  pension  roll  is  diminished,  or  displacement  occurs 
from  other  causes,  let  it  be  for  reasons  just  and  honorable.  Then  the 
patriotic  sentiment  of  the  country  will  approve  and  the  soldiers  of  the 
republic  will  be  quick  to  applaud.  Let  us  care  for  the  needy  survivors  of 
that  great  struggle  in  the  true  spirit  of  him  who  promised  that  the  nation 
would  'care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle,  and  for  his  widow 
and  his  orphans.' 

"Sumpter  and  Appomattox !  What  a  flood  of  memories  these  names 
excite.  How  they  come  unbidden  to  every  soldier  as  he  contemplates  the 
great  events  of  the  war !  The  one  marked  the  beginning,  the  other  the 
close  of  the  great  struggle.  At  one  the  shot  was  fired  which  threatened 
this  Union  and  the  downfall  of  liberty.  The  other  proclaimed  peace  and 
wrote  in  history  tliat  the  machinations  which  inaugurated  war  to  estab- 
lish a  government  with  slavery  as  its  corner-stone  had  failed.  The  one 
was  the  commencement  of  a  struggle  which  drenched  the  nation  in  blood 
for  four  years;  the  other  was  its  end  and  the  beginning  of  a  reunited 
country  which  has  lasted  now  for  twenty-nine  years,  and  which,  God 
grant,  may  last  forever  and  forever  more,  blazing  the  pathway  of  freedom 
to  the  races  of  man  everywhere,  and  loved  by  all  the  people  of  the  world ! 
The  one  marked  the  wild  rush  of  mad  passion ;  the  other  was  the  restora- 
tion of  the  cool  judgment,  disciplined  by  the  terrible  ordeal  of  four  years' 
bloody  war.  Patriotism,  justice  and  righteousness  triumphed.  The 
republic  which  God  had  ordained  withstood  the  shock  of  battle,  and  you 
and  your  comrades  were  the  willing  instruments  In  the  hands  of  that 
Divine  power  tliat  guides  nations  which  love  and  serve  Him. 

"Howells,  thirty-two  years  ago,  expressed  the  simple  and  sublime 
faith  of  tlie  soldier,  and  the  prophecy  of  the  outcome  of  the  war.  In  words 
which  burn  In  my  soul  whenever  I  pass  in  review  the  events  of  that 
struggle.    He  said : 

Our  Martyred  President  255 

"  'Where  are  you  going,  soldiers, 
With  banner,  gun,  and  sword  ?' 
'We're  marching  south  to  Canaan 
To  battle  for  the  Lord !' 

"Yes,  the  Lord  took  care  of  us  then.  Will  we  heed  His  decrees  and 
preserve  unimpaired  what  He  permitted  us  to  win  ?  Liberty,  my  country- 
men, is  responsibility;  responsibility  is  duty;  duty  is  God's  order,  and 
when  faithfully  obeyed  will  preserve  liberty.  We  need  have  no  fears 
of  the  future  if  we  will  perform  every  obligation  of  duty  and  citizenship. 
If  we  lose  the  smallest  share  of  our  freedom,  we  have  no  one  to  blame 
but  ourselves.  This  country  is  ours — ours  to  govern,  ours  to  guide,  ours 
to  enjoy.  We  are  both  sovereign  and  subject.  All  are  now  free, 
subject  henceforth  to  ourselves  alone.  We  pay  no  homage  to  an  early 
throne ;  only  to  God  we  bend  the  knee.  The  soldier  did  his  work  and  did 
it  well.  The  present  and  the  future  are  with  the  citizen,  whose  judgment 
in  our  free  country  is  supreme." — Music  Hall,  Canton,  Ohio,  May  jo, 


"Mr.  President  and  Comrades  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic, 
and  my  Fellozv  Citi::ens: — The  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic  is  on  duty 
today.  But  not  in  the  service  of  arms.  The  storm  and  siege  and  bivouac 
and  battle  line  have  given  place  to  the  ministrations  of  peace  and  the 
manifestations  of  affectionate  regard  for  fallen  comrades,  in  which  the 
great  body  of  the  people  cheerfully  and  reverently  unite.  The  service  of 
the  day  is  more  to  us — far  more  to  us — ^than  to  those  in  whose  memory 
it  is  performed.  It  means  nothing  to  the  dead,  everything  to  the  living. 
It  reminds  us  of  what  our  stricken  comrades  did  and  sacrificed  and  won. 
It  teaches  us  the  awful  cost  of  liberty,  and  the  price  of  national  unity,  and 
bids  us  guard  with  sacred  and  sleepless  vigilance  the  great  and  immortal 
work  which  they  wrought. 

"The  annual  tribute  which  this  nation  brings  to  its  heroic  dead  is,  in 
part  at  least  due  to  American  thought  and  conception,  creditable  to  the 
living  and  honorable  to  the  dead.  No  nation  in  the  world  has  so  honored 
her  heroic  dead  as  ours.  The  soldiery  of  no  country  in  the  world  have 
been  crowned  with  such  immortal  meed  or  received  at  the  hands  of  the 
people  such  substantial  evidences  of  national  regard.  Other  nations  have 
decorated  their  great  captains  and  have  knighted  their  illustrious  com- 
manders. Monuments  have  been  erected  to  perpetuate  their  names.  Per- 
manent and  triumphal  arches  have  been  raised  to  mark  their  graves. 
Nothing  has  been  omitted  to  manifest  and  make  immortal  their  valorous 

256  Life  of  William  McKinley 

deeds.  But  to  America  is  mankind  indebted  for  the  loving  and  touching 
tribute  this  day  performed,  which  brings  the  offerings  of  affection  and 
tokens  of  love  to  the  graves  of  all  our  soldier  dead.  We  not  only  honor 
our  great  captains  and  illustrious  commanders,  the  men  who  led  the  vast 
armies  to  battle,  but  we  shower  ecjual  honors  in  equal  measure  upon  all, 
irrespective  of  rank  in  battle  or  condition  at  home.  Our  gratitude  is  of 
that  grand  patriotic  character  which  recognizes  no  titles,  permits  no  dis- 
crimination, subordinates  all  distinctions ;  and  the  soldier,  whether  of  the 
rank  and  file,  the  line  or  the  staff,  who  fought  and  fell  for  liberty  and 
union — all  who  fought  in  the  great  cause  and  have  since  died,  are  warmly 
cherished  in  the  hearts,  and  are  sacred  to  the  memory  of  the  people. 

"Mr.  President,  from  the  very  commencement  of  our  Civil  War  we 
recognized  the  elevated  patriotism  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the  army  and 
their  unselfish  consecration  to  the  country,  while  subsequent  years  have 
only  served  to  increase  our  admiration  for  their  splendid  and  heroic 
services.  They  enlisted  in  the  army  with  no, expectation  of  promotion; 
not  for  the  paltry  pittance  of  pay;  not  for  fame  or  popular  applause,  for 
their  services,  however  efficient,  were  not  to  be  heralded  abroad.  They 
entered  the  army  moved  by  the  highest  and  purest  motives  of  patriotism, 
that  no  harm  might  befall  the  republic.  While  detracting  nothing  from 
the  fame  of  our  matchless  leaders,  we  know  that,  without  that  great 
army  of  volunteers,  the  citizen  soldiery,  the  brilliant  achievements  of 
the  war  would  not  have  been  possible.  They,  my  fellow  citizens,  were 
the  great  power.  They  were  the  majestic  and  irresistible  force.  They 
stood  behind  the  strategic  commanders,  whose  intelligent  and  individual 
earnestness,  guided  by  their  genius,  gained  the  imperishable  victories 
of  the  war.  I  would  not  withhold  the  most  generous  eulogy  from  con- 
spicuous soldiers,  living  or  dead — from  the  leaders,  Grant,  Sherman, 
Sheridan,  Thomas,  Meade,  Hancock,  McClellan,  Hooker,  and  Logan — 
who  flame  out  the  very  incarnation  of  soldiery  valor  and  vigor  before 
the  eyes  of  the  American  people,  and  have  an  exalted  rank  in  history, 
and  fill  a  great  place  in  the  hearts  of  their  countrymen.  We  need  not 
fear,  my  fellow  citizens,  that  the  great  captains  will  be  forgotten. 

"My  fellow  citizens,  the  rank  and  file  of  the  old  regular  army  was 
made  of  the  same  heroic  mold  as  our  volunteer  army.  It  is  a  recorded 
fact  in  history,  that  when  treason  swept  over  this  country  in  1861 — when 
distinguished  officers,  who  had  been  educated  at  the  public  expense,  who 
had  taken  the  oath  to  support  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  and 
defend  this  government  against  all  its  enemies,  when  they  proved  recreant 
to  trust  and  duty,  and  enlisted  under  the  banner  of  the  Confederacy — the 
rank  and  file  of  that  old  army  stood  steadfast  to  Federal  authority,  loyal 
to  the  Federal  government,  and  no  private  soldier  followed  his  old  com- 



Our  Martyred  President  257 

niancler  into  the  ranks  of  the  enemy.  None  were  false  to  conscience  or 
to  conntry.     None  tnrned  their  backs  on  the  old  flag. 

"The  most  splendid  exhibition  of  devotion  to  conntry,  and  to  the 
government,  and  to  the  flag,  was  displayed  also  by  onr  prisoners  of  war. 
We  had  175,000  soldiers  taken  prisoners  during  the  Civil  War,  and 
when  death  was  stalking  within  the  walls  of  their  prisons,  when  starva- 
tion was  almost  overcoming  their  brave  hearts,  when  mind  was  receding 
and  reason  was  tottering,  liberty  was  offered  to  those  175,000  men  upon 
one  condition — that  they  would  swear  allegiance  to  the  Confederate 
government,  and  enlist  in  the  cause  of  the  Confederacy.  What  was  the 
answer  of  our  brave  but  starving  comrades?  There  could  be  but  one 
answer.  They  preferred  to  suffer  all  and  to  bear  all  rather  than  to  prove 
false  to  the  cause  they  had  sworn  to  defend. 

"Now,  so  far  removed  from  the  great  war,  we  are  prone  to  forget 
its  disasters  and  underestimate  its  sacrifices.  Their  magnitude  is  best 
appreciated  when  contrasted  with  the  losses  and  sacrifices  of  other 
armies  in  other  times.  There  were  slain  in  the  late  war  nearly  6,000 
commanding  officers  and  over  90,000  enlisted  men,  and  207,000  died 
of  disease  and  from  exposure,  making  a  grand  total  of  303,000  men.  In 
the  War  of  the  Revolution  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain, 
excluding  those  captured  at  Yorktown  and  Saratoga,  the  whole  number 
of  men  killed  and  wounded  and  captured  of  the  combined  British  and 
American  forces  was  less  than  22,000.  We  witnessed  that  loss  in  a 
single  battle  in  a  single  day  in  the  great  Civil  War.  From  1775  to  1861, 
Including  all  the  foreign  wars  in  which  we  were  engaged,  and  all  our 
domestic  disturbances,  covering  a  period  of  nearly  twenty-four  years,  we 
lost  but  ten  general  officers,  while  in  the  four  and  a  half  years  of  the  late 
war,  we  lost  one  hundred  and  twenty-five. 

"And,  my  fellow  citizens,  we  not  only  knew  little  of  the  scope  and 
proportions  of  that  great  war,  or  the  dreadful  sacrifice  to  be  incurred,  but 
as  little  knew  the  great  results  which  were  to  follow.  We  thought  at  the 
beginning,  and  we  thought  long  after  the  commencement  of  the  war, 
that  the  Union  to  be  saved  was  the  Union  as  it  was.  That  was  our 
understanding  when  we  enlisted — that  it  was  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union — the  Constitution  as  it  was  and  the  Union  as  it  was — for  which 
we  fought,  little  heeding  the  teachings  of  history,  that  wars  and 
revolutions  cannot  fix  in  advance  the  boundaries  of  their  influence 
or  determine  the  scope  of  their  power.  History  enforces  no  sterner 
lesson.  Our  own  revolution  of  1776  produced  results  unlooked  for 
by  its  foremost  leaders.  Separation  was  no  part  of  the  original  pur- 
pose. Political  alienation  was  no  part  of  the  first  plan.  Disunion  was 
neither  thought  of  nor  accepted.    Why,  in  1775,  on  the  5th  day  of  July, 


258  Life  of  William  McKinley 

in  Philadelphia,  when  the  continental  congress  was  in  session  declaring 
its  purposes  toward  Great  Britain,  what  did  it  say  ?  After  declaring  that 
it  would  raise  armies,  it  closed  that  declaration  with  this  significant 
language : 

"  'Lest  this  declaration  should  disquiet  the  minds  of  some  of  our 
friends  and  fellow  subjects  in  other  parts  of  the  empire,  we  assure  them 
that  we  do  not  mean  to  dissolve  the  union  which  has  so  long  and  happily 
subsisted  between  us.' 

"Our  fathers  said  in  that  same  declaration : 

"  'We  have  not  raised  armies  with  ambitious  designs  to  separate  from 
Great  Britain  and  establish  independent  states.' 

"Those  were  the  views  of  the  fathers.  Those  were  the  views  enter- 
tained by  the  soldiers  and  statesmen  of  colonial  days.  Why,  even  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  which  has  sounded  the  voice  of  liberty  to 
all  mankind,  was  a  shock  to  some  of  the  colonists.  The  cautious  and 
conservative,  while  believing  in  its  eternal  truth,  doubted  its  wisdom 
and  its  policy.  It  was  in  advance  of  the  thought  of  the  great  body  of 
the  people.  Yet  it  stirred  a  feeling  for  independence,  and  an  aspiration 
for  self-government,  which  made  a  republic  which  has  now  lived  more 
than  a  century ;  and  only  a  few  days  ago  you  were  permitted  to  celebrate 
the  centennial  inauguration  in  this  city  of  its  first  great  president.  Out 
of  all  that  came  a  republic  that  stands  for  human  rights  and  human  des- 
tiny, which  to-day  represents  more  than  any  other  government  the 
glorious  future  of  the  human  race. 

"Comrades  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  those  were  brave  men 
whose  graves  we  decorated  to-day.  No  less  brave  were  those  whose 
chambers  of  repose  are  beneath  the  scarlet  fields  in  distant  states.  We 
may  say  of  all  them  I's  was  said  of  Knights  of  St.  John  in  the  Holy 
Wars :  'In  the  forefront  of  every  battle  was  seen  their  burnished  mail, 
and  in  the  gloomy  rear  of  every  retreat  was  heard  their  voice  of  con- 
science and  of  courage.'  'It  is  not,'  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  'what  we  say  of 
them,  but  what  they  did,  which  will  live.'  They  have  written  their  own 
histories,  they  have  builded  their  own  monuments.  No  poor  words  of 
mine  can  enhance  the  glory  of  their  deeds,  or  add  a  laurel  to  their  fame. 
Liberty  owes  them  a  debt  which  centuries  of  tribute  and  mountains  of 
granite  adorned  by  the  master  hands  of  art  can  never  repay.  And  so  long 
as  liberty  lasts  and  the  love  of  liberty  has  a  place  in  the  hearts  of  men, 
they  will  be  safe  against  the  tooth  of  time  and  the  fate  of  oblivion. 

"The  nation  is  full  of  the  graves  of  the  dead.  You  have  but  a  small 
fraction  of  them  here  in  New  York,  although  you  contributed  one- 
tenth  of  all  the  dead,  one-tenth  of  all  the  dying,  one-tenth  of  all  the 
prisoners,  one-tenth  of  all  the  sacrifices  in  that  great  conflict.    You  have 


Our  Martyred  President  2^g 

but  a  small  number  here;  the  greater  number  sleep  in  distant  states, 
thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of  them  of  whom  there  is  no  record. 
We  only  know  that  fighting  for  freedom  and  union  they  fell,  and  that 
the  place  where  they  fell  was  their  sepulchre.  The  Omniscient  One  alone 
knows  who  they  are  and  whence  they  came.  But  when  their  immortal 
names  are  called  from  their  silent  muster,  when  their  names  are  spoken, 
the  answer  will  come  back,  as  it  was  the  custom  for  many  years  in  one 
of  the  French  regiments  when  the  name  of  De  la  Tour  d'Auvergne  was 
called,  the  answer  came  back,  'Died  on  the  field  of  honor.'  America  has 
volumes  of  muster-rolls  containing  just  such  a  record. 

"Mr.  President  and  comrades  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic, 
our  circle  is  narrowing  with  the  passing  years.  Every  annual  roll-call 
discloses  one  and  another  not  present,  but  accounted  for.  There  is  a 
muster-roll  over  yonder  as  well  as  a  muster-roll  here.  The  majority  of 
that  vast  army  are  fast  joining  the  old  commanders  who  have  preceded 
them  on  that  other  shore, 

"  'They  are  gone  who  seemed  so  great — 

Gone !  but  nothing  can  bereave  them 
Of  the  force  they  made  their  own 

Being  here ;  and  we  believe  them 
Something  far  advanced  in  state, 

And  that  they  wear  a  truer  crown 
Than  any  wreath  that  man  can  weave  them. 

Speak  no  more  of  their  renown, 
And  in  the  vast  cathedral  leave  them. 
God  accept  them;  Christ  receive  them.'  " 
Metropolitan  Opera  House,  Nczv  York,  May  jo,  i88g. 


"Mr.  President,  Citizens  of  Galena,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: — I  cannot 
forbear  at  the  outset  to  express  to  you  the  very  great  honor  that  I  feel 
in  being  permitted  to  share  with  you,  at  the  city  of  Galena,  in  the  observ- 
ance of  the  seventy-first  anniversary  of  the  l)irth  of  that  great  soldier 
who  once  belonged  to  you,  but  now,  as  Stanton  said  to  Lincoln,  'belongs 
to  the  ages.'  No  history  of  the  war  could  be  written  without  mentioning 
the  state  of  Illinois  and  city  of  Galena.  They  contributed  the  two  most 
conspicuous  names  in  the  great  civil  conflict,  the  civil  and  military 
rulers — Abraham  Lincoln  and  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  No  history  of  Ulysses 
S.  Grant  can  be  written  without  there  coming  unbidden  from  every  lip 
the  name  Galena,  and  no  faithful  biography  of  the  great  soldier  will  ever 
omit  the  name  of  his  cherished  friend,  General  John  A.  Rawlins,  also  a 

26o  Life  of  William   McKinley 

resident  of  your  city.  You  have  a  proud  history ;  Grant  gave  his  sword 
and  his  services  to  his  country  at  Galena,  and  gave  the  country  back  to 
the  people  at  Appomattox.  He  presided  over  the  first  Union  meeting 
ever  held  in  Galena,  and  he  presided  over  the  greatest  Union  meeting 
ever  held  beneath  the  flag  at  Appomattox.  He  was  little  known  at  the 
first  meeting ;  the  whole  world  knew  him  at  the  last. 

"We  are  not  a  nation  of  hero-worshipers.  Our  popular  favorites 
are  soon  counted.  With  more  than  a  hundred  years  of  national  life, 
crowded  with  great  events  and  marked  by  mighty  struggles,  few  of  the 
great  actors  have  more  than  survived  the  generation  in  which  they  lived. 
Nor  has  the  nation  or  its  people  been  ungenerous  to  its  great  leaders, 
whether  as  statesmen  or  soldiers.  The  republic  has  dealt  justly,  and  I 
believe  liberally,  with  its  public  men.  Yet  less  than  a  score  of  them  are 
remembered  by  the  multitude,  and  the  student  of  history  only  can  call 
many  of  the  most  distinguished  but  now  forgotten  names.  How  few  can 
recall  the  names  of  the  presidents  of  the  United  States  in  the  order  of 
their  administrations ;  fewer  still  can  name  the  governors  of  Illinois,  and 
the  United  States  senators  who  have  represented  this  state  in  that  great 
legislative  body. 

"This  distinguished  citizen,  whose  life  we  commemorate,  and  the 
anniversary  of  whose  birth  we  pause  to  celebrate  to-day,  was  born  at 
Point  Pleasant,  Clermont  county,  Ohio,  on  April  27,  1822.  His  early 
life  was  not  eventful.  It  did  not  differ  from  that  of  most  of  the  boys  of 
his  time,  and  gave  no  more  promise  than  that  of  the  multitude  of  youth 
of  his  age  and  station,  either  of  the  past  or  present.  Of  Scottish  descent, 
he  sprang  from  humble  but  industrious  parents,  and  with  faith  and  cour- 
age, with  a  will  and  mind  for  work,  he  confronted  the  problem  of  life. 

"At  the  age  of  seventeen  he  was  sent  as  a  cadet  to  the  West  Point 
Military  Academy;  his  predecessor  having  failed  to  pass  the  necessary 
examination,  the  vacancy  was  filled  by  the  appointment  of  young  Grant. 
At  the  academy  he  was  marked  as  a  painstaking,  studious,  plodding, 
persistent  pupil,  who  neither  graduated  at  the  head  nor  the  foot  of  his 
class,  but  stood  number  twenty-one  in  a  class  of  thirty-nine.  His  rank 
at  graduation  placed  him  in  the  infantry  arm  of  the  service,  and  in  1843 
he  was  commissioned  a  brevet  second  lieutenant  in  the  Fourth  United 
States  Regulars,  No  qualities  of  an  exceptional  nature  showed  them- 
selves up  to  this  point  in  the  character  of  the  young  officer. 

"His  first  actual  experience  in  war  was  in  Mexico.  Here  he  distin- 
guished himself,  and  was  twice  mentioned  in  general  orders  for  his  con- 
spicuous gallantry.  He  was  twice  brevetted  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States  for  heroic  conduct  at  the  battles  of  Monterey,  Palo  Alto. 
Resaca  de  la  Palma,  Chapultepec,  and  Molino  del  Rey,     After  the  war 

Our  Martyred  President  261 

with  Mexico  he  was  stationed  with  his  regiment  on  the  northern  frontier, 
and  subsequently  on  the  Pacific  coast  in  Oregon  and  Cahfornia,  in  which 
latter  station  he  saw  much  trying  service  with  the  Indians,  On  July 
31,  1854,  he  resigned  his  commission  in  the  army,  after  eleven  years' 
service  therein — a  service  creditable  to  him  in  every  particular,  but  in  no 
sense  so  marked  as  to  distinguish  him  from  a  score  of  others  of  equal 
rank  and  opportunity. 

"He  was  successful  from  the  very  beginning  of  his  military  command. 
His  earliest,  like  his  later  blows,  were  tellingly  disastrous  to  the  enemy. 
First  at  Paducah,  then  defeating  Polk  and  Pillow  at  Belmont;  again  at 
Fort  Henry,  which  he  captured.  Then  he  determined  to  destroy  Fort 
Donelson,  and  with  rare  coolness  and  deliberation  he  settled  himself 
down  to  the  task,  which  he  successfully  accomplished  on  February  16, 
1862.  After  two  days  of  severe  battle,  12,000  prisoners  and  their  belong- 
ings fell  into  his  hands,  and  the  victory  w^as  sweeping  and  complete.  He 
was  immediately  commissioned  major-general  of  volunteers,  in  recogni- 
tion of  his  brilliant  triumph,  and  at  once  secured  the  confidence  of  the 
president  and  trusting  faith  of  the  loyal  North,  while  the  men  at  the 
front  turned  their  eyes  hopefully  to  their  coming  commander.  His 
famous  dispatch  to  General  Buckner,  who  had  proposed  commissioners 
to  negotiate  for  capitulation — 'No  terms  except  an  unconditional  and 
immediate  surrender  can  be  accepted;  I  propose  to  move  immediately 
upon  your  works' — electrified  the  country,  and  sent  cheer  to  every  loyal 
heart  at  home  and  to  the  brave  defenders  in  the  field.  It  sounded  the  note 
of  confidence  and  victory,  and  gave  to  the  Union  cause  and  lovers  of  the 
Union  new  and  fervent  hope.  It  breathed  conscious  strength,  disclosed 
immeasurable  reserve  power,  and  quickened  the  whole  North  to  grander 
efiforts  and  loftier  patriotism  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union. 

"On  March  17,  1864,  a  little  more  than  three  years  from  his  departure 
from  Galena,  where  he  w^as  drilling  your  local  company  as  a  simple  cap- 
tain. Grant  assumed  the  control  of  all  the  Federal  forces,  wherever 
located,  and  in  less  than  fourteen  months  Lee's  army,  the  pride  and  glory 
of  the  Confederate  government,  surrendered  to  the  victorious  soldier. 
It  was  not  a  surrender  without  resistance — skillful,  dogged  resistance. 
It  was  secured  after  many  battles  and  fierce  assaults,  accompanied  l)y 
indescribable  toil  and  sufTering,  and  the  loss  of  thousands  of  precious 
lives.  The  battles  of  the  Wilderness,  Spottsylvania,  North  Anna  and 
Cold  Harbor,  and  the  siege  of  Petersburg,  witnessed  the  hardest  fighting 
and  the  severest  sacrifices  of  the  war,  while  the  loss  of  brave  men  in  the 
trenches  was  simplv  appalling.  The  historian  has  wearied  in  detailing 
them,  and  the  painter's  hand  has  palsied  with  reproducing  the  scenes  of 
blood  and  carnage  there  enacted.     General  Grant  not  only  directed  the 

262  Life  of  William  McKinley 

forces  in  front  of  Richmond,  but  the  entire  line  of  operation  of  all  our 
armies  was  under  his  skillful  hand  and  was  moved  by  his  masterful  mind. 
The  entire  field  was  the  theater  of  his  thought,  and  to  his  command  all 
moved  as  a  symmetrical  whole,  harmonious  to  one  purpose,  centering 
upon  one  grand  design.  In  obedience  to  his  orders,  Sherman  was  march- 
ing, fighting,  and  winning  victories  with  his  splendid  army  in  Georgia, 
extending  our  victorious  banners  farthei^  and  deeper  into  the  heart  of 
the  Confederacy;  and  all  the  while  the  immortal  Thomas  was  engaging 
the  enemy  in  another  part  of  the  far-stretching  field,  diverting  and 
defeating  the  only  army  which  might  successfully  impede  the  triumphant 
march  of  Sherman  to  the  sea.  Sheridan,  of  whom  General  Grant  said 
the  only  instruction  he  ever  required  was  'to  go  in,'  was  going  into  the 
Shenandoah  Valley,  that  disputed  field,  the  scene  of  Stonewall  Jackson's 
fame.  Here  his  dashing  army,  driving  by  storm  and  strategy  the  deter- 
mined forces  of  Early,  sent  them  whirling  back,  stripped  of  laurels  pre- 
viously won,  without  either  their  artillery  or  battle-flags.  Scofield  had 
done  grand  work  at  Franklin,  and  later  occupied  Wilmington  and  Golds- 
boro,  on  the  distant  seacoast,  with  a  view  to  final  connection  with  Sher- 
man. These  movements,  and  more,  absorbed  the  mind  of  the  great 

"The  liberal  terms  given  to  Lee  at  Appomattox  revealed  in  the  breast 
of  the  hard  fighter  a  soft  and  generous  heart.  He  wanted  no  vengeance ; 
he  had  no  bitterness  in  his  soul ;  he  had  no  hates  to  avenge.  He  believed 
in  war  only  as  a  means  of  peace.  His  large,  brave,  gentle  nature  made 
the  surrender  as  easy  to  his  illustrious  foe  as  was  possible.  He  said, 
with  the  broadest  humanit}^ :  'Take  your  horses  and  side-arms,  all  of 
your  personal  property  and  belongings,  and  go  home,  not  to  be  disturbed, 
not  to  be  punished  for  treason,  not  to  be  outcasts ;  but  go,  cultivate  the 
fields  whereon  you  fought  and  lost.  Yield  faithful  allegiance  to  the  old 
flag  and  the  restored  Union,  and  obey  the  laws  of  peace.'  Was  ever,  such 
magnanimity  before  shown  by  victor  to  vanquished?  Here  closed  the 
great  war,  and  with  it  the  active  military  career  of  the  great  com- 

"His  civil  administration  covered  eight  years — two  full  terms  as  pres- 
ident of  the  United  States.  This  new  exaltation  was  not  of  his  own 
asking.  He  preferred  to  remain  general  of  the  army  with  which  he  had 
been  so  long  associated  and  in  which  he  had  acquired  his  great  fame. 
The  country,  however,  was  determined  that  the  successful  soldier  should 
be  its  civil  ruler.  The  loyal  people  felt  that  they  owed  him  the  highest 
honors  which  the  nation  could  bestow,  and  they  called  him  from  the 
military  to  the  civil  head  of  the  government.  His  term  commenced  in 
March,   1869,  and  ended  in  March,    1877.     It  constituted  one  of  the 


Our  Martyred  President  263 

important  periods  of  our  national  life.  If  the  period  of  Washington's 
administration  involved  the  formation  of  the  Union,  that  of  Grant's  was 
confronted  with  its  reconstruction,  after  the  bitter,  relentless,  internal 
struggle  to  destroy  it.  It  was  a  most  delicate  era  in  which  to  rule.  It 
Avould  have  been  difticult,  embarrassing  and  hazardous  to  any  man,  no 
matter  how  gifted,  or  what  his  previous  .preparation  or  equipment  might 
have  been.  Could  any  one  have  done  better  than  he  ?  We  will  not  pause 
to  discuss.  Different  opinions  prevail,  and  on  this  occasion  we  do  not 
enter  the  field  of  controversy ;  but,  speaking  for  myself,  I  believe  he  was 
exactly  the  man  for  the  place,  and  that  he  filled  to  its  full  measure  the 
trust  to  which  his  fellow  citizens  called  him.  He  committed  errors.  Who 
could  have  escaped  them,  at  such  a  time  and  in  such  a  place?  He  stood 
in  his  civil  station  battling  for  the  legitimate  fruits  of  the  war,  that  they 
might  be  firmly  secured  to  the  living  and  to  their  posterity  forever.  His 
arm  was  never  lifted  against  the  right;  his  soul  abhorred  the  wrong.  His 
veto  of  the  inflation  bill,  his  organization  of  the  Geneva  Arbitration  Com- 
mission to  settle  the  claims  of  the  United  States  against  England,  his 
strong  but  conciliatory  foreign  policy,  his  constant  care  to  have  no  policy 
against  the  will  of  the  people,  his  enforcement  of  the  constitution  and 
its  amendments  in  every  part  of  the  Republic,  his  maintenance  of  the 
credit  of  the  government  and  its  good  faith  at  home  and  abroad,  marked 
his  administration  as  strong,  wise,  and  patriotic.  Great  and  wise  as  his 
civil  administration  was,  however,  the  achievements  which  made  him  'one 
of  the  immortal  few  whose  names  will  never  die'  are  found  in  his  military 
career.  Carping  critics  have  sought  to  mar  it,  strategists  have  found 
flaws  in  it,  but  in  the  presence  of  his  successive,  uninterrupted,  and  unri- 
valed victories,  it  is  the  idlest  chatter  which  none  should  heed.  He  was 
always  ready  to  fight.  If  beaten  to-day,  he  resumed  battle  on  the  mor- 
row, and  his  pathway  was  all  along  crowned  with  victories  and  surren- 
ders, which  silence  criticism,  and  place  him  side  by  side  with  the  mighty 
soldiers  of  the  world. 

"With  no  disparagement  to  others,  two  names  rise  above  all  the  rest 
in  American  history  since  George  Washington — transcendently  above 
them.  They  are  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Ulysses  S.  Grant.  Each  will  be 
remembered  for  what  he  did  and  accomplished  for  his  race  and  for  man- 
kind. Lincoln  proclaimed  liberty  to  four  million  slaves,  and  upon  his 
act  Invited  'the  considerate  judgment  of  mankind  and  the  gracious  favor 
of  Almighty  God.'  He  has  received  the  warm  approval  of  the  one,  and  I 
am  sure  he  is  enjoying  the  generous  benediction  of  the  other.  His  was  the 
greatest,  mightiest  stroke  of  the  war.  Grand  on  Its  humanity  side,  mas- 
terly in  Its  mllitarv  aspect.  It  has  given  to  his  name  an  Imperlshal)le  place 
among  men.    Grant  gave  Irresistible  power  and  efficacy  to  the  Proclama- 

264  Life  of  William  McKinley 

tion  of  Liberty.  The  iron  shackles  which  Lincohi  declared  should  be 
loosed  from  the  limbs  and  souls  of  the  black  slaves,  Grant  with  his 
matchless  army  melted  and  destroyed  in  the  burning  glories  of  the  war ; 
and  ihe  rebels  read  the  inspired  decree  in  the  flashing  guns  of  his  artil- 
lery, and  they  knew  what  Lincoln  had  decreed  Grant  would  execute. 

"He  had  now  filled  the  full  measure  of  human  ambition,  and  drunk 
from  every  fountain  of  earthly  glory.  He  had  commanded  mighty  legions 
on  a  hundred  victorious  fields.  He  had  borne  great  responsibilities  and 
exercised  almost  limitless  power.  He  had  executed  every  trust  with 
fidelity,  and,  in  the  main,  with  consummate  skill.  He  had  controlled  the 
movement  of  a  larger  army  than  had  been  commanded  by  any  other  sol- 
dier, the  world  over,  since  the  invention  of  firearms.  He  was  made 
general  of  the  United  States  army  by  congress  on  July  25,  1866 — a  rank 
and  title  never  given  to  an  American  soldier  before.  He  had  won  the 
lasting  gratitude  of  his  fellow  countrymen,  and  whenever  or  wherever  he 
went  among  them  they  crowned  him  with  fresh  manifestations  of  their 
love  and  veneration — and  no  reverses  of  fortune,  no  errors  of  judgment, 
no  vexatious  and  unfortunate  business  complications  ever  shook  their 
trustful  confidence.  When  he  sought  rest  in  other  lands,  crowned  heads 
stood  uncovered  in  his  presence  and  laid  their  trophies  at  his  feet,  while 
the  struggling  toiler,  striving  for  a  larger  liberty,  offered  his  earnest 
tribute  to  the  great  warrior  who  had  made  liberty  universal  in  the  Repub- 
lic. Everywhere  he  went  grateful  honors  greeted  him,  and  he  was  wel- 
comed as  no  American  had  been  before.  He  girded  the  globe  with  his 
renown  as  he  journeyed  in  the  pathway  of  the  sun.  Nothing  of  human 
longing  or  aspiration  remained  unsatiated.  He  had  enjoyed  all  the  honors 
which  his  lavish  countrymen  could  bestow,  and  had  received  the  respectful 
homage  of  foreign  nations. 

"His  private  life  was  beautiful  in  its  purity  and  simplicity.  No  irrev- 
erent oath  passed  his  lips,  and  his  conversation  was  as  chaste  and  unaf- 
fected as  that  of  simple  childhood.  His  relations  with  his  family  were 
tender  and  affectionate. 

"Only  a  few  years  ago,  in  one  of  his  journeys  through  the  South, 
when  he  was  receiving  a  great  ovation,  some  colored  men  crowded  his 
hotel  to  look  into  the  face  and  to  grasp  the  hand  of  their  great  deliverer. 
To  this  intrusion  objection  was  made,  and  the  colored  men  were  about 
to  be  ejected,  when  the  general  appeared,  and  in  his  quiet  way,  full  of 
earnest  feeling,  said :  'Where  I  am  they  shall  come  also.'  He  believed 
in  the  brotherhood  of  man — in  the  political  equality  of  all  men — he  had 
secured  that  with  his  sword,  and  was  prompt  to  recognize  it  in  all  places 
and  everywhere. 

"But.  mv  friends,  Death  had  marked  him  for  a  victim.     He  foucrht 

Our  Martyred  President  265 

Death  with  his  iron  will  and  his  old-time  courage,  but  at  last  yielded,  the 
first  and  only  time  the  great  soldier  was  ever  vanquished.  He  had  routed 
every  other  foe,  he  had  triumphed  over  every  other  enemy,  but  this  last 
one  conquered  him,  as  in  the  end  he  conquers  all.  He,  however,  stayed 
his  fatal  hand  long  enough  to  permit  Grant  to  finish  the  last  great  work 
of  his  life — to  write  the  history  he  had  made.  True,  that  history  had  been 
already  written — written  in  blood,  in  the  agony  of  the  dying  and  in  the 
tears  of  the  suffering  nation ;  written  in  tlie  hearts  of  her  patriotic  people. 
The  ready  pens  of  others  had  told  more  than  a  thousand  times  the  match- 
less story;  the  artist  had,  a  hundred  times,  placed  upon  canvas  the  soul- 
stirring  scenes  in  which  Grant  was  the  central  figure;  the  sculptor  had 
cut  its  every  phase  in  enduring  marble,  yet  a  kind  Providence  mercifully 
spared  him  a  few  months  longer,  that  he  who  had  seen  it  and  directed  it 
should  sum  up  the  great  work  wrought  by  the  grand  army  of  the  Repub- 
lic under  his  magic  guidance.  He  was  not  an  old  man  when  he  died; 
but,  after  all,  what  a  complete  life  was  his ! 

"Mighty  events  and  mightier  achievements  were  never  crowded  into  a 
single  life  before,  and  he  lived  to  place  them  in  enduring  form,  to  be  read 
by  the  millions  living  and  the  millions  yet  unborn.  Then  laying  down 
his  pen,  he  bowed  resignedly  before  the  Angel  of  Death,  saying:  Tf  it 
is  God's  providence  that  I  shall  go  now,  I  am  ready  to  obey  His  will  with- 
out a  murmur.'  Great  in  life,  majestic  in  death !  He  needs  no  monument 
to  perpetuate  his  fame;  it  will  live  and  glow  wath  increased  luster  so  long- 
as  liberty  lasts  and  the  love  of  liberty  has  a  place  in  the  hearts  of  men. 
Every  soldier's  monument  throughout  the  North,  now  standing  or  here- 
after to  be  erected,  will  record  his  worth  and  w^ork,  as  well  as  those  of 
the  brave  men  who  fought  by  his  side.  Plis  most  lasting  memorial  will 
be  the  work  he  did,  his  most  enduring  monument  the  Union  which  he 
and  his  heroic  associates  saved,  and  the  priceless  liberty  they  secured. 

"Surrounded  by  a  devoted  family,  with  a  mind  serene  and  a  heart 
resigned,  he  passed  over  to  join  his  fallen  comrades  beyond  the  river,  on 
another  field  of  glory.  Above  him  in  his  chamber  of  sickness  and  death 
hung  the  portraits  of  Washington  and  Lincoln,  whose  disembodied  spirits 
in  the  Eternal  City  were  watching  and  waiting  for  him  who  was  to  com- 
plete the  immortal  trio  of  America's  first  and  best  beloved;  and  as  the 
earthly  scenes  receded  from  his  view,  and  the  celestial  appeared,  I  can 
imagine  those  were  the  first  to  greet  his  sight  and  bid  him  welcome. 

"We  are  not  a  nation  of  hero-worshipers.  We  are  a  nation  of 
generous  freemen.  We  bow  in  affectionate  reverence  and  with  most 
grateful  hearts  to  these  immortal  names,  Washington,  Lincoln,  and 
Grant,  and  will  guard  with  sleepless  vigilance  their  mighty  work  and 
cherish  their  memories  evermore. 

266  Life  of  William  McKinley 

"  'They  were  the  luster  hghts  of  their  day, 
The     .     .     .     giants 
Who  clave  the  darkness  asunder 
And  beaconed  us  where  we  are.'  " 
Galena,  III.,  April  2/,  i8pj,  Grant's  Birthday. 



"a  great  life,  dedicated  to  the  welfare  of  the  nation^  here  finds 

ITS  earthly  coronation." 

"A  great  life,  dedicated  to  the  welfare  of  the  nation,  here  finds  its 
early  coronation.  Even  if  this  day  lacked  the  impressiveness  of  cere- 
mony, and  was  devoid  of  pageantry,  it  would  still  be  memorable,  because 
it  is  the  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  one  of  the  most  famous  and  best 
beloved  of  American  soldiers. 

"Architecture  has  paid  high  tribute  to  the  leaders  of  mankind,  but 
never  was  a  memorial  more  worthily  bestowed  or  more  gratefully  accepted 
by  a  free  people  than  the  beautiful  structure  before  which  we  are  gathered. 

"In  marking  the  successful  completion  of  this  work  we  have  as  wit- 
nesses and  participants  representatives  of  all  branches  of  our  government, 
the  resident  officials  of  foreign  nations,  the  governors  of  states,  and  the 
sovereign  people  from  every  section  of  our  common  country,  who  join  in 
this  august  tribute  to  the  soldier,  patriot  and  citizen. 

first  to  be  called. 

"Almost  twelve  years  have  passed  since  the  heroic  vigil  ended  and 
the  Ijrave  spirit  of  Ulysses  S.  Grant  fearlessly  took  its  flight.  Lincoln 
and  Stanton  had  preceded  him,  but  of  the  mighty  captains  of  the  war 
Grant  was  the  first  to  be  called.  Sherman  and  Sheridan  survived  him,  but 
have  since  joined  him  on  the  other  shore. 

"The  great  heroes  of  the  civil  strife  on  land  and  sea  are  for  the  most 
part  now  no  more.  Thomas  and  Hancock,  Logan  and  McPherson,  Far- 
ragut,  Dupont  and  Porter,  and  a  host  of  others,  have  passed  forever  from 
human  sight.  Those  remaining  grow  dearer  to  us,  and  from  them  and 
the  memory  of  those  who  have  departed  generations  yet  unborn  will  draw 
their  inspiration  and  gather  strength  for  patriotic  purpose. 

"A  great  life  never  dies.  Great  deeds  are  imperishable ;  great  names 
immortal.  Gen.  Grant's  services  and  character  will  contitme  undimin- 
ished in  influence  and  advance  in  the  estimation  of  mankind  so  long  as 
liberty  remains  the  corner-stone  of  free  government  and  integrity  of  life 
the  guaranty  of  good  citizenship. 

Our  Martyred  President  267 


"Faithful  and  fearless  as  a  volunteer  soldier,  intrepid  and  invincible 
as  commander  in  chief  of  .the  armies  of  the  Union,  calm  and  confident  as 
president  of  a  reunited  and  strengthened  nation  which  his  genius  had 
been  instrumental  in  achieving,  he  has  our  homage  and  that  of  the  world ; 
but,  brilliant  as  was  his  public  character,  we  love  him  all  the  more  for  his 
home  life  and  homely  virtues.  His  individuality,  his  bearing  and  speech, 
his  simple  ways,  had  a  flavor  of  rare  and  unique  distinction,  and  his 
Americanism  was  so  true  and  uncompromising  that  his  name  will  stand 
for  all  time  as  the  embodiment  of  liberty,  loyalty  and  national  unity. 

Victorious  in  the  work  which  under  Divine  Providence  he  was  called 
upon  to  do,  clothed  with  almost  limitless  power,  he  was  yet  one  of  the 
people — patient,  patriotic  and  just.  Success  did  not  disturb  the  even 
balance  of  his  mind,  while  fame  was  powerless  to  swerve  him  from  the 
path  of  duty.  Great  as  he  was  in  war,  he  loved  peace  and  told  the  world 
that  honorable  arbitration  of  differences  was  the  best  hope  of  civilization. 

"With  Washington  and  Lincoln,  Grant  has  an  exalted  place  in  his- 
tory and  the  affections  of  the  people.  Today  his  memory  is  held  in  equal 
esteem  by  those  whom  he  led  to  victory  and  by  those  who  accepted  his 
generous  terms  of  peace.  The  veteran  leaders  of  the  blue  and  the  gray 
here  meet  not  only  to  honor  the  name  of  the  departed  Grant,  but  to  testify 
to  the  living  reality  of  a  fraternal  national  spirit  which  has  triumphed 
over  the  differences  of  the  past  and  transcended  the  limitations  of  sec- 
tional lines.  Its  completion,  which  we  pray  God  to  speed,  will  be  the 
nation's  greatest  glory. 


"It  is  right,  then,  that  Gen.  Grant  should  have  a  memorial  commen- 
surate with  his  greatness,  and  that  his  last  resting  place  should  be  the 
city  of  his  choice,  to  which  he  was  so  attached  in  life  and  of  whose  ties 
he  was  not  forgetful  even  in  death.  Fitting,  too,  is  it  that  the  great 
soldier  should  sleep  beside  the  native  river  on  whose  banks  he  first  learned 
the  art  of  war  and  of  which  he  became  master  and  leader  without  a  rival. 

"But  let  us  not  forget  the  glorious  distinction  with  which  the  metrop- 
olis among  the  fair  sisterhood  of  American  cities  has  honored  his  life  and 
memory.  With  all  that  riches  and  sculpture  can  do  to  render  the  edifice 
worthy  of  the  man,  upon  a  site  unsurpassed  for  magnificence,  has  this 
monument  been  reared  by  New  York  as  a  perpetual  record  of  his  illus- 
trious deeds  in  the  certainty  that  as  time  passes  around  it  will  assemble 
witli  gratitude  and  reverence  and  veneration  men  of  all  climes,  races  and 

268  Life  of  William  McKinley 

"New  York  holds  in  its  keeping  the  precious  dust  of  the  silent  soldier; 
but  his  achievements — which  he  and  his  brave  comrades  wrought  for 
mankind — are  in  the  keeping  of  seventy  millions  of  American  citizens 
who  will  guard  the  sacred  heritage  forever  and  forevermore." 


"Mr.  Speaker: — A  great  citizen  who  filled  high  public  stations  for 
more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  has  passed  away,  and  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives turns  aside  from  its  usual  public  duties  that  it  may  place  in 
its  permanent  and  otihcial  record  a  tribute  to  his  memory,  and  manifest 
in  some  degree  its  appreciation  of  his  lofty  character  and  illustrious 
services.  General  Logan  was  a  conspicuous  figure  in  war,  and  scarcely 
less  conspicuous  in  peace.  Whether  on  the  field  of  arms  or  in  the  forum- 
where  ideas  clash,  General  Logan  was  ever  at  the  front. 

"Mr.  Speaker,  he  was  a  leader  of  men,  having  convictions,  with  the 
courage  to  utter  and  enforce  them  in  any  place  and  to  defend  them 
against  any  adversary.  He  was  never  long  in  the  rear  among  the  fol- 
lowers. Starting  there,  his  resolute  and  resistless  spirit  soon  impressed 
itself  upon  his  fellows,  and  he  was  quickly  advanced  to  his  true  and 
rightful  rank  of  leadership.  Without  the  aid  of  fortune,  without  the  aid 
of  influential  friends,  he  won  his  successive  stations  of  honor  by  the 
force  of  his  own  integrity  and  industry,  his  own  high  character  and 
indomitable  will.  And  it  may  be  said  of  him  that  he  justly  represents 
one  of  the  best  types  of  American  manhood,  and  illustrates  in  his  life 
the  outcome  and  the  possibilities  of  the  American  youth  under  the  gen- 
erous influences  of  our  free  institutions. 

"Participating  in  two  wars,  the  records  of  both  attest  his  courage 
and  devotion,  his  valor,  and  his  sacrifices  for  the  country  which  he  loved 
so  well,  and  to  which  he  more  than  once  dedicated  everything  he  pos- 
sessed, even  life  itself.  Reared  a  democrat,  he  turned  away  from  many 
of  the  old  party  leaders  when  the  trying  crisis  came  which  was  to  deter- 
mine whether  the  Union  was  to  be  saved  or  to  be  severed.  He  joined 
his  old  friend  and  party  leader,  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  with  all  the  ardor 
of  his  strong  nature,  and  the  safety  and  preservation  of  the  Union  became 
the  overshadowing  and  absorbing  purpose  of  his  life.  His  creed  was  his 
country.  Patriotism  was  the  sole  plank  in  his  platform.  Everything 
must  yield  to  this  sentiment ;  every  other  consideration  was  subordinate 
to  it;  and  so  he  threw  the  whole  force  of  his  great  character  at  the 
very  outset  into  the  struggle  for  national  life.  He  resigned  his  seat  in 
congress  to  raise  a  regiment,  and  it  is  a  noteworthy  fact  that  in  the 
congressional  district  which  he  represented  more  soldiers  were  sent  to 
the  front  according  to  its  population  than  in  any  other  congressional 

Our  Martyred  President  269 

district  in  the  United  States.  It  is  a  further  significant  fact,  that,  in  i860, 
wh.en  he  ran  for  congress  as  a  democratic  candidate,  in  what  was  known 
as  the  old  Ninth  Congressional  District,  he  received  a  majority  of  over 
13,000;  and  six  years  afterward,  when  at  the  conclusion  of  the  war  he 
ran  as  a  candidate  of  the  republican  party  in  the  state  of  Illinois  as 
representative  to  congress  at  large,  the  same  old  Ninth  District,  that 
had  given  him  a  democratic  majority  of  13,000  in  i860,  gave  him  a 
republican  majority  of  over  3,000  in  1866.  Whatever  else  these  facts 
may  teach,  Mr.  Speaker,  they  clearly  show  one  thing — that  John  A. 
Logan's  old  constituency  approved  of  his  course,  was  proud  of  his  illus- 
trious services,  and  followed  the  flag  which  he  bore,  which  was  the 
Flag  of  the  Stars. 

"His  service  in  this  house  and  in  the  senate,  almost  uninterruptedly, 
since  1867,  was  marked  by  great  industry,  by  rugged  honesty,  by  devo- 
tion to  the  interests  of  the  country,  and  to  the  whole  country,  to  the  rights 
of  the  citizen,  and  especially  by  a  devotion  to  the  interests  of  his  late 
comrades-in-arms.  He  was  a  strong  and  forcible  debater.  He  was  a 
most  thorough  master  of  the  subjects  he  discussed,  and  an  intense 
believer  in  the  policy  and  principles  he  advocated.  In  popular  discussion 
upon  the  hustings  he  had  no  superiors,  and  but  few  equals.  He  seized 
the  hearts  and  the  consciences  of  men,  and  moved  great  multitudes  with 
that  fury  of  enthusiasm  with  which  he  moved  his  soldiers  in  the  field. 

"Mr.  Speaker,  it  is  high  tribute  to  any  man,  it  is  high  tribute  to 
John  A.  Logan,  to  say  that,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  where  sat 
Thaddeus  Stevens  and  Robert  C.  Schenck,  James  G.  Blaine  and  James  A. 
Garfield,  Henry  Winter  Davis  and  William  D.  Kelley,  he  stood  ec|ual 
in  favor  and  in  power  in  party  control.  And  it  is  equally  high  tribute  to 
him  to  say  that  in  the  senate  of  the  United  States,  where  sat  Charles 
Sumner  and  Oliver  P.  Morton,  Hanibal  Hamlin  and  Zachariah  Chandler, 
John  Sherman  and  George  F.  Edmunds,  Roscoe  Conkling  and  Justin  S. 
Morrill,  he  fairly  divided  with  them  the  power  and  responsibility  of  repub- 
lican leadership.  No  higher  eulogy  can  be  given  to  any  man,  no  more 
honorable  distinction  could  be  coveted.  He  lived  during  a  period  of 
very  great  activities  and  forces,  and  he  impressed  himself  upon  his  age 
and  time.  To  me  the  dominant  and  controlling  force  in  his  life  was  his 
intense  patriotism. 

"It  stamped  all  his  acts  and  utterances,  and  was  the  chief  inspiration 
of  the  great  work  he  wrought.  His  book,  recently  published,  is  a 
masterly  appeal  to  the  patriotism  of  the  people.  His  death,  so  sudden 
and  unlooked  for,  was  a  shock  to  his  countrymen,  and  caused  universal 
sorrow  among  all  classes  in  every  part  of  the  Union.  No  class  so  deeply 
mourned  his  taking  away  as  the  great  volunteer  army  and  their  surviving 

^yo  Life  of  William  McKinley 

families  and  friends.  They  were  closely  related  to  him.  They  regarded 
him  as  their  never-failing  friend.  He  had  been  first  commander-in-chief 
of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  and  to  him  this  mighty  soldier 
organization,  numbering  more  than  four  hundred  thousand,  was  inaebted 
for  much  of  its  efficiency  in  the  field  of  charity.  He  was  the  idol  of  the 
army  in  which  he  served — the  ideal  citizen  volunteer  of  the  Republic,  the 
pride  of  all  the  armies,  and  affectionately  beloved  by  all  who  loved  the 

"Honored  and  respected  by  his  commanders,  held  in  affectionate 
regard  by  the  rank  and  file,  who  found  in  him  a  heroic  leader  and  devoted 
friend,  he  advocated  the  most  generous  bounties  and  pensions,  and  much 
of  this  character  of  legislation  was  constructed  by  his  hand.  So  in 
sympathy  was  he  with  the  brave  men  who  risked  all  for  country,  that 
lie  demanded  for  them  the  most  generous  treatment.  I  heard  him  declare 
last  summer,  to  an  audience  of  ten  thousand  people,  gathered  from  all 
sections  of  the  country,  at  the  annual  encampment  of  the  Grand  Army 
of  the  Republic  at  San  Francisco,  that  he  believed  that  the  government 
should  grant  from  its -overflowing  treasury  and  boundless  resources  a 
pension  to  every  Union  soldier  who  was  incapable  of  taking  care  of 
himself,  asserting  with  all  the  fervor  of  his  patriotic  soul  that  the  gov- 
ernment was  unworthy  of  itself  and  of  the  blood  and  treasure  it  cost 
if  it  would  suffer  any  of  its  defenders  to  become  inmates  of  the  poor- 
houses  of  the  land,  or  be  the  objects  of  private  charity. 

"Mr.  Speaker,  the  old  soldiers  will  miss  him.  The  old  oak  around 
which  their  hearts  were  entwined,  to  which  their  hopes  clung,  has  fallen. 
The  old  veterans  have  lost  their  steady  friend.  The  congress  of  the 
United  States  has  lost  one  of  its  ablest  counselors,  the  republican  party 
one  of  its  confessed  leaders,  the  country  one  of  its  noble  defenders." — 
House  of  Representatives,  February  lo,  i88/. 


*     William   McKinley's    Masterpieces   of   Eloquence. 



''Mr.  President  and  my  Fellow  Citizens: — Since  1870  this  spot  has 
witnessed  the  celebration  of  the  anniversary  of  our  national  independence. 
They  have  been  memorable  occasions.  It  gives  me  peculiar  pleasure  to 
meet  the  people  of  New  England  upon  this  day,  and  upon  this  ground, 
and  especially  is  it  pleasing  to  me  to  respond  for  the  first  time  that  I  have 
been  able  to  do  so  to  the  many  generous  invitations  that  I  have  received 
from  Mr.  Bowen,  to  whom  you  and  all  of  us  are  indebted  for  this  patriotic 
assemblage.  I  have  liked  Henry  C.  Bowen  for  a  good  many  things.  I 
have  admired  him  since  more  than  forty  years  ago,  when,  in  the  midst 
of  great  political  agitation  as  a  merchant  of  the  city  of  New  York,  he 
said :  'Our  goods  are  for  sale,  but  not  our  principles.'  It  was  this 
spirit  that  guided  the  revolutionary  fathers,  and  that  has  won  for  free- 
dom every  single  victory  since. 

"Now,  what  is  the  meaning  of  this  day  and  celebration?  Simply  that 
what  we  have  achieved  must  be  perpetrated  in  its  strength  and  purity,  not 
giving  up  one  jot  or  tittle  of  the  victories  won.  More  we  do  not  ask, 
less  we  will  not  have.  There  never  was  a  wrong  for  which  there  was  not 
a  remedy.  There  never  was  a  crime  against  the  constitution  that  there 
was  not  a  way  somewhere  and  somehow  found  to  prevent  or  punish; 
there  never  was  such  an  abuse  that  did  not  suggest  a  reform  that  pointed 
to  justice  and  righteousness.  I  am  not  so  much  troubled  how  the  thing 
is  to  be  done  as  I  am  troubled  that  the  living  shall  do  what  is  right,  as 
the  living  see  the  right.  The  future  will  take  care  of  itself  if  we  will  do 
right.  As  Gladstone  said  in  his  peroration  presenting  the  remedial 
legislation  of  Ireland : 

"'Walking  in  the  path  of  justice  we  can  not  err;  guided  by  that 
light  we  are  safe.  Every  step  we  take  upon  our  road  brings  us  nea^'er 
to  the  goal,  and  every  obstacle,  though  it  seem  for  the  moment  insur- 
mountable, can  only  for  a  little  while  retard,  never  defeat,  the  fatal 

"The  Fourth   of  July   is  memorable  among  other  things  because 


T]i  Life  of  William  McKinley 

George  Washington  signed  the  first  great  industrial  measure  on  that 
day.  The  very  first  industrial  financial  measure  that  was  ever  passed 
in  the  United  States  was  signed  by  him  on  the  4th  day  of  July,  1789, 
and  therefore  I  did  not  think  there  was  any  impropriety  in  Senator 
Aldrich  talking  about  the  tariff  on  this  day  and  occasion.  It  would 
not  be  proper  for  me  to  make  a  tariff  speech  here,  although  it  has  been 
suggested,  but  I  may  say  w'ith  propriety,  I  am  always  for  the  United 
States.  I  believe  in  the  American  idea  of  liberty,  so  eloquently  described 
by  Chauncey  Depew  this  morning.  I  believe  in  American  independence, 
— not  only  political  independence,  but  industrial  independence  as  well ; 
and  if  I  were  asked  to  tell  in  a  single  sentence  what  constitutes  tlie 
strength  of  the  American  Republic,  I  would  say  it  w^as  the  American 
home,  and  whatever  makes  the  x^merican  home  the  best,  the  purest,  and 
the  most  exalted  in  the  world.  It  is  our  homes  w-hich  exalt  the  coun- 
try and  its  citizenship  above  those  of  any  other  land.  I  have  no  objec- 
tion to  foreign  products,  but  I  do  like  home  products  better.  I  am  not 
against  the  foreign  product,  I  am  in  favor  of  it — for  taxation ;  but  I 
am  for  the  domestic  production  for  consumption. 

"In  no  country  is  there  so  much  devolving  upon  the  people  relating 
to  government  as  in  ours.  Unlike  any  other  nation,  here  the  people 
rule,  and  their  will  is  supreme  law.  It  is  sometimes  sneeringly  said  by 
those  who  do  not  like  free  government,  that  here  w^e  count  heads.  True, 
heads  are  counted,  but  brains  also.  And  the  general  sense  of  sixty-three 
millions  of  free  people  is  better  and  safer  than  the  sense  of  any  favored 
few,  born  to  nobility  and  ruling  by  inheritance.  This  nation,  if  it  would 
continue  to  lead  in  the  race  of  progress  and  liberty,  must  do  it  through 
the  intelligence  and  conscience  of  its  people.  Every  honest  and  God- 
fearing man  is  a  mighty  factor  in  the  future  of  the  Republic.  Educated 
men,  business  men,  professional  men,  should  be  the  last  to  shirk  the 
responsibilities  attaching  to  citizenship  in  a  free  government.  They 
should  be  practical  and  helpful — mingling  with  the  people— not  selfish 
and  exclusive.  It  is  not  necessary  that  every  man  should  enter  into 
politics,  or  adopt  it  as  a  profession,  or  seek  political  preferment,  but 
it  is  the  duty  of  every  man  to  give  personal  attention  to  his  political 
duties.     They  are  as  sacred  and  binding  as  any  we  have  to  perform. 

"We  reach  the  wider  field  of  politics  and  shape  the  national  policy 
through  the  town  meeting  and  the  party  caucus.  They  should  neither 
be  despised  nor  avoided,  but  made  potent  in  securing  the  best  agents 
for  executing  the  popular  will.  The  influence  which  goes  forth  from 
the  township  or  precinct  meeting  is  felt  in  state  and  national  legisla- 
tion, and  is  at  last  embodied  in  the  permanent  forms  of  law  and  written 
constitutions.     I  can  not  too  earnestly  invite  you  to  the  closest  personal 


■f|^?C5-?*.   f^i 


Our  Martyred  President  273 

attention  to  party  and  political  caucuses  and  the  primary  meetings  of 
your  respective  parties.  They  constitute  that  which  goes  to  make  up, 
at  last,  the  popular  will.  They  lie  at  the  basis  of  all  true  reform.  It 
will  not  do  to  hold  yourself  aloof  from  politics  and  parties.  If  the 
party  is  wrong,  make  it  better;  that's  the  business  of  the  true  partisan 
and  good  citizen,  for  whatever  reforms  any  of  us  may  hope  to  accom- 
plish must  come  through  united  party  and  political  action." — Wood- 
stocky  Conn. J  July  4,  i8pi. 


"Interest  in  public  affairs,  national,  state  and  city,  should  be  ever 
present  and  active,  and  not  abated  from  one  year's  end  to  the  other. 
No  American  citizen  is  too  great  and  none  too  humble  to  be  exempt 
from  any  civic  duty  however  subordinate.  Every  public  duty  is  honor- 

"This  menace  often  comes  from  the  busy  man  or  man  of  business 
and  sometimes  from  those  possessing  the  most  leisure  or  learning.  I 
have  known  men  engaged  in  great  commercial  enterprises  to  leave 
home  on  the  eve  of  an  election,  and  then  complain  of  the  result,  when 
their  presence  and  the  good  influence  they  might  properly  have  exerted 
would  have  secured  a  different  and  better  result.  They  run  away  from 
one  of  the  most  sacred  obligations  in  a  government  like  ours,  and  con- 
fide to  those  with  less  interest  involved  and  less  responsibility  to  the 
community,  the  duty  which  should  be  shared  by  them.  What  we  need 
is  a  revival  of  the  true  spirit  of  popular  government,  the  true  American 
spirit  where  all — not  the  few — participate  actively  in  government.  We 
need  a  new  baptism  of  patriotism,  and,  suppressing  for  the  time  our  sev- 
eral religious  views  upon  the  subject,  I  think  we  will  all  agree  that  the 
baptism  should  be  by  immersion.  There  can  not  be  too  much  patriot- 
ism. It  banishes  distrust  and  treason,  and  anarchy  flees  before  it.  It 
is  a  sentiment  which  enriches  our  individual  and  national  life.  It  is  the 
firmament  of  our  power,  the  security  of  the  Republic,  the  bulwark  of 
our  liberties.  It  makes  better  citizens,  better  cities,  a  better  country, 
and  a  better  civilization. 

"The  business  life  of  the  country  is  so  closely  connected  with  its 
political  life  that  the  one  is  much  influenced  by  the  other.  Good  pol- 
itics is  good  business.  Mere  partisanship  no  longer  controls  the  cit- 
izen and  country.  Men  who  think  alike,  although  heretofore  acting  jeal- 
ously apart,  are  now  acting  together,  and  no  longer  permit  former  party 
associations  to  keep  them  from  co-operating  for  the  public  good.  They 
are  more  and  more  growing  into  the  habit  of  doing  in  politics  what  they 
do  in  business. 

274  ^^^^  ^^  William  McKinley 

"The  general  situation  of  the  country  demands  of  the  business  men, 
as  well  as  the  masses  of  the  people,  the  most  serious  consideration.  We 
must  have  less  partisanship  of  a  certain  kind,  more  business,  and  a  better 
national  spirit.  We  need  an  aggressive  partisanship  for  country.  There 
are  some  things  upon  which  we  are  all  agreed.  We  mi;st  have  enough 
money  to  run  the  government.  We  must  not  have  our  credit  tarnished 
and  our  reserve  depleted  because  of  pride  of  opinion,  or  to  carry  out 
some  economic  theory  unsuited  to  our  conditions,  citizenship,  and  civ- 
ilization. The  outflow  of  gold  will  not  disturb-  us  if  the  inflow  of  gold 
is  large  enough.  The  outgo  is  not  serious  if  the  income  exceeds  it. 
False  theories  should  not  be  permitted  to  stand  in  the  way  of  cold  facts. 
The  resources  which  have  been  developed  and  tlie  wealth  which  has 
been  accumulated,  in  the  last  third  of  a  century  in  the  United  States, 
must  not  be  impaired  or  diminished  or  wasted  by  the  application  of 
theories  of  the  dreamer  or  doctrinaire.  Business  experience  is  the  best 
lamp  to  guide  us  in  the  pathway  of  progress  and  prosperity." — Chamber 
of  Commerce,  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  Feb.  ij,  18^5. 


OCTOBER    12,    1898. 

"Mr.  President,  Gentlemen  of  the  Trans-Mississippi  Exposition,  and 
Felloiv  Citizens: — It  is  with  genuine  pleasure  that  I  meet  once  more 
the  people  of  Omaha,  whose  wealth  of  welcome  is  not  altogether  un- 
familiar to  me,  and  whose  warm  hearts  have  before  touched  and  moved 
me.  For  this  renewed  manifestation  of  your  regard,  and  for  the  cordial 
reception  of  to-day,  my  heart  responds  with  profound  gratitude  and  a 
deep  appreciation  which  I  cannot  conceal,  and  which  the  language  of 
compliment  is  inadequate  to  convey.  My  greeting  is  not  alone  to  your 
city  and  state  of  Nebraska,  but  to  the  people  of  all  the  states  of  the 
Trans-Mississippi  group  participating  here,  and  I  cannot  withhold  con- 
gratulations on  the  evidences  of  their  prosperity  furnished  by  this 
great  exposition.  If  testimony  Vv^ere  needed  to  establish  the  fact  that 
their  pluck  has  not  deserted  them,  and  that  prosperity  is  again  with 
them,  it  is  found  here.    This  picture  dispels  all  doubt.     [Applause.] 

"In  an  age  of  expositions  they  have  added  yet  another  magnificent 
example,  [Applause.]  The  historical  celebrations  at  Philadelphia  and 
Chicago,  and  the  splendid  exhibits  at  New  Orleans,  Atlanta  and  Nash- 
ville, are  now  part  of  the  past,  and  yet  in  influence  they  still  live,  and 
their  beneficent  results  are  closely  interwoven  with  our  national  devel-  jMk 
opment.  Similar  rewards  will  honor  the  authors  and  patrons  of  the  ^ 
Trans-Mississippi  and  International  Exposition.  Their  contribution  will 
mark  another  epoch  in  the  nation's  material  advancement. 

Our  Martyred  President  275 


'One  of  the  great  laws  of  life  is  progress,  and  nowhere  have  the 
principles  of  this  law  been  so  strikingly  illustrated  as  in  the  United 
States.  A  century  and  a  decade  of  our  national  life  have  turned  doubt 
into  conviction,  changed  experiment  into  demonstration,  revolutionized 
old  methods,  and  won  new  triumphs  which  have  challenged  the  atten- 
tion of  the  world.  This  is  true  not  only  of  the  accumulation  of  mate- 
rial wealth,  and  advance  in  education,  science,  invention  and  manu- 
factures, but,  above  all,  in  the  opportunities  to  the  people  for  their  own 
elevation,  which  have  been  secured  by  wise  free  government. 

"Hitherto,  in  peace  and  in  war,  with  additions  to  our  territory  and 
slight  changes  in  our  laws,  we  have  steadily  enforced  the  spirit  of  the 
constitution  secured  to  us  by  the  noble  self-sacrifice  and  far-seeing 
sagacity  of  our  ancestors.  We  have  avoided  the  temptations  of  con- 
quest in  the  spirit  of  gain.  With  an  increasing  love  for  our  institu- 
tions and  an  abiding  faith  in  their  stability,  we  have  made  the  triumphs 
of  our  system  of  government  in  the  progress  and  the  prosperity  of  our 
people  an  inspiration  to  the  whole  human  race.  [Applause.]  Con- 
fronted at  this  moment  by  new  and  gi"a\-e  problems,  we  must  recognize 
that  their  solution  will  affect  not  ourselves  alone,  but  others  of  the  fam- 
ily of  nations. 

"In  this  age  of  frequent  interchange  and  mutual  dependence,  we 
cannot  shirk  our  international  responsibilities  if  we  would;  they  must 
be  met  with  courage  and  wisdom,  and  we  must  follow  duty  even  if 
desire  opposes.  [Applause.]  No  deliberation  can  be  too  mature,  or 
self-control  too  constant,  in  this  solemn  hour  of  our  history.  We  must 
avoid  the  temptation  of  aggression,  and  aim  to  secure  only  such  results 
as  will  promote  our  own  and  the  general  good. 

'T-t  has  been  said  by  some  one  that  the  normal  condition  of  nations 
is  war.  That  is  not  true  of  the  United  States.  We  never  enter  upon 
a  war  until  every  effort  for  peace  without  it  has  been  exhausted.  Ours 
has  never  been  a  military  government.  Peace,  with  whose  blessings 
we  have  been  so  singularly  favored,  is  the  national  desire  and  the  goal 
of  every  American  aspiration.     [Applause.] 

"On  the  25th  of  April,  for  the  first  time  for  more  than  a  genera- 
tion, the  United  States  sounded  the  call  to  arms.  The  banners  of  war 
were  unfurled ;  the  best  and  bravest  from  every  section  responded ;  a 
mighty  army  was  enrolled ;  the  North  and  the  South  vied  with  each  other 
in  patriotic  devotion  [great  applause]  ;  science  was  invoked  to  furnish 
its  most  effective  weapons ;  factories  were  rushed  to  supply  equipment ; 
the  youth  and  the  veteran  joined  in  freely  offering  their  services  to 
Iheir  country;  volunteers  and  regulars  and  all  the  people  rallied  to  the 
support  of  the  republic.     There  was  no  break  in  the  line,  no  halt  in 

276  Life  of  William  McKinley 

the  march,  no  fear  in  the  heart  [great  applause]  ;  no  resistance  to  the 
patriotic  impulse  at  home;  no  successful  resistance  to  the  patriotic  spirit 
of  the  troops  fighting  in  distant  water  or  on  a  foreign  shore.  [Continued 
applause.  ] 

"What  a  wonderful  experience  it  has  been  from  the  standpoint  of 
patriotism  and  achievement!  The  storm  broke  so  suddenly  that  it  was 
here  almost  before  we  realized  it.  Our  navy  was  too  small,  though 
forceful  with  its  modern  equipment,  and  most  fortunate  in  its  trained 
officers  and  sailors. 

Our  army  had  years  ago  been  reduced  to  a  peace  footing.  We  had 
only  28,000  available  troops  when  the  war  was  declared,  but  the  account 
which  officers  and  men  gave  of  themselves  on  the  battlefield  has  never 
been  surpassed.  The  manhood  was  there  and  everywhere.  American 
patriotism  was  there,  and  its  resources  were  limitless.  The  courageous 
and  invincible  spirit  of  the  people  proved  glorious,  and  those  who  a 
little  more  than  a  third  of  a  century  ago  were  divided  and  at  war  with 
each  other  were  again  united  under  the  holy  standard  of  liberty. 
[Great  applause.]  Patriotism  banished  party  feeling;  $50,000,000  for 
the  national  defense  were  appropriated  without  debate  or  division,  as  a 
matter  of  course  and  as  only  a  mere  indication  of  our  mighty  reserve 
power.      [Great  applause.] 

"But  if  this  is  true  of  the  beginning  of  the  war,  what  shall  we  say 
of  it  now,  with  hostilities  suspended,  and  peace  near  at  hand,  as  we 
fervently  hope?  Matchless  in  its  results!  [Great  applause]  Un- 
equaled  in  its  completeness  and  the  quick  succession  with  which  vic- 
tory followed  victory!  Attained  earlier  than  it  was  believed  to  be  pos- 
sible; so  comprehensive  in  its  sweep  that  every  thoughtful  man  feels 
the  weight  of  responsibility  which  has  been  so  suddenly  thrust  upon 
us.  And  above  all  and  beyond  all,  the  valor  of  the  American  army 
and  the  bravery  of  the  American  navy  and  the  majesty  of  the  Amer- 
ican name  stand  forth  in  unsullied  glory,  while  the  humanity  of  our 
purposes  and  the  magnanimity  of  our  coilduct  have  given  to  war,  al- 
ways horrible,  touches  of  noble  generosity,  Christian  sympathy  and 
charity,  and  examples  of  human  grandeur  which  can  never  be  lost  to 
mankind.  [Prolonged  applause.]  Passion  and  bitterness  formed  no 
part  of  our  impelling  motive,  and  it  is  gratifying  to  feel  that  humanity 
triumphed  at  every  step  of  the  war's  progress.     [Applause.] 

"The  heroes  of  Manila  and  Santiago  and  Porto  Rico  have  made 
immortal  history.  They  are  worthy  successors  and  descendants  of 
Washington  and  Greene;  of  Paul  Jones,  Decatur  and  Hull,  and  of 
Grant,  Sheridan,  Sherman  and  Logan;  of  Farragut,  Porter  and  Gush- 
ing, of  Lee,  Jackson  and  Longstreet.     [Tremendous  applause.] 

Our  Martyred  President  277 

"New  names  stand  out  on  the  honor  roll  of  the  nation's  great  men 
[applause],  and  with  them,  unnamed,  stand  the  heroes  of  the  trenches 
and  the  forecastle,  invincible  in  battle  and  uncomplaining  in  death. 
[Great  applause.]  The  intelligent,  loyal,  indomitable  soldier  and  sailor 
and  marine,  regular  and  volunteer,  are  entitled  to  ecjual  praise  as  hav- 
ing done  their  whole  duty,  whether  at  home  or  under  the  baptism  of 
foreign  fire.     [Applause.] 

"Who  will  dim  the  splendor  of  their  achievements?  Who  will 
withhold  from  them  their  well-earned  distinction?  Who  will  intrude 
detraction  at  this  time  to  belittle  the  manly  spirit  of  the  American 
youth  and  impair  the  usefulness  of  the  American  army?  Who  will  em- 
barrass the  government  by  sowing  seeds  of  dissatisfaction  among  the 
brave  men  who  stand  ready  to  serve  and  die,  if  need  be,  for  their  coun- 
try? Who  will  darken  the  counsels  of  the  republic  in  this  hour,  re- 
quiring the  united  wisdom  of  all  ?     [Cheers  and  prolonged  applause.] 

"Shall  we  deny  to  ourselves  what  the  rest  of  the  world  so  freely 
and  so  justly  accords  to  us?  [General  cry  of  'No!']  The  men  who 
endured  in  the  short  but  decisive  struggle  its  hardships,  its  privations, 
whether  in  field  or  camp,  on  ship  or  in  the  siege,  and  planned  and 
achieved  its  victories,  will  never  tolerate  impeachment,  either  direct  or 
indirect,  of  those  who  won  a  peace  whose  great  gain  to  civilization  is 
yet  unknown  and  unwritten.     [Tremendous  applause.] 

"The  faith  of  a  Christian  nation  recognizes  the  hand  of  Almighty  God 
in  the  ordeal  through  which  we  have  passed.  Divine  favor  seemed  mani- 
fest everywhere.  In  fighting  for  humanity's  sake  we  have  been  signally 
blessed.  We  did  not  seek  war.  To  avoid  it,  if  this  could  be  done  in 
honor  and  justice  to  the  rights  of  our  neighbors  and  ourselves,  was 
our  constant  prayer.  The  war  was  no  more  invited  by  us  than  were 
the  questions  which  are  laid  at  our  door  by  its  results.  [Great  ap- 
plause.] Now  as  then  we  will  do  our  duty.  [Continued  applause.] 
The  problems  will  not  be  solved  in  a  day.  Patience  will  be  required 
— patience  combined  with  sincerity  of  purpose  and  unshaken  resolu- 
tion to  do  right,  seeking  only  the  highest  good  of  the  nation,  and  recog- 
nizing no  other  obligation,  pursuing  no  other  path,  but  that  of  duty. 

"Right  action  follows  right  purpose.  We  may  not  at  all  times  be 
able  to  divine  the  future,  the  Avay  may  not  always  seem  clear;  but  if 
our  aims  are  high  and  unselfish,  somehow  and  in  some  way  the  right 
end  will  be  reached.  The  genius  of  the  nation,  its  freedom,  its  wis- 
dom, its  humanity,  its  courage,  its.  justice,  favored  by  divine  Providence, 
will  make  it  equal  to  every  task  and  the  master  of  every  emergency." 
[Long  continued  applause.] 

278  Life  of  .William  McKinley 


"My  Fcllozu  Citizens: — My  former  visits  to  St.  Louis  are  full  of 
pleasant  memories.  My  present  one  I  shall  never  forget.  It  has  warmed 
my  heart  and  given  me  encouragement  for  greater  effort  to  admin- 
ister the  trust  which  I  hold  for  my  country.  My  first  visit  was  in  18S8/ 
and  then  again  in  1892,  both  of  which  afforded  me  an  opportunity  of 
becoming  acquainted  with  your  people,  and  of  observing  the  substan- 
tial character  of  your  enterprising  city.  I  omitted  my  quadrennial 
visit  in  1896  for  reasons  which  were  obvious  to  you,  and  have  always 
been  thankful  that  my  absence  seemed  to  have  created  no  prejudice  in 
your  minds.       [Laughter  and  applause.] 

"I  remember,  on  the  occasion  of  a  former  visit,  in  company  with 
Governor  Francis  and  other  citizens,  to  have  witnessed  the  assembled 
pupils  of  the  schools  of  the  city  at  your  great  fair.  It  was  an  inspiring- 
sight,  and  it  has  never  been  effaced  from  my  recollection.  As  I  looked 
into  the  thousands  of  young  faces  of  the  boys  and  the  girls,  preparing 
themselves  for  citizenship,  I  had  my  faith  confirmed  in  the  stability  of 
our  institutions.  [Applause.]  I  saw  them  to-day  as  I  drove  about 
your  city  with  the  flag  in  their  hands,  and  heard  their  voices  ringing 
with  the  song  we  love — 

"  'My  country,  'tis  of  thee, 
Sweet  land  of  liberty.' 
To  the  youth  of  the  country  trained  in  the  schools,  which  happily  are 
opened  to  all,  must  we  look  to  carry  forward  the  fabric  of  govern- 
ment. It  is  fortunate  for  us  that  our  republic  appeals  to  the  best  and 
noblest  aspirations  of  its  citizens,  and  makes  all  things  possible  to  the 
w^orthy  and  industrious  youth. 

"The  personal  interest  and  participation  of  our  citizenship  in  the 
conduct  of  the  government  make  its  condition  always  absorbing  and 

"It  must  be  a  matter  of  great  gratification  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States  to  know  that  the  national  credit  was  never  better  than 
now,  while  the  national  name  was  never  dearer  to  us,  and  never  more 
respected  by  others  the  world  over.  For  the  first  time  in  the  country's 
history  the  government  has  sold  a  3  per  cent  bond,  every  dollar  of 
which  was  taken  at  par.  This  bond  is  now  at  a  premium  of  5  cents 
on  the  dollar;  and  the  profit  has  gone  to  the  people.  [Applause.] 
The  loan  was  a  popular  one,  and  it  has  been  a  source  of  much  satisfac- 
tion that  the  people,  with  their  surplus  savings,  were  able  to  buy  the 
bonds.  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  while  we  offered  two  hundred  mil- 
lions of  bonds  for  sale,  over  fourteen  hundred  millions  were  subscribed 

Our  Martyred  President  279 

by  the  people  of  the  country,  and  by  the  terms  of  sale  no  one  was  able  to 
receive  bonds  in  excess  of  $5,000.    [Applause.] 

"It  is  not  without  significance,  too,  that  the  government  has  not 
been  required,  since  1896,  to  borrow  any  money  for  its  current  obliga- 
tions until  the  war  with  Spain,  while  its  available  balance,  October 
I,  1898,  was  upward  of  three  hundred  and  seven  million,  of  which  sum 
over  two  hundred  and  forty-three  millions  were  in  gold.  Nothing 
more  impressed  the  nations  of  the  world  than  the  appropriation  of  a 
large  national  defense  fund  which  the  treasury  was  able  to  pay  from 
its  balance,  without  resort  to  a  loan.  While  the  credit  and  finance  of 
the  government  have  improved,  the  business  conditions  of  the  people 
have  also  happily  improved.  We  are  more  cheerful,  more  happy,  more 
contented.  Both  government  and  citizens  have  shared  in  the  general 
prosperity.  The  circulation  of  the  country  on  the  ist  of  July,  1898, 
was  larger  than  it  had  ever  been  before  in  our  history.  It  is  not  so 
large  to-day  as  then,  but  the  reason  for  it  is  that  the  people  put  a  part 
of  that  circulation  in  the  treasury  to  meet  the  government  bonds  which 
they  hold  in  their  hands. 

"The  people  have  borne  the  additional  taxation  made  necessary 
by  the  war  with  the  same  degree  of  patriotism  that  characterized  the 
soldiers  who  enlisted  to  fight  the  country's  battles.  [Applause.]  We 
have  not  only  prospered  in  every  material  sense,  but  we  have  estab- 
lished a  sentiment  of  good  feeling  and  a  spirit  of  brotherhood  such  as 
the  nation  has  not  enjoyed  since  the  earlier  years  of  its  history.  My 
countrymen,  not  since  the  beginning  of  the  agitation  of  the  cjuestion 
of  slavery  has  there  been  such  a  common  bond  in  name  and  purpose, 
such  genuine  affection,  such  a  unity  of  the  sections,  such  obligation  of" 
party  and  geographical  divisions.  National  pride  has  been  again  en- 
throned ;  national  patriotism  has  been  restored ;  the  national  Union 
cemented  closer  and  stronger;  the  love  for  the  old  flag  enshrined  in  all 
hearts.  North  and  South  have  mingled  their  best  blood  in  a  common 
cause,  and  to-day  rejoice  in  a  common  victory.  [Great  applause.] 
Happily  for  the  nation  to-day,  they  follow  the  same  glorious  banner, 
together  fighting  and  dying  under  its  sacred  folds  for  American  honor 
and  for  the  humanity  of  the  race,     [Loud  and  prolonged  applause.]  i 

"We  must  guard  this  restored  Union  with  zealous  and  sacred  care, 
and,  while  awaiting  the  settlements  of  the  war  and  meeting  the  prob- 
lems which  will  follow%  we  must  stand  as  Americans,  not  in  the  spirit 
of  party,  and  unite  in  a  common  effort  for  that  which  will  give  to  the 
nation  its  widest  influence  in  the  sphere  of  activity  and  usefulness  to  I 
which  the  war  has  assigned  it.  My  fellow  citizens,  let  nothing  dis- 
tract us ;  let  no  discordant  voice  intrude  to  embarrass  us  in  the  solution 
of  the  mighty  problems  which  involve  such  vast  consequences  to  our- 

28o  Life  of  William  McKinley 

selves  and  posterity.  Let  us  remember  that  God  bestows  supreme  oppor- 
tunity upon  no  nation  which  is  not  ready  to  respond  to  the  caU  of  supreme 
duty.     [Prolonged  applause.] 


"Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: — I  count  myself  fortunate 
to  have  the  privilege  of  meeting  with  the  allied  railroad  organizations 
assembled  in  this  great  metropolis.  I  have  had  in  the  last  ten  days 
very  many  most  interesting  and  pleasant  experiences,  as  I  have  jour- 
neyed through  the  country;  but  I  assure  you  that  none  of  them  ^las 
given  me  greater  pleasure  than  to  meet  the  men  and  the  women  con- 
nected with  the  operation  of  the  great  railroads  of  the  country.  It 
is  fortunate,  too,  that  this  body  of  representative  men  and  women 
should  have  assembled  in  this  city  at  a  time  when  the  people  are  cel- 
ebrating the  suspension  of  hostilities,  and  their  desire  for  an  honor- 
able and  just  and  triumphant  peace.  The  railroad  men  of  the  coun- 
try have  always  been  for  the  country;  the  railroad  men  of  the  country 
have  always  been  for  the  flag  of  the  country;  and  in  every  crisis 
of  our  national  history,  in  war  or  in  peace,  the  men  from  your  great 
organizations  have  been  loyal  and  faithful  to  every  duty  and  obliga- 
tion.    [Applause.] 

"Yours  is  at  once  a  profession  of  great  risk  and  of  great  responsi- 
bility. I  know  of  no  occupation  in  the  held  of  human  endeavor  that 
carries  with  it  graver  obligations  and  higher  responsibilities  than  that 
of  the  men  who  sit  about  me  to-day.  You  transport  the  commerce 
of  the  country;  you  carry  its  rich  treasures  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific ;  and  you  carry  daily  and  hourly  the  freightage  of  humanity 
that  trust  you,  trust  your  integrity,  your  intelligence,  your  fidelity, 
for  the  safety  of  their  lives  and  of  their  loved  ones.  And  I  congratu- 
late the  country  that  in  this  system,  so  interwoven  with  the  everyday 
life  of  the  citizen  and  the  republic,  we  have  men  of  such  splendid  char- 
acter and  ability  and  intelligence. 

•'I  bring  to  you  to-day  not  only  my  good  will,  but  the  gpod  will 
and  respect  of  seventy-five  millions  of  American  citizens.  Your  work 
is  ever  before  a  critical  public.  You  go  in  and  out  every  day  before 
your  countrymen,  and  you  have  earned  from  them  deserved  and  un- 
stinted praise  for  your  fidelity  to  the  great  interests  of  the  people  whom 
you  serve  and  of  the  roads  which  you  operate. 

"The  virtue  of  the  people  lies  at  the  foundation  of  the  republic.  The 
power  of  the  republic  is  in  the  American  fireside.  The  virtue  that 
comes  out  from  the  holy  altar  of  home  is  the  most  priceless  gift  this 


Our  Martyred  President  281 


nation  has;  and  when  the  judgments  of  the  people  are  spoken  through 
the  homes  of  the  people,  they  command  the  congress  and  the  executive, 
and  at  last  crystallize  into  public  law. 

"I  thank  you,  my  fellow  citizens,  for  your  cordial  greeting,  and  I 
congratulate  you  upon  the  evidences  of  returning  prosperity  every- 
where to  be  seen.  The  figures  read  by  your  chairman  represent  the 
growth  of  the  great  railroad  system  of  the  country.  What  you  want, 
what  we  all  want,  is  business  prosperity.  When  you  have  that  you  have 
something  to  do.    When  you  have  it  not  you  are  idle. 

''There  are  few  'empties'  now  on  the  side  tracks,  and  so  there  are 
few  railroad  men  unemployed.  The  more  you  use  the  freight  car  the 
oftener  you  see  the  pay  car.     [Applause.] 

"I  am  glad  to  observe  the  First  Illinois  here  with  you  to-day.  That 
gallant  regiment,  made  up  of  the  volunteers  from  the  homes  of  Chi- 
cago, took  their  lives  into  their  hands  and  went  to  Santiago  to  fight 
the  battles  of  liberty  for  an  oppressed  people.  I  am  glad  to  have  this 
opportunity  to  greet  them,  to  congratulate  and  to  thank  them  in  the 
name  of  the  American  people.     [Great  applause.] 

"And  now,  having  said  this  much,  I  bid  you  know  that  I  will  carry 
from  this  place,  from  this  audience,  from  these  warm-hearted  men  and 
women,  one  of  the  pleasantest  memories  of  my  long  trip  through  the 
West."     [Loud  and  prolonged  cheering.] 

SPEECH    AT   THE   AUDITORIUM^    ATLANTA^    GEORGIA,    DECEMBER    1 5,    1898. 

"Governor  Candler,  President  Hemphill,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen: — 
I  cannot  withhold  from  this  people  my  profound  thanks  for  their  hearty 
reception  and  the  good  will  which  they  have  shown  me  everywhere 
and  in  every  way  since  I  have  been  their  guest.  I  thank  them  for  the 
opportunity  which  this  occasion  gives  me  of  meeting  them,  and  for 
the  pleasure  it  affords  me  to  participate  with  them  in  honoring  the 
army  and  the  navy,  to  whose  achievements  we  are  indebted  for  one 
of  the  most  brilliant  chapters  of  American  histor}^ 

"Other  parts  of  the  country  have  had  their  public  thanksgivings 
and  jubilees  in  honor  of  the  historic  events  of-  the  past  year,  but  no- 
where has  there  been  greater  rejoicing  than  among  the  people  here, 
the  gathered  representatives  of  the  South.  I  congratulate  them  upon 
their  accurate  observation  of  events,  which  enabled  them  to  fix  a  date 
'which  insured  them  the  privilege  of  being  the  first  to  celebrate  the 
signing  of  the  treaty  of  peace  by  the  American  and  Spanish  commis- 
sioners. Under  hostile  fire  on  a  foreign  soil,  fighting  in  a  common 
caXise,  the  memory  of  old  disagreements  has  faded  into  history.     From 

282  Life  of  William  McKInley 


camp  and  campaign  there  comes  the  magic  heahng  which  has  closed 
ancient  wounds  and  effaced  their  scars.  For  this  result  every  Amer- 
ican patriot  will  forever  rejoice.  It  is  no  small  indemnity  for  the  cost 
of  the  war. 

"This  government  has  proved  itself  invincihle  in  the  recent  war, 
and  out  of  it  has  come  a  nation  which  will  remain  indivisible  forever- 
more.  [Applause.]  No  worthier  contributions  have  been  made  in 
patriotism  and  in  men  than  by  the  people  of  these  Southern  states. 
When  at  last  the  opportunity  came  they  were  eager  to  meet  it,  and  with 
promptness  responded  to  the  call  of  country.  Intrusted  with  the  able 
leadership  of  men  dear  to  them,  who  had  marched  with  their  fathers 
under  another  flag,  now  fighting  under  the  old  flag  again,  they  have 
gloriously  helped  to  defend  its  spotless  folds,  and  added  new  luster 
to  its  shining  stars.  That  flag  has  been  planted  in  two  hemispheres, 
and]  there  it  remains  the  symbol  of  liberty  and  law,  of  peace  and  prog- 
ress. [Great  applause.]  Who  will  withdraw  from  the  people  over 
whom  it  floats  its  protecting  folds?  Who  will  haul  it  down?  Answer 
me,  ye  men  of  the  South,  who  is  there  in  Dixie  who  will  haul  it  down? 
[Tremendous  applause.] 

'The  victory  we  celebrate  is  not  that  of  a  ruler,  a  president,  or  a 
congress,  but  of  the  people.  [Applause.]  The  army  whose  valor  we 
admire,  and  the  navy  whose  achievements  we  applaud,  were  not  as- 
sembled by  draft  or  conscription,  but  from  voluntary  enlistment.  Thcf 
heroes  came  from  civil  as  well  as  military  life.  Trained  and  untrained 
soldiers  wrought  our  triumphs. 

"The  peace  we  have  won  is  not  a  selfish  truce  of  arms,  but  one 
whose  conditions  presage  good  to  humanity.  The  domains  secured 
und^er  the  treaty  yet  to  be  acted  upon  by  the  senate  came  to  us  not  as 
the  result  of  a  crusade  or  conquest,  but  as  the  reward  of  temperate, 
faithful,  and  fearless  response  to  the  call  of  conscience,  wdiich  could  not 
be  disregarded  by  a  liberty-loving  and  Christian  people. 

"We  have  so  borne  ourselves  in  the  conflict  and  in  our  intercourse 
with  the  powers  of  the  world  as  to  escape  complaint  or  complication, 
and  give  universal  confidence  in  our  high  purpose  and  unselfish  sac- 
rifices for  struggling  peoples.  The  task  is  not  fulfilled.  Indeed,  it  is 
only  just  begun.  The  most  serious  work  is  still  before  us,  and  every 
energy  of  heart  and  mind  must  be  bent,  and  the  impulses  of  partisan- 
ship subordinated,  to  its  faithful  execution.  This  is  the  time  for  earnest, 
not  faint,  hearts. 

"  'New  occasions  teach  new  duties.'  To  this  nation  and  to  every 
nation  there  come  formative  periods  in  its  life  and  history.  New  con- 
ditions can  be  met  only  by  new  methods.     Meeting  these  conditions 

Our  Martyred  President  283 

hopefully,  and  facing  them  bravely  and  wisely,  is  to  be  the  mightiest 
test  of  American  virtue  and  capacity.  Without  abandoning  past  lim- 
itations, traditions  and  principles,  by  meeting  present  opportunities  and 
obligations,  we  shall  show  ourselves  worthy  of  the  great  trusts  which 
civilization  has  imposed  upon  us.     [Great  applause.] 

"At  Bunker  Hill  liberty  was  at  stake;  at  Gettysburg  the  Union 
was  the  issue;  before  Manila  and  Santiago  our  armies  fought,  not 
for  gain  or  revenge,  but  for  human  rights.  They  contended  for  the 
freedom  of  the  oppressed,  for  whose  welfare  the  United  States  has 
never  failed  to  lend  a  helping  hand  to  establish  and  uphold,  and,  I 
believe,  never  will.  The  glories  of  the  war  cannot  be  dimmed,  but 
the  result  will  be  incomplete  and  unworthy  of  us  unless  supplemented 
by  civil  victories,  harder  possibly  to  win,  but  in  their  way  no  less  in- 
dispensable.    [Great  applause.] 

"We  will  have  our  difficulties  and  our  embarrassments.  They  fol- 
low all  victories  and  accompany  all  great  responsibilities.  They  are 
inseparable  from  every  great  movement  or  reform.  But  American 
capacity  has  triumphed  over  all  in  the  past.  [Applause.]  Doubts 
have  in  the  end  vanished.  Apparent  dangers  have  been  averted  or 
avoided,  and  our  own  history  shows  that  progress  has  come  so  natu- 
rally and  steadily  on  the  heels  of  new  and  grave  responsibilities  that 
as  we  look  back  upon  the  acquisitions  of  territory  by  our  fathers,  we 
are  filled  with  wonder  that  any  doubt  could  have  existed  or  any  appre- 
hension could  have  been  felt  of  the  wisdom  of  their  action  or  their 
capacity  to  grapple  with  the  then  untried  and  mighty  problems.  [Great 

"The  republic  is  to-day  larger,  stronger  and  better  prepared  than 
ever  before  for  wise  and  profitable-  development  in  new  directions  and 
along  new  lines.  Even  if  the  minds  of  some  of  our  own  people  are 
still  disturbed  by  perplexing  and  anxious  doubts,  in  which  all  of  us 
have  shared  and  still  share,  the  genius  of  American  civilization  will, 
I  believe,  be  found  both  original  and  creative,  and  capable  of  subserv- 
ing all  the  great  interests  which  shall  be  confided  to  our  keeping.  [Ap- 

"Forever  in  the  right,  following  the  best  impulses  and  clinging  to 
high  purposes,  using  properly  and  within  right  limits  our  power  and 
opportunities,  honorable  reward  must  inevitably  follow.  The  outcome 
cannot  be  in  doubt.  We  could  have  avoided  all  the  difficulties  that  lie 
across  the  pathway  of  the  nation  if  a  few  months  ago  we  had  coldly 
ignored  the  piteous  appeals  of  the  starving  and  oppressed  inhabitants 
of  Cuba.  If  we  had  blinded  ourselves  to  the  conditions  so  near  our 
shores,  and  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  our  suffering  neighbors,  the  issue  of 

284  Life  of  William  McKinley 

territorial  expansion  in  the  Antilles  and  the  East  Indies  would  not  have 
been  raised. 

"But  could  we  have  justified  such  a  course?  [General  cry  of  'No!'] 
Is  there  any  one  who  would  now  declare  another  to  have  been  the  bet- 
ter course  [Cries  of  'No!']  With  less  humanity  and  less  courage  on 
our  part,  the  Spanish  flag,  instead  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  would  still 
be  floating  at  Cavite,  at  Ponce,  and  at  Santiago,  and  a  'chance  in  the 
race  of  life'  would  be  wanting  to  millions  of  human  beings  who  to-day 
call  this  nation  noble,  and  who,  I  trust,  will  live  to  call  it  blessed. 

"Thus  far  we  have  done  our  supreme  duty.  Shall  v/e  now,  when 
the  victory  won  in  war  is  written  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  and  the  civilized 
world  applauds  and  waits  in  expectation,  turn  timidly  away  from  the 
duties  imposed  upon  the  country  by  its  own  great  deeds?  And  when 
the  mists  fade  away  and  we  see  with  clear  vision,  may  we  not  go 
forth  rejoicing  in  a  strength  which  has  been  employed  solely  for  hu- 
manity and  always  tempered  with  justice  and  mercy,  confident  of  our 
ability  to  meet  the  exigencies  which  await  us,  because  confident  that  our 
course  is  one  of  duty  and  our  cause  that  of  right  ?    [Prolonged  applause.] 


In  1896  more  than  600  women  of  Northern  Ohio  made  an  excursion 
to  Canton  to  congratulate  McKinley  on  his  nomination  for  the  Presi- 
dency. In  response  to  their  addresses  of  greeting  Mr.  McKinley  gave 
utterance  to  the  following  words  as  showing  his  estimate  of  the  place  of 
woman  in  American  life: 

"There  is  no  limitation  to  the  influence  that  may  be  exerted  by 
woman  in  the  United  States  and  no  adequate  tribute  can  be  spoken  of 
her  services  to  mankind  throughout  its  eventful  history.  In  the  distant 
period  of  its  settlement,  in  the  day  of  the  revolution,  in  the  trials  of 
western  pioneer  life,  during  the  more  recent  but  dread  days  of  our  civil 
war  and,  indeed,  in  every  step  of  our  progress  as  a  nation,  the  devotion 
and  sacrifices  of  woman  were  constantly  apparent  and  often  conspicuous. 
She  was  everywhere  appreciated  and  recognized,  though  God,  alone 
could  place  her  service  at  its  true  value.  The  work  of  woman  has  been 
a  power  in  every  emergency  and  always  for  good.  In  calamity  and 
distress  she  has  been  helpful  and  heroic.  Not  only  have  some  of  the 
brightest  pages  of  our  national  history  been  illuminated  by  her  splendid 
example  and  noble  efforts  for  the  public  good,  but  her  influence  in  the 
home,  the  church,  the  school  and  the  community  in  moulding  character 
for  every  profession  and  duty  to  which  our  race  is  called,  has  been 
potential  and  sublime.  It  is  in  the  quiet  and  peaceful  walks  of  life  that 
her  power  is  greatest  and  most  beneficial.    One  of  the  tenderest  passages 

Our  Martyred  President  285 

to  me  in  the  works  of  John  Stuart  Mill  beautifully  expresses  this 
thought.  It  is  recorded  in  his  autobiography  when  he  paused  to  pay 
high  and  deserved  tribute  to  his  wife,  of  whom  he  could  not  speak  too 
much.  He  says :  'She  was  not  only  the  author  of  many  of  the  best 
things  I  did,  but  she  inspired  every  good  thing  I  did.' 

"One  of  the  best  things  of  our  civilization  in  America  is  the  con- 
stant advancement  of  woman  to  a  higher  plane  of  labor  and  respon- 
sibility. The  opportunities  for  her  are  greater  now  than  ever  before. 
This  is  singularly  true  here,  where  practically  every  avenue  of  human 
endeavor  is  open  to  her.  Her  impress  is  felt  in  art,  science,  literature, 
song  and  in  government.  Our  churches,  our  schools,  our  charities,  our 
professions  and  our  general  business  interests  are  more  than  ever  each 
year  directed  by  her.  Respect  for  womankind  has  become  with  us  a 
national  characteristic;  and  what  a  high  and  manly  trait  it  is — none 
nobler  or  holier.  It  stamps  the  true  gentleman.  The  man  who  loves 
wife  and  mother  and  home  will  respect  and  reverence  all  womankind. 
He  is  always  the  better  citizen  for  such  gentle  breeding. 

"The  home  over  which  the  trusted  wife  presides  is  the  citadel  of 
our  strength,  the  best  guaranty  of  good  citizenship  and  sound  morals 
in  government.  It  is  at  the  foundation — upon  it  all  else  is  constructed. 
From  the  plain  American  home  where  virtue  dwells  and  truth  abides, 
go  forth  the  men  and  women  wdio  make  the  great  states  and  cities  which 
adorn  our  republic,  which  maintain  law  and  order,  that  citizenship  which 
aims  at  the  public  welfare,  the  common  good  of  all." 

Mckinley's  estimate  of  the  constitution  of  the  united  states. 

McKinley  was  the  orator  at  the  celebration  in  the  Auditorium  of 
Washington's  birthday,  held  under  the  auspices  of  the  Union  League 
Club  in  1894.  He  traced  the  life  of  Washington  until  he  reached  the 
period  of  the  drafting  of  the  constitution  and  its  adoption.  And  this 
is  how  the  Ohio  man  described  it  and  told  his  opinion  of  it : 

"It  has  been  strong  enough  for  every  emergency ;  it  has  been  broad 
enough  for  every  want;  it  has  answered  for  the  most  part  every  new 
condition;  it  has  survived  every  crisis  in  our  national  life.  It  provides 
for  such  frequent  elections  that  if  popular  error  gains  the  ascendency 
the  sober  second  thought  of  the  citizens  can,  in  part  at  least,  correct  the 
mistake  through  the  great  representatives  body  of  the  national  congress ; 
it  insures  frequent  appeals  to  the  popular  will  as  an  easy  and  safe  remedy 
for  existing  wrongs  and  invests  the  people  with  perpetual  power  to 
change  policies,  laws  and  administrations  whenever  they  find  them  men- 

286  Life  of  William  McKinley 

acing  to  the  liberties  or  welfare  of  the  country.  It  commands  more 
general  and  cheerful  obedience,  and  it  is  much  more  venerated  today 
than  ever  before.  But  strong  as  the  constitution  is,  the  greatest  safely 
to  the  republic  is  in  the  love  and  loyalty  which  the  people  bear  it,  the 
unwavering  affection  which  is  ever  ready  to  kindle  the  flame  of  patriot- 
ism on  our  country's  altar.  May  our  love  never  abate  and  our  loyalty 
never  weaken !  When  patriotism  falters,  respect  for  charters  and  laws 
is  at  an  end.  The  downfall  of  the  nation  begins  when  hope  and  faith 
in  our  institiutions  are  gone." 

m'kINLEY's   last    public   address   at   the   PAN-AMERICAN    EXPOSITION,. 


Viewed  in  the  light  of  the  tragic  developments  which  followed  it, 
the  speech  which  President  McKinley  delivered  upon  the  occasion  of  his 
last  public  appearance,  at  the  Buffalo  exposition,  takes  on  a  singular 
impressiveness.  To  his  countrymen  at  large,  this  definition  of  the  na- 
tion's aspirations  and  its  future  mission  among  nations  stands  almost  as 
the  statement  of  William  McKinley's  legacy  to  his  country.  The  speech 
is  both  a  summary  of  the  nation's  recent  achievements  and  a  forecast 
of  the  duties  and  triumphs  which  are  to  come.  In  the  years  of  expanding 
influence  which  are  before  the  United  States  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the 
leaders  in  the  political  life  of  the  nation  will  find  in  this  utterance  the 
touch-stone  by  which  to  try  issues  of  international  policy. 

It  is  significant  of  Mr.  McKinley's  breadth  of  view  at  the  climax  of 
his  career  that  upon  the  most  important  items  of  his  program  hot!) 
democrat  and  republican,  northerner  and  southerner,  will  be  in  accord. 
Trade  expansion,  with  the  increase  of  beneficent  power  and  influence 
which  attends  it,  he  defined  as  the  dominant  principle  of  American  poli- 
tics in  the  immediate  future;  but  his  advocacy  of  this  policy  stands  as 
something  more  than  an  argument  for  an  expansion  of  material  inter- 
ests. It  can  never  be  forgotten  by  the  republican  party  that  the  strongest 
and  most  impressive  plea  for  freer  trade  relations  and  the  increased 
activity  of  the  United  States  in  the  exchanges  of  the  world  was  made  by 
the  man  who  had  most  earnestly  worked  for  a  policy  of  exclusive  home 
development,  so  long  as  he  believed  that  policy  to  be  necessary.  And  it 
is  impossible  that  any  one  who  followed  the  thread  of  the  president's 
Buffalo  speech  should  fail  to  see  that  in  boldly  outlining  this  new  policy 
he  was  animated  not  less  by  a  patriotic  desire  for  the  nation's  welfare  than 
by  a  confident  belief  in  the  great  role  which  it  is  destined  to  play  in 
making  for  the  progress  and  enlightenment  of  the  world. 

Those  who  are  to  take  up  the  work  which  he  has  laid  down  could 

Our  Martyred  President  ^,87 

scarcely  have  a  higher  conception  of  the  mission  which  the  nation  is  to 
fulfill  than  is  embodied  in  this  final  expression  of  the  dead  President. 

The  address  is  as  follows : 

''President  Milhurn,  Director-General  Buchanan,  Commissioners, 
Ladies  and  Gentlemen  — I  am  glad  to  be  again  in  the  city  of  Buffalo  and 
exchange  greetings  with  her  people,  to  whose  generous  hospitality  I  am 
not  a  stranger,  and  with  whose  good  will  I  have  been  repeatedly  and  sig- 
nally honored. 

"To-day  I  have  additional  satisfaction  in  meeting  and  giving  wel- 
come to  the  foreign  representatives  assembled  here,  whose  presence  and 
participation  in  this  exposition  have  contributed  in  so  marked  a  degree 
to  its  interests  and  success.  To  the  commissioners  of  the  Dominion  of 
Canada  and  the  British  colonies,  the  French  colonies,  the  republics  of 
Mexico  and  of  Central  and  South  America,  and  the  commissioners  of 
,  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico,  who  share  with  us  in  this  undertaking,  we  give  the 
hand  of  fellowship  and  felicitate  with  them  upon  the  triumphs  of  art, 
science,  education  and  manufacture  which  the  old  has  bequeathed  to  the 
new  century. 

"Expositions  are  the  timekeepers  of  progress.  They  record  the 
world's  advancement.  They  stimulate  the  energy,  enterprise  and  intel- 
lect of  the  people  and  quicken  human  genius.  They  go  into  the  home. 
They  broaden  and  brighten  the  daily  life  of  the  people.  They  open 
mighty  storehouses  of  information  to  the  student. 


"Every  exposition,  great  or  small,  has  helped  to  some  onward  step. 
Comparison  of  ideas  is  always  educational,  and  as  such  instructs  the  brain 
and  hand  of  man.  Friendly  rivalry  follows,  which  is  the  spur  to  indus- 
trial improvement,  the  inspiration  to  useful  invention  and  to  high  en- 
deavor in  all  departments  of  human  activity.  It  exacts  a  study  of  the 
wants,  comforts  and  even  the  whims  of  the  people  and  recognizes  the 
efficacy  of  high  quality  and  low  prices  to  win  their  favor. 

"The  quest  for  trade  Is  an  incentive  to  men  of  business  to  devise, 
invent,  improve  and  economize  in  the  cost  of  production.  Business  life, 
whether  among  ourselves  or  with  other  people,  is  ever  a  sharp  struggle 
for  success.  It  will  be  none  the  less  so  in  the  future.  Without  compe- 
tition we  would  be  clinging  to  tlie  clumsy  and  antiquated  processes  of 
farming  and  manufacture  and  the  methods  of  business  of  long  ago,  and 
tlie  twentieth  would  be  no  further  advanced  than  the  eighteenth  century. 
But  though  commercial  competitors  we  are,  commercial  enemies  we 
must  not  be. 

288  Life  of  William  McKinley 


"The  Pan-American  exposition  has  clone  its  work  thoroughly,  pre- 
senting in  its  exhibits  evidences  of  the  highest  skill  and  illustrating  the 
progress  of  the  human  family  in  the  western  hemisphere.  This  por- 
tion of  the  earth  has  no  cause  for  humiliation  for  the  part  it  has  per- 
formed in  the  march  of  civilization.  It  has  not  accomplished  every- 
thing; far  from  it.  It  has  simply  done  its  best,  and  without  vanity  or 
boastfulness  and  recognizing  the  manifold  achievements  of  others,  it 
invites  the  friendly  rivalry  of  all  the  powers  in  the  peaceful  pursuits  of 
trade  and  commerce,  and  will  co-operate  with  all  in  advancing  the 
highest  and  best  interests  of  humanity. 

"The  wisdom  and  energy  of  all  the  nations  are  none  too  great  for 
the  world.  Modern  inventions  have  brought  into  close  relation  widely 
separated  peoples,  and  made  them  better  acquainted.  Geographical  and 
political  divisions  will  continue  to  exist,  but  distances  have  been  effaced. 


"Swift  ships  and  fast  trains  are  becoming  cosmopolitan.  They 
invade  fields  which  a  few  years  ago  were  impenetrable.  The  world's 
products  are  exchanged  as  never  before,  and  with  increasing  trans- 
portation facilities  come  increasing  knowledge  and  trade.  Prices  are 
fixed  with  mathematical  precision  by  supply  and  demand.  The  world's 
selling  prices  are  regulated  by  market  and  crop  reports.  We  travel 
greater  distances  in  a  shorter  space  of  time  and  with  more  ease  than 
was  ever  dreamed  of  by  the  fathers, 

"Isolation  is  no  longer  possible  or  desirable.  The  same  important 
news  is  read,  though  in  different  languages,  the  same  day  in  all  Chris- 
tendom. The  telegraph  keeps  us  advised  of  what  is  occurring  every- 
where, and  the  press  foreshadows,  with  more  or  less  accuracy,  the 
plans  and  purposes  of  the  nations.  Market  prices  of  products  and  of 
securities  are  hourly  known  in  every  commercial  mart,  and  the  in- 
vestments of  the  people  extend  beyond  their  own  national  boundaries 
into  the  remotest  parts  of  the  earth.  Vast  transactions  are  conducted 
and  international  exchanges  are  made  by  the  tick  of  the  cable.  Every 
event  of  interest  is  immediately  bulletined. 


"The  quick  gathering  and  transmission  of  news,  like  rapid  transit, 
are  of  recent  origin,  and  are  only  made  possible  by  the  genius  of 
the  inventor  and  the  courage  of  the  investor.  It  took  a  special  mes- 
senger of  the  government,  with  every  facility  known  at  the  time  for 
rapid  travel,  nineteen  days  to  go  from  the  city  of  Washington  to  New 



Our  Martyred  President  289 

Orleans  with  a  message  to  General  Jackson  that  the  war  with  England 
had  ceased  and  a  treaty  of  peace  had  heen  signed. 

"How  different  now!  We  reach  General  Miles  in  Porto  Rico  by 
cable,  and  he  was  able  through  the  military  telegraph  to  stop  his  army 
on  the  firing  line  with  the  message  that  the  United  States  and  Spain 
had  signed  a  protocol  suspending  hostilities.  We  knew  almost  in- 
stantly of  the  first  shots  fired  at  Santiago,  and  the  subsequent  sur- 
render of  the  Spanish  forces  was  know'n  at  Washington  within  less 
than  an  hour  of  its  consummation.  The  first  ship  of  Cervera's  fleet 
had  hardly  emerged  from  that  historic  harbor  wdien  the  fact  was 
flashed  to  our  capital  and  the  swift  destruction  that  followed  was  an- 
nounced immediately  through  the  W'Onderful  medium  of  telegraphy. 


"So  accustomed  are  we  to  safe  and  easy  communication  with  dis- 
tant lands  that  its  temporary  interruption,  even  in  ordinary  times,  re- 
sults in  loss  and  inconvenience.  We  shall  never  forget  the  days  of 
anxious  waiting  and  awful  suspense  when  no  information  was  per- 
mitted to  be  sent  from  Peking,  and  the  diplomatic  representatives 
of  the  nations  in  China,  cut  off  from  all  communication  inside  and 
outside  of  the  walled  capital,  were  surrounded  by  an  angry  and  mis- 
guided mob  that  threatened  their  lives;  nor  the  joy  that  thrilled  the 
world  when  a  single  message  from  the  government  of  the  United 
States  brought  through  our  minister  the  first  news  of  the  safety  of 
the  besieged  diplomats. 

"At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  there  was  not  a  mile 
of  steam  railroad  on  the  globe.  Now,  there  are  enough  miles  to  make 
its  circuit  many  times.  The-n  there  was  not  a  line  of  electric  tele- 
graph ;  now  we  have  vast  mileage  traversing  all  lands  and  all  seas. 

"God  and  man  have  linked  the  nations  together.  No  nation  can 
longer  be  indifferent  to  any  other.  x\nd  as  w'e  are  brought  more 
and  more  in  touch  with  each  other,  the  less  occasion  is  there  for  mis- 
understandings and  the  stronger  the  disposition,  when  we  have  differ- 
ences, to  adjust  them  in  the  court  of  arbitration,  which  is  the  noblest 
forum  for  the  settlement  of  international  disputes. 


"My  fellow  citizens,  trade  statistics  indicate  that  this  country  is  in 
a  state  of  unexampled  prosperity.  The  figures  are  almost  appalling. 
They  show  that  we  are  utilizing  our  fields  and  forest  and  mines  and 
that  we  are  furnishing  profitable  employment  to  the  millions  of  working- 
men  throughout  the  United  States,  bringing  comfort  and  happiness  to 


290  Life  of  William  McKinley 

their  homes  and  making  it  possible  to  lay  by  their  savings  for  old  age 
and  disabihty. 

"That  all  the  people  are  participating  in  this  great  prosperity  is 
seen  in  every  American  community  and  shown  by  the  enormous  and 
unprecedented  deposits  in  our  savings  banks.  Our  duty  is  the  care 
and  security  of  these  deposits,  and  their  safe  investment  demands  the 
highest  integrity  and  the  best  business  capacity  of  those  in  charge  of 
those  depositories  of  the  people's  earnings. 

"We  have  a  vast  and  intricate  business,  built  up  through  years  of 
toil  and  struggle,  in  which  every  part  of  the  country  has  its  stake,  which 
will  not  permit  of  either  neglect  or  of  undue  selfishness.  No  narrow, 
sordid  policy  will  subserve  it.  The  greatest  skill  and  wisdom  on  the 
part  of  the  manufacturers  and  producers  will  be. required  to  hold  and 
increase  it.  Our  industrial  enterprises,  which  have  grown  to  svich  pro- 
portions, affect  the  homes  and  occupations  of  the  people  and  the  welfare 
of  the  country.  Our  capacity  to  produce  has  developed  so  enormously 
and  our  products  have  so  multiplied  that  the  problem  of  more  markets 
requires  our  urgent  and  immediate  attention. 


"Only  a  broad  and  enlightened  policy  will  keep  what  we  have.  No 
other  policy  will  get  more.  In  these  times  of  marvelous  business 
energy  and  gain  we  ought  to  be  looking  to  the  future,  strengthening 
the  weak  places  in  our  industrial  and  commercial  systems,  so  that  we 
may  be  ready  for  any  storm  or  strain. 

"By  sensible  trade  arrangement  which  will  not  interrupt  our  home 
production  we  shall  extend  the  outlets  for  our  increasing  surplus.  A 
system  which  provides  a  mutual  exchange  of  commodities  is  m.anifestly 
essential  to  the  continued  healthful  growth  of  our  export  trade.  We 
must  not  repose  in  fanciful  security  that  we  can  forever  sell  everything 
and  buy  little  or  nothing.  If  such  a  thing  were  possible,  it  would  not 
be  best  for  us  or  for  those  with  whom  we  deal.  We  should  take  from 
our  customers  such  of  their  products  as  w^e  can  use  without  harm  to 
our  industries  and  labor. 

"Reciprocity  is  the  natural  outgrowth  of  our  wonderful  industrial 
development  under  the  domestic  policy  now  firmly  established.  What 
we  produce  beyond  our  domestic  consumption  must  have  a  vent  abroad. 
The  excess  must  be  relieved  through  a  foreign  outlet,  and  we  should 
sell  everywhere  we  can  and  buy  wherever  the  buying  will  enlarge  our 
sales  and  productions,  and  thereby  make  a  greater  demand  for  home 

Our  Martyred  President  291 


"The  period  of  exclusiveness  is  past.     The  expansion  of  our  trade 
and  commerce  is  the  pressing  problem.     Commercial  wars  are  unproht- 
able.     A  policy  of  good  will  and  friendly  trade  relations  will  prevent 
reprisals.     Reciprocity  treaties  are  in  harmony  with  the  spirit  of  the 
times;  measures  of  retaliation  are  not.    If,  perchance,  some  of  our  tariffs 
are  no  longer  needed  for  revenue  or  to  encourage  and  protect  our  in- 
dustries at  home,  wh}^  should  they  not  be  employed  to  extend  and  pro- 
mote our  markets  abroad? 

"Then,  too,  we  have  inadecjuate  steamship  service.  New  lines  of 
steamers  have  already  been  put  in  commission  between  the  Pacific  coast 
ports  of  the  United  States  and  those  on  the  western  coasts  of  Mexico 
and  Central  and  South  America.  These  should  be  followed  up  with 
direct  steamship  lines  between  the  eastern  coasts  of  the  United  States 
and  South  American  ports.  One  of  the  needs  of  the  times  is  direct 
commercial  lines  from  our  vast  fields  of  production  to  the  fields  of  con- 
sumption that  we  have  but  barely  touched.  Next  in  advantage  to  having 
the  thing  to  sell  is  to  have  the  convenience  to  carry  it  to  the  buyer. 

"We  must  encourage  our  merchant  marine.  We  must  have  more 
ships.  They  must  be  under  the  American  flag,  built  and  manned  and 
owned  by  Americans.  These  will  not  only  be  profitable  in  a  commercial 
sense;  they  will  be  messengers  of  peace  and  amity  wherever  they  go. 

"We  must  build  the  isthmian  canal,  which  will  unite  the  two  oceans 
and  give  a  straight  line  of  water  communication  with  the  western  coasts 
of  Central  America,  South  America  and  Mexico.  The  construction  of 
a  Pacific  cable  cannot  be  longer  postponed. 


"In  the  furtherance  of  these  objects  of  national  interest  and  concern 
you  are  performing  an  important  part.  This  exposition  would  have 
touched  the  heart  of  the  American  statesman  whose  mind  was  ever  alert 
and  thought  ever  constant  for  a  larger  commerce  and  a  truer  fraternity 
of  the  republics  of  the  new  world.  His  broad  American  spirit  is  felt  and 
manifested  here.  He  needs  no  identification  to  an  assemblage  of 
Americans  anywhere,  for  the  name  of  Blaine  is  inseparably  associated 
with  the  Pan-American  movement,  which  finds  this  practical  and  sub- 
stantial expression,  and  which  v/e  all  hope  will  be  firmly  advanced  by 
the  Pan-American  congress  that  assembles  this  autumn  in  the  capital 
of  Mexico. 

"The  good  work  will  go  on.  It  cannot  be  stopped.  These  buildings 
will  disappear,  this  creation  of  art  and  beauty  and  industry  will  perish 
from  sight,  but  their  influence  will  remain  to 

292  Life  of  William  McKinley 

"Make  it  live  beyond  its  too  short  living 
With  praises  and  thanksgiving. 

"Who  can  tell  the  new  thoughts  that  have  been  awakened,  the  am- 
bitions fired  and  the  high  achievements  that  will  be  wrought  through 
this  exposition? 

"Gentlemen,  let  us  ever  remember  that  our  interest  is  in  concord, 
not  conflict,  and  that  our  real  eminence  rests  in  the  victories  of  peace, 
not  those  of  war.  We  hope  that  all  who  are  represented  here  may  be 
moved  to  higher  and  nobler  effort  for  their  own  and  the  v/orld's  good, 
and  that  out  of  this  city  may  come  not  only  greater  commerce  and  trade 
for  us  all,  but,  more  essential  than  these,  relations  of  mutual  respect, 
confidence  and  friendship  which  will  deepen  and  endure. 

"Our  earnest  prayer  is  that  God  will  graciously  vouchsafe  pros- 
perity, happiness  and  peace  to  all  our  neighbors  and  like  blessings  to  all 
the  people  and  powers  of  earth." 


"President  McKinley' s  Buffalo  speech  defined  the  very  essence  of  reci- 
procity. We  must  take  from  customers  some  of  their  products  in 
exchange  for  our  own,  else,  unguarded  by  a  strong  protective  tariff,  how 
can  they  pay  for  our  goods  ?  We  have  a  dozen  commercial  treaties 
negotiated  by  the  McKinley  administration  awaiting  ratification  by  the 
senate.  President  McKinley  strongly  urged  the  confirmation  of  these 
without  delay. 

"Those  who  believe  in  reciprocity  as  the  natural  outgrowth  of  our 
wonderful  industrial  development,  as  the  late  President  did,  will  be  glad 
to  learn  that  President  Roosevelt  will  vigorously  push  their  ratification. 
He  was  never  so  strong  an  advocate  of  protection  as  the  late  President, 
consequently  it  will  be  easier  for  him  to  change  with  the  new  conditions 
facing  the  republican  party,  while  by  no  means  abandoning  the  home 


"The  republican  leaders  must  realize  the  significance  of  President 
McKinley's  last  words.  Coming  from  so  loyal  a  protectionist,  they  would 
have  their  effect  on  the  majority  of  the  senate. 

"President  Roosevelt's  opinion  also  should  have  weight  with  those 
who  believe  in  broader  trade  relations  with  the  world,  and  they  should 
wish  him  success  in  converting  the  senate  to  the  theory  of  the  martyred 
President :    'W^e  sell  everything.     We  can  buy  wherever  buying  will 

Our  Martyred  President  293 

arge  our  sales.'     That  is  true  reciprocity.     That  is  the  only  foreign 
ide  poHcy  for  the  United  States. 
"Unless  President  Roosevelt  has  materially  modified  the  views  he  has 
Iways  expressed  he  will  adhere  to  these  general  principles." 


A  noble  manhood,  nobly  consecrated  to  man,  never  dies. 

God  puts  no  nation  in  supreme  place  which  will  not  do  supreme  duty. 

Patriotism  is  above  party  and  national  honor  is  dearer  than  any 
party  name. 

The  American  home  lies  at  the  very  beginning  and  foundation  of 
a  pure  national  life. 

God  will  not  long  prosper  that  nation  which  will  not  protect  and 
defend  its  weakened  citizens. 

Christian  character  is  the  foundation  upon  which  we  must  build  if 
our  citizenship  is  to  be  uplifted  and  our  institutions  are  to  endure. 

The  men  who  established  this  government  had  faith  in  God  and 
sublimely  trusted  in  him.  They  besought  his  counsel  and  advice  in  every 
step  of  their  progress.  And  so  it  has  been  ever  since;  American  history 
aliounds  in  instances  of  this  trait  of  piety,  this  sincere  reliance  on  a 
liigher  power  in  all  our  national  affairs. 

Improvement  in  every  walk  of  life  is  the  outgrowth  of  thought  and 
discussion  and  ambition.     We  do  better  as  we  are  better  ourselves. 

Self-government  politically  can  be  successfully  only  if  it  be  accom- 
panied by  self-government  personally;  there  must  be  government  some- 

The  American  home  where  honesty,  sobriety,  and  truth  preside,  and 
a  simple,  every-day  virtue  without  pomp  and  ostentation  is  practiced, 
is  the  nursery  of  all  true  educations. 

The  want  of  time  is  manly  men,  men  of  character,  culture  and 
courage,  of  faith  and  sincerity;  the  exalted  manhood  which  forges  its 
way  to  the  front  by  the  force  of  its  own  merits. 

It  is  the  duty  of  each  of  us,  by  word  and  act,  in  so  far  as  it  can  be 
done,  to  improve  the  present  condition.  But,  above  all,  we  must  not 
d'isparage  our  government.  We  must  uphold  it  and  uphold  it  at  all 
times  and  in  all  circumstances. 

The  tomorrows  are  too  full  to  be  crowded  with  the  yesterdays.  We 
must  move  on  and  forward.  We  must  learn  that  every  day  is  a  new 
day,  with  its  own  distinctive  and  commanding  duties,  and  cannot  atone 
for  the  yesterdays  unimproved. 

294  J^ifc  of  William  McKinley 

No  people  can  be  bound  to  acknowledge  and  adore  the  invisible  hand 
which  conducts  the  affairs  of  man  than  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
Every  step  by  which  they  have  advanced  to  the  character  of  an  inde- 
pendent nation  seems  to  have  been  distinguished  by  some  token  of  provi- 
dential agency. 

The  labor  of  the  country  constitutes  its  strength  and  its  wealth,  and 
the  better  that  labor  is  conditioned  the  higher  its  rewards,  the  wider  its 
opportunities,  and  the  greater  its  comforts  and  refinements,  the  more 
sacred  will  be  our  homes,  the  more  capable  will  be  our  children  and  the 
nobler  will  be  the  destiny  that  awaits  us. 

The  first  duty  of  a  nation  is  to  enact  those  laws  which  will  give  to 
its  citizens  the  widest  opportunity  for  labor  and  the  best  rewards  for 
work  done.  You  cannot  have  the  best  citizenship  without  these  en- 
couragements, and  with  us  the  best  citizenship  is  recjuired  to  secure  the 
best  government,  the  best  lav/s  and  their  wise  administration. 

An  open  schoolhouse,  free  to  all,  evidences  the  highest  type  of  ad- 
vanced civilization.  It  is  the  gateway  to  progress,  prosperity  and  honor 
and  the  best  security  for  the  liberties  and  independence  of  the  people.  It 
is  the  strongest  rock  of  the  foundation,  the  most  enduring  stone  of  the 
temple  of  liberty — ay,  the  very  citadel  of  our  influence  and  power.  It 
is  better  than  garrison  and  guns,  than  forts  and  fleets. 

Peace,  order  and  good-will  among  the  people,  with  patriotism  in 
their  hearts,  truth,  honor  and  justice  in  the  executive,  judicial  and  legis- 
lative branches  of  the  government,  municipal,  state  and  national ;  all 
yielding  respect  and  obedience  to  law,  all  equal  before  the  law  and  all 
alike  amenable  to  law — such  are  the  conditions  that  will  make  our  gov- 
ernment too  strong  even  to  be  broken  by  internal  dissensions  and  too 
powerful  even  to  be  overturned  by  any  enemy  from  without. 


Abraham    Lincoln. 

Life  Described  by  William  McKinley. 

Mr.  President,  Gentleiiieii  of  the  Marquette  Club  and  My  Fellow-Citizens : 
It  requires  the  most  gracious  pages  in  the  world's  history  to  record 
what  one  American  achieved.  The  story  of  this  simple  Hfe  is  the  story  of 
a  plain,  honest,  manly  citizen,  true  patriot,  and  profound  statesman,  who, 
believing  with  all  the  strength  of  his  mighty  soul  in  the  institutions  of 
his  country,  won  because  of  them  the  highest  place  in  its  government — 
then  fell  a  precious  sacrifice  to  the  union  he  held  so  dear,  which  Provi- 
dence had  spared  his  life  long  enough  to  save. 

We  meet  tonight  to  do  honor  to  this  immortal  hero,  Abraham  Lincoln, 
whose  achievements  have  heightened  human  aspirations  and  broadened 
the  field  of  opportunity  to  the  races  of  men.  While  the  party  with  which 
we  stand,  and  for  which  he  stood,  can  justly  claim  him,  and  without 
dispute  can  boast  the  distinction  of  being  the  first  to  honor  and  trust  him, 
his  fame  has  leaped  the  bounds  of  party  and  country,  and  now  belongs 
to  mankind  and  the  ages. 

What  were  the  traits  of  character  which  made  Abraham  Lincoln 
prophet  and  master,  without  a  rival,  in  the  greatest  crisis  in  our  history? 
What  gave  him  such  mighty  power  ?  To  me  the  answer  is  simple  :  Lin- 
coln had  sublim.e  faith  in  the  people.  He  walked  with  and  among  them. 
He  recognized  the  importance  and  power  of  an  enlightened  public  senti- 
ment and  was  guided  by  it.  Even  amid  the  vicissitudes  of  war  he 
concealed  little  from  public  review  and  inspection.  In  all  he  did  he  invited, 
rather  than  evaded,  examination  and  criticism.  He  submitted  his  plans 
and  purposes,  as  far  as  practicable,  to  public  consideration  with  perfect 
frankness  and  sincerity.  There  was  such  homely  simplicity  in  his  char- 
acter that  it  could  not  be  hedged  in  by  the  pomp  of  place  nor  the  cere- 
monies of  high  official  station.  He  was  so  accessible  to  the  public  that  he 
seemed  to  take  the  whole  people  into  his  confidence.  Here,  perhaps,  was 
one  secret  of  his  power.  The  people  never  lost  their  confidence  in  him, 
however  much  they  unconsciously  added  to  his  personal  discomfort  and 
trials.  His  patience  was  almost  superhuman,  and  who  will  say  that  he 
was  mistaken  in  his  treatment  of  the  thousands  who  thronged  continually 


296  Life  of  William  McKinley 

about  him?  More  than  once  when  reproached  for  permitting  visitors  to 
crowd  upon  him  he  asked,  in  pained  surprise :  "Why,  what  harm  does 
this  confidence  in  men  do  me?    I  get  only  good  and  inspiration  from  it."' 


Horace  Greeley  once  said :  "I  doubt  whether  man,  woman  or  child, 
white  or  black,  bond  or  free,  virtuous  or  vicious,  ever  accosted  or  reached 
forth  a  hand  to  Abraham  Lincoln  and  detected  in  his  countenance  or 
manner  any  repugnance  or  shrinking  from  the  proffered  contact,  any 
assumption  of  superiority  or  betrayal  of  disdain." 

Frederick  Douglass,  the  orator  and  patriot,  is  credited  with  saying : 
"Mr.  Lincoln  is  the  only  white  man  with  whom  I  have  ever  talked,  or  in 
whose  presence  I  have  ever  been,  who  did  not,  consciously  or  uncon- 
sciously, betray  to  me  that  he  recognized  my  color." 

George  Bancroft,  the  historian,  alluding  to  this  characteristic,  which 
was  never  so  conspicuously  manifested  as  during  the  darker  hours  of  the 
war,  beautifully  illustrated  it  in  these  memorable  words :  "As  a  child,  in 
a  dark  night,  on  a  rugged  way,  catches  hold  of  the  hand  of  its  father  for 
guidance  and  support,  Lincoln  clung  fast  to  the  hand  of  the  people  and 
moved  calmly  through  the  gloom." 

His  earliest  public  utterances  w-ere  marked  by  this  confidence.  On 
March  9,  1832,  when  announcing  himself  as  a  candidate  for  representa- 
tive in  the  Illinois  legislature,  he  said  that  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  make 
known  to  the  people  his  sentiments  upon  the  questions  of  the  day : 

"Every  man  is  said  to  have  his  peculiar  ambition,  and,  whether  it 
be  true  or  not,  I  can  say,  for  one,  that  I  have  no  other  so  great  as  that  of 
being  truly  esteemed  by  my  fellow-men  by  rendering  myself  worthy  of 
their  esteem.  How  far  I  shall  succeed  in  gratifying  this  ambition  is  yet 
to  be  developed.  I  am  young  and  unknown  to  many  of  you.  I  was  born 
and  have  ever  remained  in  the  humblest  w^alks  of  life.  I  have  no  wealthy 
or  popular  relatives  or  friends  to  recommend  me.  My  case  is  thrown 
exclusively  upon  the  independent  voters  of  the  county.  *  *  *  But 
if  the  good  people  in  their  wisdom  shall  see  fit  to  keep  me, in  the  back- 
ground, I  have  been  too  familiar  wnth  disappointments  to  be  very  much 

In  this  remarkable  address — to  me  alv/ays  pathetic — made  when  he 
was  only  23.  the  main  elements  of  Lincoln's  character  and  the  qualities 
which  made  his  great  career  possible  are  revealed  with  startling  distinct- 
ness. It  expresses  the  experience  of  the  noble  young  man  of  today  equally 
as  well  as  then.  We  see  therein  "that  brave  old  wnsdom  of  sincerity," 
that  oneness  in  feeling  with  the  common  people,  and  that  supreme  confi- 
dence in  them  which  formed  the  foundation  of  his  political  faith. 

Our  Martyred  President  297 


Among  the  statesmen  of  America,  Lincoln  is  the  true  democrat ;  and, 
Frankhn  perhaps  excepted,  the  first  great  one.  He  had  no  illustrious 
ancestry,  no  inherited  place  or  wealth,  and  none  of  the  prestige,  power, 
training  or  culture  which  were  assured  to  the  gentry  or  landed  classes, 
of  our  own  colonial  times.  Nor  did  Lincoln  believe  that  these  classes 
respectable  and  patriotic  however  they  might  be,  should,  as  a  matter  of 
abstract  right,  have  the  controlling  influence  in  our  government.  Instead, 
he  believed  in  the  all-pervading  power  of  public  opinion. 

Lincoln  had  little  or  no  instruction  in  the  common  school ;  but,  as  the 
eminent  Dr.  Cuyler  has  said,  he  was  graduated  from  ''the  grand  college 
of  free  labor,  whose  works  were  the  flat  boat,  the  farm  and  the  backwoods 
lawyer's  office."  He  had  a  broad  comprehension  of  the  central  idea  of 
popular  government.  The  declaration  of  independence  was  his  hand- 
book; time  and  again  he  expressed  his  belief  in  freedom  and  equality.  On 
July  I,  1854,  he  wrote: 

"Most  governments  have  been  based,  practically,  on  the  denial  of  the 
equal  rights  of  men.  Ours  began  by  affirming  those  rights.  They  said: 
'Some  men  are  too  ignorant  and  vicious  to  share  in  government.'  'Prob- 
ably so,'  said  we;  'and  by  your  system  you  would  always  keep  them 
ignorant  and  vicious.  We  propose  to  give  all  a  chance ;  and  we  expected 
the  weak  to  grow  stronger,  the  ignorant  wiser,  and  all  better  and  happier 
togetlier.'  We  made  the  experiment,  and  the  fruit  is  before  us.  Look  at 
it!  Think  of  it!  Look  at  it  in  its  aggregate  grandeur,  extent  of  country 
and  numbers  of  population." 

Lincoln  believed  in  the  uplifting  influences  of  free  government,  and 
that  by  giving  all  a  chance  we  could  get  higher  average  results  for  the 
people  than  where  governments  are  exclusive  and  opportunities  are 
limited  to  the  few.  No  American  ever  did  so  much  as  he  to  enlarge  these 
opportunities,  or  tear  down  the  barriers  which  excluded  a  free  participa- 
tion in  them.  In  his  first  message  to  Congress,  at  the  special  session 
convening  on  July  4,  1861,  he  gave  signal  evidence  of  his  faith  in  our 
institutions  and  their  elevating  infiuences  in  most  impressive  language. 
He  said : 

"It  may  be  affirmed  without  extravagance  that  the  free  institutions 
we  enjoy  have  developed  the  powers  and  improved  the  condition  of  our 
whole  people  beyond  any  example  in  the  world.  Of  this  we  now  have  a 
striking  and  impressive  illustration.  So  large  an  army  as  the  government 
now  has  on  foot  was  never  before  known  without  a  soldier  in  it  but  who 
has  taken  his  place  there  of  his  owni  free  choice.  [Then  what  followed  in 
his  message  is.  to  me,  the  highest  and  most  touching  tribute  ever  spoken 
or  written  of  our  matchless  volunteer  army  of  1861-65  by  any  American 

298  Life  of  William  McKinley 

statesman,  soldier  or  citizen  from  that  day  to  this.] :  But  more  than  this, 
there  are  many  single  regiments  whose  members,  one  and  another,  possess 
full  practical  knowledge  of  all  the  arts,  sciences  and  professions,  and 
whatever  else,  whether  useful  or  elegant,  is  known  to  the  world;  and 
there  is  scarcely  one  from  which  there  could  not  be  selected  a  president, 
a  cabinet,  a  congress,  and  perhaps  a  court,  abundantly  competent  to 
administer  the  government  itself." 

What  a  noble,  self-sacrificing  army  of  freemen  he  describes!  The 
like  of  it  mankind  never  saw  before  and  will  not  look  upon  soon  again. 
Their  service  and  sacrifice  were  not  in  vain — the  union  is  stronger,  freer 
and  better  than  ever  before  because  they  lived,  and  the  peace,  fraternity 
and  harmony,  which  Lincoln  prayed  might  come,  and  which  he  prophesied 
would  come,  are  happily  here.  And  now  that  the  wounds  of  the  war 
are  healed,  may  we  not  tonight  with  grateful  hearts  resolve,  in  the  words 
of  Lincoln,  that  we  will  "care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle,  and 
for  his  widow,  and  his  orphan." 


Lincoln's  antecedent  life  seems  to  have  been  one  of  unconscious 
preparation  for  the  great  responsibilities  which  were  committed  to  him 
in  i860.  As  one  of  the  masses  himself,  and  living  with  them,  sharing 
their  feelings  and  sympathizing  with  their  daily  trials,  their  hopes  and 
aspirations,  he  was  better  fitted  to  lead  them  than  any  other  man  of  his 
age.  He  recognizes  more  clearly  than  anyone  else  that  the  plain  people 
he  met  in  his  daily  life  and  knew  so  familiarly  were,  according  to  the 
dictates  of  justice  and  our  theory  of  government,  its  ultimate  rulers  and 
the  arbiters  of  its  destiny.  He  knew  this  not  as  a  theory,  but  from  his 
own  personal  experience. 

Born  in  poverty,  and  surrounded  by  obstacles  on  every  hand  seem- 
ingly insurmountable  but  for  the  intervening  hand  of  Providence,  Lin- 
coln grew  every  year  into  greater  and  grander  intellectual  power  and 
vigor.  His  life,  until  he  was  twelve  years  old,  was  spent  either  in  a 
"half-faced  camp"  or  cabin.  Yet  amid  such  surroundings  the  boy  learned 
to  read,  write  and  cipher,  to  think,  declaim  and  speak,  in  a  manner  far 
beyond  his  years  and  time.  All  his  days  in  the  school  house  "added 
together  would  not  make  a  single  year."  But  every  day  of  his  life  from 
infancy  to  manhood  was  a  constant  drill  in  the  school  of  nature  and 
experience.  His  study  of  books  and  newspapers  was  beyond  that  of  any 
other  person  in  his  town  or  neighborhood,  and  perhaps  of  his  county  or 
section.  He  did  not  read  many  books,  but  he  learned  more  from  them 
than  any  other  reader.  It  was  strength  of  body  as  well  as  of  mind  that 
made  Lincoln's  career  possible.    Ill  success  only  spurred  him  into  making 

Our  Martyred  President  299 

himself  more  worthy  of  trust  and  confidence.  Nothing  could  daunt  him. 
He  might  have  but  a  single  tow-linen  shirt,  or  only  one  pair  of  jean 
pantaloons;  he  often  did  not  know  where  his  next  dollar  was  to  come 
from,  but  he  mastered  English  grammar  and  composition,  arithmetic, 
geometry,  surveying,  logic  and  law. 

How  well  he  mastered  the  art  of  expression  is  shown  by  the  incident 
of  the  Yale  professor  who  heard  his  Cooper  Institute  speech  and  called  on 
him  at  his  hotel  to  inquire  where  he  had  learned  his  matchless  power  as  a 
public  speaker.  The  modest  country  lawyer  was  in  turn  surprised  to  be 
suspected  of  possessing  unusual  talents  as  an  orator,  and  could  only 
answer  that  his  sole  training  had  been  in  the  school  of  experience, 


Eight  years'  service  in  the  Illinois  legislature,  two  in  congress,  and 
nearly  thirty  years'  political  campaigning,  in  the  most  exciting  period 
of  American  politics,  gave  scope  for  the  development  of  his  powers, 
and  that  tact,  readiness,  and  self-reliance  which  were  invaluable  to  a 
modest,  backward  man,  such  as  Lincoln  naturally  was.  Added  to  these 
qualities  he  had  the  genius  which  communizes,  which  puts  a  man  on 
a  level,  not  only  with  the  highest  but  with  the  lowest  of  his  kind.  By 
dint  of  patient  industry,  and  by  using  wisely  his  limited  opportunities, 
he  became  the  most  popular  orator,  the  best  political  manager,  and  the 
ablest  leader  of  his  party  in  Illinois. 

But  the  best  training  he  had  for  the  presidency,  after  all,  was  his 
twenty-three  years'  arduous  experience  as  a  lawyer  traveling  the  circuit 
of  the  courts  of  his  district  and  state.  Here  he  met  in  forensic  contests, 
and  frequently  defeated  some  of  the  most  powerful  legal  minds  of  the 
West,  In  the  higher  courts  he  won  still  greater  distinction  in  the 
important  cases  committed  to  his  charge. 

With  this  preparation  it  is  not  surprising  that  Lincoln  entered  upon 
the  presidency  peculiarly  well  equipped  for  its  vast  responsibilities. 
His  contemporaries,  however,  did  not  realize  this.  The  leading  states- 
men of  the  country  were  not  prepossessed  in  his  favor.  They  appear 
to  have  had  no  conception  of  the  remarkable  powers  latent  beneath 
that  uncouth  and  rugged  exterior.  It  seemed  to  them  strangely  out 
of  place  that  the  people  should  at  this,  the  greatest  crisis  of  their  history, 
intrust  the  supreme  executive  power  of  the  nation  to  one  whom  they 
presumptuously  called  "this  ignorant  rail-splitter  from  the  prairies  of 
Illinois."     Many  predicted  failure  from  the  beginning. 

Lincoln  was  essentially  a  man  of  peace.  He  inherited  from  his 
Quaker  forefathers  an  intense  opposition  to  war.  During  his  brief 
service  in  congress  he  found  occasion  more  than  once  to  express  it. 

300  Life  of  William  McKinley 

He  opposed  the  Mexican  war  from  principle,  but  voted  men  and  supplies 
after  liotilities  actually  began.  In  one  of  his  few  .speeches  in  the  house 
he  characterized  military  glory  as  "that  rainbow  that  rises  in  showers 
of  blood — that  serpent  that  charms  but  to  destroy."  When  he  became 
responsible  for  the  welfare  of  the  country  he  was  none  the  less  earnest 
for  peace.  He  felt  that  even  in  the  most  righteous  cause  war  is  a 
fearful  thing,  and  he  was  actuated  by  the  feeling  that  it  ought  not  to 
be  begun  except  as  a  last  resort,  and  then  only  after  it  had  been  pre- 
cipitated by  the  enemies  of  the  country.  He  said  in  Philadelphia,,  on 
Feb.  22,  1861  : 

"There  is  no  need  of  bloodshed  and  war.  There  is  no  necessity 
for  it.  I  am  not  in  favor  of  such  a  course ;  and  I  may  say  in  advance 
that  there  will  be  no  bloodshed  unless  it  is  forced  upon  the  government. 
The  government  will  not  use  the  force  unless  force  is  used  against  it." 


In  the  selection  of  his  cabinet  he  at  once  showed  his  greatness  and 
magnanimity.  His  principal  rivals  for  the  presidential  nomination  were 
invited  to  seats  in  his  council  chamber.  No  one  but  a  great  ma,n,  con- 
scious of  his  own  strength,  would  have  done  this.  It  was  soon  perceived 
that  his  greatness  was  in  no  sense  obscured  by  the  presence  of  the 
distinguished  men  who  sat  about  him.  The  most  gifted  statesmen  of 
the  country,  Seward,  Chase,  Cameron,  Stanton,  Blair,  Bates,  Welles, 
Fessenden,  and  Dennison,  some  of  whom  had  been  leaders  in  the  senate 
of  the  United  States,  composed  that  historic  cabinet,  and  the  man  who 
had  been  sneered  at  as  "the  rail-splitter"  suffered  nothing  by  such 
association  and  comparison.  He  was  a  leader  in  fact  as  w^ell  as  in 

Alagnanimity  was  one  of  Linicoln's  most  striking  traits.  Patriotism 
moved  him  at  every  step.  At  the  beginning  of  the  war  he  placed  at 
the  head  of  three  most  important  military  departments  three  of  his 
political  opponents,  Patterson,  Butler  and  McClellan,  He  did  not 
propose  to  make  it  a  partisan  war.  He  sought  by  every  means  in  his 
power  to  enlist  all  who  were  patriots. 

In  his  message  of  July  4,  1861,  he  stated  his  purpose  in  these  words: 

*T  desire  to  preserve  the  government  that  it  may  be  administered 
for  all,  as  it  was  administered  by  the  men  who  made  it.  On  the  side 
of  the  union  it  is  a  struggle  to  maintain  in  the  world  that  form  and 
substance  of  government  whose  leading  object  is  to  elevate  the  condi- 
tion of  men,  lift  artificial  burdens  from  all  shoulder-s  and  clear  the 
paths  of  laudable  pursuits  for  aJl,  to  afford  all  an  unfettered  start 
and  a  fair  chance  in  the  race  of  life.  This  is  the  leading  object  of  the 
government  for  whose  existence  we  contend." 

Our  Martyred  President  ^01 

Many  people  were  impatient  at  Lincoln's  conservatism.  He  gave 
the  sonth  every  chance  possible.  He  pleaded  with  them  with  an  earnest- 
ness that  was  pathetic.  He  recognized  that  the  south  was  not  alone 
to  blame  for  the  existence  of  slavery,  but  that  the  sin  was  a  national 
one.  He  sought  to  impress  upon  the  south  that  he  would  not  use  his 
office  as  president  to  take  away  from  them  any  constitutional  right, 
great  or  small. 


In  his  inaugural  he  adklressed  the  men  of  the  south,  as  well  as  the 
north,  as  his  "countrymen,"  one  and  all,  and  with  an  outburst  of 
indescribable  tenderness  exclaimed :  "We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends. 
We  must  not  be  enemies."  And  then  in  those  wondrously  sweet  and 
touching  words  which  even  yet  thrill  the  heart,  he  said : 

"Though  passion  may  have  strained,  it  must  not  break  our  bonds 
of  affection.  The  mystic  chords  of  memory,  stretching  from  every 
battlefield  and  patriot  grave  to  every  living  heart  and  hearthstone  all 
over  this  broad  land,  will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  union  when  again 
touched,  as  surely  they  will  be,  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature." 

But  his  words  were  unheeded.  The  mighty  war  came  with  its 
dreadful  train.  Knowing  no  wrong,  he  dreaded  ho  evil  for  himself. 
He  had  done  all  he  could  to  save  the  country  by  peaceful  means.  He 
had  entreated  and  expostulated,  now  he  would  do  and  dare.  He  had 
in  words  of  solemn  import  warned  the  men  of  the  south.  He  had 
appealed  to  their  patriotism  by  the  sacred  memories  of  the  battlefields 
of  the  revolution,  on  which  the  patriot  blood  of  their  ancestors  had  been 
so  bravely  shed,  not  to  break  up  the  union.  Yet  all  in  vain.  "Both 
parties  deprecated  war;  but  one  would  make  war  rather  than  let  the 
nation  survive;  and  the  other  would  accept  war  rather  than  let  it 
perish.     And  the  war  came." 

Lincoln  did  all  he  could  to  avert  it,  but  there  was  no  hesitation  on 
his  part  when  the  sword  of  rebellion  flashed  from  its  scabbard.  He  was 
from  that  moment  until  the  close  of  his  life  unceasingly  devoted  and 
consecrated  to  the  great  purpose  of  saving  the  union.  All  other  matters 
he  regarded  as  trivial,  and  every  movement,  of  whatever  character, 
whether  important  or  unimportant  of  itself,  was  bent  to  that  end. 

The  world  now  regards  with  wonder  the  infinite  patience,  gentle- 
ness and  kindness  with  which  he  bore  the  terrible  burdens  of  that  four 
years'  struggle.  Humane,  forgiving  and  long  suffering  himself,  he  was 
always  especially  tender  and  considerate  of  the  poor,  and  in  his  treat- 
ment of  them  was  full  of  those  "kind  little  acts  which  are  of  the  same 
blood  as  great  and  holy  deeds."  As  Charles  Sumner  so  well  said : 
"With  him  as  President,  the  idea  of  republican  institiitions-  where  no 

302  Life  of  William  McKinley 

place  is  too  high  for  the  humblest,  was  perpetually  manifest,  so  that 
his  simple  presence  was  a  proclamation  of  the  equality  of  all  men." 

During  the  whole  of  the  struggle  he  was  a  tower  of  strength  to  the 
union.  Whether  in  defeat  or  victory,  he  kept  right  on,  dismayed  at 
nothing,  and  never  to  be  diverted  from  the  pathway  of  duty.  Always 
cool  and  determined,  all  learned  to  gain  renewed  courage,  calmness 
and  wisdom  from  him,  and  to  lean  upon  his  strong  arm  for  support. 
The  proud  designation  "Father  of  His  Country,"  was  not  more  appro- 
priately bestowed  upon  Washington,  than  the  affectionate  title  "Father 
Abraham"  was  given  to  Lincoln  by  the  soldiers  and  loyal  people  of 
the  north. 


The  crowning  glory  of  Lincoln's  administration,  and  the  greatest 
executive  act  in  American  history,  was  his  immortal  proclamation  of 
emancipation.  Perhaps  more  clearly  than  any  one  else  Lincoln  had 
realized  years  before  he  was  called  to  the  presidency  that  the  country 
could  not  continue  half  slave  and  half  free.  He  declared  it  before 
Seward  proclaimed  the  "irrepressible  conflict."  The  contest  between 
freedom  and  slavery  was  inevitable ;  it  was  written  in  the  stars.  The 
nation  must  be  either  all  slave  or  all  free.  Lincoln  with  almost  super- 
natural prescience  foresaw  it.  His  prophetic  vision  is  manifested  through 
all  his  utterances,  notably  in  the  great  debate  between  himself  and 
Douglas.  To  him  was  given  the  duty  and  responsibility  of  making 
that  great  classic  of  liberty,  the  declaration  of  independence,  no  longer 
an  empty  promise,  but  a  glorious  fulfillment. 

Many  long  and  thorny  steps  were  to  be  taken  before  this  great  act 
of  justice  could  be  performed.  Patience  and  forbearance  had  to  be 
exercised.  It  had  to  be  demonstrated  that  the  union  could  be  saved 
in  no  other  way.  Lincoln,  much  as  he  abhorred  slavery,  felt  that  his 
chief  duty  was  to  save  the  union,  under  the  constitution,  and  within 
the  constitution.  He  did  not  assume  the  duties  of  his  great  office  with 
the  purpose  of  abolishing  slavery,  nor  changing  the  constitution,  but  as 
a  servant  of  the  constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  country  then  existing. 
Li  a  speech  delivered  in  Ohio  in  1859  he  said  :  "The  people  of  the  United 
States  are  the  rightful  masters  of  both  congress  and  the  courts — not  to 
overthrow  the  constitution,  but  to  overthrow  the  men  who  would  over- 
throw the  constitution." 

This  was  the  principle  which  governed  him,  and  which  he  applied 
in  his  official  conduct  when  he  reached  the  presidency.  We  now  know 
that  he  had  emancipation  constantly  in  his  mind's  eye  for  nearly  two 
years  after  his  first  inauguration.  It  is  true  he  said  at  the  start :  "I 
believe  I  have  no  lawful  right  to  interfere  with  slavery  where  it  now 

Our  Martyred  President  303 

exists,  and  have  no  intention  of  doing  so" ;  and  that  the  pubUc  had  httle 
reason  to  think  he  was  meditating  general  emancipation  until  he  issued 
his  preliminary  proclamation  Sept.  -22,  1862. 

Just  a  month  before,  exactly,  he  had  written  to  the  editor  of  the 
New  York  Tribune: 

"My  paramount  object  is  to  save  the  union,  and  not  either  to  save 
or  destroy  slavery.  If  I  could  save  the  union  without  freeing  any  slave, 
I  would  do  it;  and  if  I  could  save  it  by  freeing  all  the  slaves  I  would 
do  it;  and  if  I  could  do  it  by  freeing  some  and  leaving  others  alone,  I 
would  also  do  that." 


The  difference  in  his  thought  and  purpose  about  "the  divine  institu- 
tion" is  very  apparent  in  these  two  expressions.  Both  were  made  in 
absolute  honor  and  sincerity.  Public  sentiment  had  undergone  a  great 
change,  and  Lincoln,  valiant  defender  of  the  constitution  that  he  was 
and  faithful  tribune  of  the  people  that  he  always  had  been,  changed 
with  the  people.  The  war  had  brought  them  and  him  to  a  nearer 
realization  of  absolute  dependence  upon  a  higher  power,  and  had  quick- 
ened his  conceptions  of  duty  more  acutely  than  the  public  could  realize. 
The  purposes  of  God,  working  through  the  ages,  were  perhaps  more 
clearly  revealed  to  him  than  to  any  other. 

Besides,  it  was  as  he  himself  once  said :  "It  is  a  quality  of  revolu- 
tions not  to  go  by  old  times  or  old  laws,  but  to  break  up  both  and  make 
new  ones."  He  was  "naturally  anti-slavery,"  and  the  determination 
he  formed  when,  as  a  young  man,  he  witnessed  an  auction  in  the  slave 
shambles  of  New  Orleans,  never  forsook  him.  It  is  recorded  how  his 
soul  burned  with  indignation,  and  that  he  then  exclaimed :  "If  ever  I 
get  a  chance  to  hit  that  thing,  I'll  hit  it  hard."  He  "hit  it  hard"  when, 
as  a  member  of  the  Illinois  legislature,  he  protested  that  "the  institution 
of  slavery  is  founded  on  both  injustice  and  bad  policy.  He  "hit  it  hard" 
when,  as  a  member  of  congress,  he  "voted  for  the  Wilmot  proviso  as  good 
as  forty  times."  He  "hit  it  hard"  when  he  stumped  his  state  against  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  and  on  the  direct  issue  carried  Illinois  in  favor 
of  anti-slavery  by  a  majority  of  4,414  votes.  He  "hit  it  hard"  when  he 
approved  the  law  abolishing  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  an 
antislavery  measure  that  he  had  voted.for  in  congress.  He  "hit  it  hard" 
when  he  signed  the  acts  abolishing  slavery  in  all  the  territories,  and  for 
the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  law.  But  it  still  remained  for  him  to 
strike  slavery  its  death  blow.  He  did  that  in  his  glorious  proclamation 
of  freedom. 

304  Life  of  William  McKinley 


It  was  in  this  light  that  Lincoln  himself  viewed  these  great  events. 
He  wrote  to  a  mass  meeting  of  unconditional  union  men  at  Springfield, 
ni.,  Aug.  26,  1863,  as  follows: 

"The  emancipation  policy  and  the  use  of  colored  troops  constitute 
the  heaviest  blow  yet  felt  to  the  rebellion,  and  at  least  one  of  these 
important  successes  could  not  have  been  achieved  when  it  was  but  for 
the  aid  of  black  soldiers.  *  *  *  The  job  was  a  great  national 
one,  and  let  none  be  banned  who  bore  an  honorable  part  in  it.  *  *  ^• 
P'eace  does  not  appear  so  distant  as  it  did.  I  hope  it  will  come  soon, 
and  come  to  stay ;  and  so  come  as  to  be  worth  the  keeping  in  all  future 
time.  It  will  then  have  proved  that  among  free  men  there  can  be  no 
successful  appeal  from  the  ballot  to  the  bullet,  and  that  they  who  take 
such  appeal  are  sure  to  lose  their  case  and  pay  the  cost.  And  then  there 
will  be  some  black  men  who  can  remember  that  with  silent  tongue,  and 
clenched  teeth,  and  steady  eye,  and  well-poised  bayonet,  they  have  helped 
mankind  on  to  this  great  consummation,  while  I  fear  there  will  be  some 
white  ones  unable  to  forget  that  with  malignant  heart  and  deceitful 
speech  they  strove  to  hinder  it." 

Secretary  Seward  tells  how  when  he  carried  the  historic  proclamation 
to  the  President  for  signature  at  noon  on  the  ist  day  of  January,  1863, 
he  said :  "I  have  been  shaking  hands  since  9  o'clock  this  morning,  and 
my  right  hand  is  almost  paralyzed.  If  my  name  ever  goes  into  history, 
it  will  be  for  this  act,  and  my  whole  soul  is  in  it.  If  my  hand  trembles 
when  I  sign  the  proclamation  all  who  examine  the  document  hereafter 
will  say,  'he  hesitated.'  "  He  turned  to  the  table,  took  up  his  pen,  and 
slowly,  firmly  wrote  that  'Abraham  Lincoln'  with  which  the  whole  world 
is  now  familiar.     Then  he  looked  up  and  said :     "That  will  do." 

In  all  the  long  years  of  slavery  agitation,  unlike  any  of  the  other 
antislavery  leaders,  Lincoln  always  carried  the  people  with  him.  In 
1854  Illinois  cast  loose  from  her  old  democratic  moorings  and  followed 
his  leadership  in  a  most  emphatic  protest  against  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  compromise.  In  1858  the  people  of  Illinois  indorsed  his 
opposition  to  the  aggressions  of  slavery,  in  a  state  usually  democratic, 
even  against  so  popular  a  leader  as  "the  Little  Giant."  In  i860  the 
whole  country  indorsed  his  position  on  slavery,  even  when  the  people 
were  continually  harrangued  that*  his  election  meant  the  dissolution  of 
the  union.  During  the  war  the  people  advanced  with  him,  step  by  step, 
to  its  final  overthrow.  Indeed,  in  the  election  of  1864,  the  people  not 
only  indorsed  emancipation,  but  went  far  toward  recognizing  the  political 
equality  of  the  negro.  They  heartily  justified  the  President  in  having 
enlisted  colored  soldiers  to  fight,  side  by  side,  with  the  white  man  in 












Our  Martyred  President  305 

the  noble  cause  of  union  and  liberty.  Aye,  they  did  more,  they  indorsed 
his  position  on  another  and  vastly  more  important  phase  of  the  race 
problem.  They  approved  his  course  as  President  in  reorganizing  the 
government  of  Louisiana,  and  a  hostile  press  did  not  fail  to  call  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  this  meant  eventually  negro  suffrage  in  that  state. 

Perhaps,  however,  it  was  not  known  then  that  Lincoln  had  written 
the  new  free  state  governor  on  March  13,  1864,  as  follows: 

"Now  you  are  about  to  have  a  convention,  which,  among  other 
things,  will  probably  define  the  elective  franchise.  I  barely  suggest 
for  your  private  consideration,  whether  some  of  the  colored  people  may 
not  be  let  in — as,  for  instance,  the  very  intelligent,  and  especially  those 
who  have  fought  gallantly  in  our  ranks.  They  would  probably  help, 
in  some  trying  time  to  come,  to  keep  the  jewel  of  liberty  within  the 
family  of  freedom." 


Lincoln  had  that  happy,  peculiar  habit,  which  few  public  men  have 
attained,  of  looking  away  from  the  deceptive  and  misleading  influences 
about  him,  and  none  are  more  deceptive  than  those  of  public  life  in  our 
captitals,  straight  into  the  hearts  of  the  people.  He  could  not  be  deceived 
by  the  self-interested  host  of  eager  counselors  who  sought  to  enforce 
their  own  particular  views  upon  him  as  the  voice  of  the  country.  He 
chose  to  determine  for  himself  what  the  people  were  thinking  about  and 
wanting  him  to  do,  and  no  man  ever  lived  who  was  a  more  accurate 
judge  of  their  opinions  and  wishes. 

The  battle  of  Gettysburg  turned  the  scale  of  the  war  in  favor  of 
the  union,  and  it  has  always  seemed  to  me  most  fortunate  that  Lincoln 
declared  for  emancipation  before  rather  than  after  that  decisive  contest. 
A  later  proclamation  might  have  been  constructed  as  a  tame  and  cowardly 
performance,  not  a  challenge  of  truth  to  error  for  mortal  combat.  The 
ground  on  which  the  battle  was  fought  is  held  sacred  by  every  friend 
of  freedom.  But  important  as  the  battle  itself  was  the  dedication  of  it 
as  a  national  cemetery  is  celebrated  for  a  grander  thing.  The  words 
Lincoln  spoke  there  will  live  "until  time  shall  be  no  more,"  through 
all  eternity.  Well  may  they  be  forever  preserved  on  tablets  of  bronze 
upon  the  spot  where  he  spoke,  but  how  infinitely  better  it  would  be  if  they 
could  find  a  permanent  lodging  in  the  soul  of  every  American ! 


Lincoln  was  a  man  of  moderation.  He  was  neither  an  autocrat 
nor  a  tyrant.  If  he  moved  slowly  sometimes,  it  was  because  it  was 
better  to  move  slowly,  and,  like  the  successful  general  that  he  was, 


3o6  Life  of  William  McKinley 

he  was  only  waiting  for  his  reserves  to  come  up.  Possessing  ahnost 
unhmited  power,  he  yet  carried  himself  like  one  of  the  humblest  of  men. 
He  weighed  every  subject.  He  considered  and  reflected  upon  every 
phase  of  public  duty.  He  got  the  average  judgment  of  the  plain  people. 
He  had  a  high  sense  of  justice,  a  clear  understanding  of  the  rights  of 
others,  and  never  needlessly  inflicted  an  injury  upon  any  man. 

He  said  in  response  to  a  serenade,  Nov.  lo,  1864,  just  after  his 
triumphant  election  for  a  second  term  to  the  great  office  of  President: 

"Now  that  the  election  is  over,  may  not  all  having  a  common  interest 
reunite  in  a  common  effort  to  save  our  common  country?  For  my  own 
part,  I  have  striven  and  shall  strive  to  avoid  placing  any  obstacle  in  the 
way.  So  long  as  I  have  been  here  I  have  not  willingly  planted  a  thorn 
in  any  man's  bosom.  While  I  am  deeply  sensible  to  the  high  compli- 
ment of  a  re-election,  and  duly  grateful,  as  I  trust,  to  Almighty  God 
for  having  directed  my  countrymen  to  a  right  conclusion,  as  I  think,  for 
their  own  good,  it  adds  nothing  to  my  satisfaction  that  any  other  man 
may  be  disappointed  or  pained  by  the  result." 

It  is  pleasant  to  note  that  in  the  very  last  public  speech  by  President 
Lincoln,  on  April  11,  1865,  he  uttered  uoIdIc  sentiments  of  charity 
and  good  will  similar  to  those  of  his  sublime  second  inaugural,  which 
were  of  peculiar  interest  to  the  people  of  the  south.  In  discussing  the 
question  of  reconstruction,  he  said : 

"We  all  agree  that  the  seceded  states,  so  called,  are  out  of  their 
proper  practical  relation  with  the  union,  and  that  the  sole  object  of  the 
government,  civil  and  military,  in  regard  to  those  states,  is  to  again 
get  them  into  that  proper  practical  relation.  I  believe  that  it  is  not  only 
possible,  but  in  fact,  easier,  to  do  this  without  deciding  or  even  con- 
sidering whether  these  states  have  ever  been  out  of  the  union,  than 
with  it.  Finding  themselves  safely  at  home,  it  would  be  utterly  imma- 
terial whether  they  had  ever  been  abroad.  Let  us  all  join  in  doing  the 
acts  necessary  to  restoring  the  proper  practical  relations  between  these 
states  and  the  union,  and  each  forever  after  innocently  indulging  his  own 
opinion  whether  in  doing  the  acts  he  brought  the  states  from  without 
into  the  union,  or  only  gave  them  proper  assistance,  they  never  having 
been  out  of  it." 


Mr.  President,  it  is  not  difficult  to  place  a  correct  estimate  upon  the 
character  of  Lincoln.  He  was  the  greatest  man  of  his  time,  especially 
approved  of  God  for  the  w^ork  He  gave  him  to  do.  Llistory  abundantly 
proves  his  superiority  as  a  leader,  and  establishes  his  constant  reliance 
upon  a  higher  power  for  guidance  and  support.  The  tendency  of  this 
age  is  to  exaggeration,  but  of  Lincoln  certainly  none  have  spoken  more 
highly  than  those  who  knew  him  best. 

Our  Martyred  President  307 

A  distinguished  orator  of  to-day  (John  J.  Ingalls,  of  Kansas,)  has 
said:  "Lincohi  surpassed  all  orators  in  eloquence;  all  diplomatists  in 
wisdom;  all  statesmen  in  foresight,  and  the  most  ambitious  in  fame." 

This  is  in  accord  with  the  estimate  of  Stanton,  who  pronounced  him 
"the  most  perfect  ruler  of  men  the  world  had  ever  seen." 

Seward,  too,  declared  Lincoln  "a  man  of  destiny,  with  character 
made  and  molded  by  divine  power  to  save  a  nation  from  perdition." 

Oliver  Wendell  Holmes  characterized  him  as  "the  true  representa- 
tive of  this  continent ;  an  entirely  public  man ;  father  of  his  country ;  the 
pulse  of  twenty  millions  throbbing  in  his  heart,  the  thought  of  their 
minds  articulated  by  his  tongue." 

Bancroft  wisely  observed :  "Lincoln  thought  always  of  mankind, 
as  well  as  his  own  country,  and  served  human  nature  itself;  he  finished 
a  work  which  all  time  cannot  overthrow." 

Sumner  said  that  in  Lincoln  "the  west  spoke  to  the  east,  pleading  for 
human  rights,  as  declared  by  our  fathers." 

Horace  Greeley,  in  speaking  of  the  events  which  led  up  to  and 
embraced  the  rebellion,  declared :  "Other  men  were  helpful,  and  nobly 
did  their  part;  yet,  looking  back  through  the  lifting-  mists  of  those  seven 
eventful,  tragic,  trying  glorious  years,  I  clearly  discern  the  one  provi- 
dential leader,  the.  indispensable  hero  of  the  great  drama,  Abraham 

James  Russell  Lowell  was  quick  to  perceive  and  proclaim  Lincoln's 
greatness.  In  December,  1863,  in  a  review  of  the  "President's  Policy," 
in  the  Atlantic  Monthly,  he  said  :  "Perhaps  none  of  our  Presidents  since 
Washington  has  stood  so  firm  in  the  confidence  of  the  people  as  Lincoln, 
after  three  years'  stormy  administration.  *  *  *  /^  profound  com- 
mon sense  is  the  best  genius  for  statesmanship.  Hitherto  the  wisdom 
of  the  President's  measures  has  been  justified  by  the  fact  that  they 
always  resulted  in  more  firmly  uniting  public  opinion." 

Lincoln  is  certainly  the  most  sagacious  and  far-seeing  statesman 
in  the  annals  of  American  history.  His  entire  public  life  justifies  this 
estimate  of  him.  It  is  notable  that  his  stand  on  all  public  questions 
in  his  earlier  as  well  as  his  later  career  stamp  him  as  the  wisest  exponent 
of  political  truths  we  have  ever  had. 


Witnessing  the  government  as  we  do  to-day,  with  its  debt-increasing, 
bond-issuing,  gold-depleting,  labor-destroying  low-tariff  policy,  with 
what  mighty  force  the  words  of  Lincoln,  written  more  than  half  a  century 
ago,  come  to  us  in  this  hour  and  emergency!    They  read  as  if  written 

3o8  Life  of  William  McKinley 

for  the  living  present,  not  for  the  forgotten  past.  Why,  do  you  know 
that  as  far  back  as  March  i,  1843,  at  a  whig  meeting  in  Springfield,  Mr. 
Lincoln  offered  a  series  of  resolutions  relating  to  the  tariff  which  could 
well  be  accepted  here  to-night?  They  were  then  instantly  and  unani- 
mously adopted,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  was  himself  appointed  to  prepare 
an  "Address  to  the  People  of  the  State"  upon  the  subjects  which  they 
embraced.  Let  me  read  from  this  address  his  profound  observations 
upon  tariff  and  taxation  and  their  relation  to  the  condition  of  the  country. 

He  said : 

"The  first  of  our  resolutions  declares  a  tariff  of  duties  upon  foreign 
importations,  producing  sufficient  revenue  for  the  support  of  the  general 
government,  and  so  adjusted  as  to  protect  American  industry,  to  be 
indispensably  necessary  to  the  prosperity  of  the  American  people;  and 
the  second  declares  direct  taxation  for  a  national  revenue  to  be  improper. 

"For  several  years  past  the  revenues  of  the  government  have  been 
unequal  to  its  expenditures,  and  consequently  loan  after  loan,  some- 
times direct  and  sometimes  indirect  in  form,  has  been  resorted  to.  By 
this  means  a  new  national  debt  has  been  created,  and  is  still  growing 
on  up  with  rapidity  fearful  to  contemplate^ — a  rapidity  only  reasonably 
to  be  expected  in  time  of  war.  '  This  state  of  things  has  been  produced 
by  a  prevailing-  unwillingness  either  to  increase  the  tariff  or  to  resort  to 
direct  taxation.  But  the  one  or  the  other  must  come.  Coming  expendi- 
tures must  be  met,  and  the  present  debt  must  be  paid,  and  money  cannot 
always  be  borrowed  for  these  objects.  The  system  of  loans  is  but  tem- 
porary in  its  nature,  and  must  soon  explode.  It  is  a  system  not  only 
ruinous  while  it  lasts,  but  one  that  must  soon  fail  and  leave  us  destitute. 
As  an  individual  who  undertakes  to  live  by  borrowing  soon  finds  his 
original  means  devoured  by  interest,  and,  next,  no  one  left  to  borrow 
from,  so  must  it  be  with  the  government. 

"We  repeat,  then,  that  a  tariff  sufficient  for  revenue,  or  a  direct  tax, 
must  soon  be  resorted  to,  and,  indeed,  we  believe  this  alternative  is  now 
denied  by  no  one.  But  which  system  shall  be  adopted?  Some  of  our 
opponents,  in  theory,  admit  the  propriety  of  a  tariff  for  a  revenue;  but 
even  they  will  not  in  practice  vote  for  such  a  tariff;  while  others  boldly 
advocate  direct  taxation.  Inasmuch,  therefore,  as  some  of  them  boldly 
advocate  direct  taxation,  and  all  the  rest — or  so  nearly  all  as  to  make 
exceptionjipjieedless — refuse  to  adopt  the  tariff,  we  think  it  doing  them 
no  injustice  to  class  them  all  as  advocates  of  direct  taxation.  Indeed, 
we  believe  they  are  only  delaying  an  open  avowal  of  the  system  till  they 
can  assure  themselves  that  the  people  will  tolerate  it.  Let  us  then  briefly 
compare  the  two  systems.  The  tariff  is  the  cheaper  system,  because 
the  duties,  being  collected  in  large  parcels  at  a  few  commercial  points, 

Our  Martyred  President  309 

will  require  comparatively  few  officers  in  their  collection,  while  by  the 
direct  tax  system  the  land  must  be  literally  covered  with  assessors  and 
collectors,  going  forth  like  swarms  of  Egyptian  locusts,  devouring  every 
blade  of  grass  and  other  green  thing. 

"By  this  system  (the  protective)  the  man  who  contents  himself 
to  live  upon  the  products  of  his  own  country  pays  nothing  at  all.  Surely 
our  country  is  extensive  enough  and  its  products  abundant  and  varied 
enough  to  answer  all  the  real  wants  of  its  people.  In  short,  by  the 
protective  system  the  burden  of  revenue  falls  almost  entirely  upon  the 
wealthy  and  luxurious  few,  while  the  substantial  and  laboring  many 
who  live  at  home  and  upon  home  products,  go  entirely  free. 

"By  the  direct  tax  system  none  can  escape.  However  strictly  the 
citizen  may  exclude  from  his  premises  all  foreign  luxuries — fine  clothes, 
fine  silks,  rich  wines,  golden  chains  and  diamond  rings — still  for  the 
possession  of  his  house,  his  barn,  and  his  homespun,  he  is  to  be  per- 
petually haunted  and  harassed  by  the  tax-gatherer.  With  these  views 
we  leave  it  to  be  determined  whether  we  or  our  opponents  are  the  more 
truly  democratic  on  the  subject." 


"Perhaps  it  is  not  entirely  accidental  that  these  views  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
found  almost  literal  expression  in  the  republican  national  platform  of 
i860.  Nor  is  it  strange  that  this  year,  as  in  i860,  no  chart  is  needed 
to  mark  the  republican  position  upon  this  great  economic  cjuestion.  The 
whole  world  knew  a  year  in  advance  of  its  utterance  what  the  republican 
platform  of  i860  would  be,  and  the  whole  world  knows  now,  and  has 
known  for  a  year  past,  what  the  republican  platform  of  1896  will  be. 

Then  the  battle  was  to  arrest  the  spread  of  slave  labor  in  America ; 
now  it  is  to  prevent  the  increase  of  illy  paid  and  degraded  free  labor  in 
America.  The  platform  of  1896,  I  say'  is  already  written — written  in 
the  hearts  and  the  homes  of  the  masses  of  our  countrymen.  It  has 
been  thought  out  around  hundreds  of  thousands  of  American  firesides — 
literally  wrought  out  by  the  new  conditions  and  harsh  experiences  of  the 
past  three  years. 

On  the  great  questions  still  unsettled,  or  in  dispute  between  the 
dominant  parties,  we  stand  now  just  as  we  did  in  i860,  for  republican 
principles  are  unalterable.  On  the  subject  of  protection  to  American 
labor  and  American  interests  we  can  reaffirm  the  Lincoln  platform  of 
i860.  It  needs  neither  amendment  nor  elaboration.  Indeed,  we  could 
begin  the  platform  of  1896  in  the  exact  words  with  which  the  fathers 
of  the  republican  party  began  the  platform  of  i860.  Its  first  plank, 
you  will  remember,  reads  as  follows : 

3IO  Life  of  William  McKinley 

"Resolved,  That  the  history  of  the  nation  during  the  last  four 
years  has  fully  established  the- propriety  and  necessity  of  the  organ- 
ization and  perpetuation  of  the  republican  party,  and  that  the  causes 
which  called  it  into  existence  are  permanent  in  their  nature,  and  now, 
more  than  ever  before,  demand  its  peaceful  and  constitutional  triumph." 

This  was  said  near  the  close  of  the  last  democratic  administration, 
which  for  a  time  controlled  all  branches  of  the  national  government. 
With  what  truth  it  applies  to  the  present  democratic  administration, 
which  for  two  years  following  March  4,  1893,  again  had  control  of  all 
branches  of  the  national  government. 


Now  let  me  read  the  Lincoln  platform  on  the  tariff,  adopted  on  May 
17,  i860,  by  the  second  republican  national  convention,  and  I  submit 
whether  it  does  not  express  the  sentiment  of  the  great  majority  of  the 
people  of  Illinois,  and  of  the  whole  country,  even  better  to-day  than 
it  did  then.     Here  is  what  it  said : 

"Resolved,  That  while  providing  revenue  for  the  support  of  the 
general  government  by  duties  on  imports,  sound  policy  requires  such 
an  adjustment  of  these  imports  as  to  encourage  the  development  of 
the  industrial  interests  of  the  whole  country;  and  we  commend  that 
policy  of  national  exchanges  which  secures  to  the  workingmen  liberal 
wages,  to  agriculture  remunerative  prices,  to  mechanics  and  manufac- 
turers an  adequate  reward  for  their  skill,  labor  and  enterprise,  and 
to  the  nation  commercial  prosperity  and  independence." 

Better  protection  no  republican  could  ask  or  desire ;  and  poorer  none 
should  advocate  or  accept !  We  are  faithfully  wedded  to  the  great 
principle  of  protection  by  every  tie  of  party  fealty  and  affection,  and 
it  is  dearer  to  us  now  than  ever  before.  Not  only  is  it  dearer  to  us 
as  republicans,  but  it  has  more  devoted  supporters  among  the  great 
masses  of  the  American  people,  irrespective  of  party,  than  at  any  previ- 
ous period  in  our  national  history.  It  is  everywhere  recognized  and 
indorsed  as  the  great,  masterful,  triumphant  American  principle — the 
key  to  our  prosperity  in  business,  the  safest  prop  to  the  treasury  of 
the  United  States,  and  the  bulwark  of  our  national  independence  and 
financial  honor. 

The  question  of  the  continuance  or  abandonment  of  our  protective 
system  has  been  one  great,  overshadowing,  or  vital  question  in  Ameri- 
can politics  ever  since  Mr.  Cleveland  opened  the  contest  in  December, 
1887,  to  which  the  lamented  James  G.  Blaine  made  swift  reply  from 
across  the  sea,  and  it  will  continue  the  issue  until  a  truly  American 
policy,  for  the  good  of  America,  is  firmly  established  and  perpetuated. 

Our  Martyred  President  311 

The  fight  will  go  on,  and  must  go  on,  until  the  American  system  is 
everywhere  recognized,  until  all  nations  come  to  understand  and  respect 
it  as  distinctly,  and  all  Americans  come  to  honor  or  love  it  as  dearly 
as  they  do  the  American  flag.  God  grant  the  day  may  soon  come  when 
all  partisan  contention  over  it  is  forever  at  an  end ! 

The  republican  party  is  competent  to  carry  tliis  policy  into  effect. 
Whenever  there  is  anything  to  be  done  for  this  country  it  is  to  the 
republican  party  we  must  look  to  have  it  done.  We  are  not  contend- 
ing for  any  particular  tariff  law,  or  laws,  or  for  any  special  schedules, 
or  rates,  but  for  the  great  principle — the  American  protective  policy — 
the  temporary  overthrow  of  which  has  brought  distress  and  ruin  to 
every  part  of  our  beloved  country. 


It  may  be  asked  what  the  next  republican  tariff'  law  will  provide.  I 
cannot  tell  you.  1  cannot  tell  you  what  the  schedules  and  rates  will  be, 
but  they  will  measure  the  difference  between  American  and  European 
conditions — and  v/ill  moreover  be  fully  adequate  to  protect  ourselves 
from  the  invasion  of  our  markets  by  oriental  products  to  the  injury  of 
American  labor — and  will  in  no  case  be  too  low  to  protect  and  exalt 
American  labor,  and  promote  and  increase  American  production. 

I  cannot  better  answer  this  grave  inquiry  than  by  an  illustration  of 
Mr.  Lincoln's.  Some  one  asked  him,  "How  long  a  man's  legs  ought  to 
be."  He  said,  "That  is  a  very  serious  question,  and  I  have  given  much 
thought  to  it  a  great  many  times.  Some  should  be  longer  and  some 
shorter;  but  I  Avant  to  tell  you  that  a  man's  legs  ought  always  to  be 
long  enough  to  reach  from  his  body  to  the  ground."  And  so  I  tell 
you,  my  inquiring  free  trade  friend,  that  the  legs  of  the  next  republi- 
can tariff  law  will  be  long  enough  to  firmly  support  the  American  body 
politic;  sustain  the  public  treasury;  lift  up  our  national  credit,  and 
uphold  the  dignity  and  independence  of  American  labor,  and  the  enter- 
prises and  occupations  of  the  American  people. 

No  one  need  be  in  any  doubt  about  what  the  republican  party  stands 
for.  Its  own  history  makes  that  too  palpable  and  clear  to  admit  of 
doubt.  It  stands  for  a  reunited  and  recreated  nation,  based  upon  free' 
and  honest  elections  in  every  township,  county,  city,  district  and  state 
in  this  great  American  union.  It  stands  for  the  American  fireside, 
and  the  flag  of  the  nation.  It  stands  for  the  American  farm,  the  Amer- 
ican factory  and  the  prosperity  of  all  the  American  people.  It  stands 
for  a  reciprocity  that  reciprocates  and  which  does  not  yield  up  to 
another  country  a  single  day's  labor  that  belongs  to  the  American  work- 
ing-men.    It  stands   for  international  agreements  which  get  as  much 

312  Life  of  William  McKinley 

as  they  give,  upon  terms  of  mutual  advantage.  It  stands  for  an  ex- 
change of  our  surplus  home  products  for  such  foreign  products  as  we 
consume,  but  do  not  produce.  It  stands  for  the  reciprocity  of  Blaine; 
for  the  reciprocity  of  Harrison;  for  the  restoration  and  extension  of 
the  principle  embodied  in  the  reciprocity  provision  of  the  republican 
tariff  of  1890.  It  stands  for  a  foreign  policy  dictated  by  and  imbued 
with  a  spirit  that  is  ger ainely  American;  for  a  policy  that  will  revive 
the  national  spirit  which  carried  us  proudly  through  the  earlier  years 
of  the  century.  It  stands  for  such  a  policy  with  all  foreign  nations 
as  will  insure  both  to  us  and  them  justice,  impartiality,  fairness,  good 
faith,  dignity  and  honor.  It  stands  for  the  Monroe  doctrine  as  Mon- 
roe himself  proclaimed  it,  about  which  there  is  no  division  whatever 
among  the  American  people.  It  stands  now,  as  ever,  for  honest  money, 
and  a  chance  to  earn  it  by  honest  toil.  It  stands  for  a  currency  of  gold, 
silver  and  paper,  with  which  to  measure  our  exchanges  that  shall  be  as 
sound  as  the  government  and  as  untarnished  as  its  honor. 

The  republican  party  would  as  soon  think  of  lowering  the  flag  of 
our  country  as  to  contemplate  with  patience  or  without  protest  and 
opposition  any  attempt  to  degrade  or  corrupt  the  medium  of  exchanges 
among  our  people.  It  can  be  relied  upon  in  the  future  as  in  the  past, 
to  supply  our  country  with  the  best  money  ever  known,  gold,  silver, 
and  paper,  good  the  world  over.  It  stands  for  a  commercial  policy 
that  will  whiten  every  sea  with  the  sails  of  American  vessels,  flying 
the  American  flag,  and  that  will  protect  the  flag  wherever  it  floats. 
It  stands  for  a  system  which  will  give  the  United  States  the  balance 
of  trade  with  every  competing  nation  in  the  world.  It  is  for  a  fiscal 
poHcy  opposed  to  debts  and  deficiencies  in  time  of  peace,  and  favors 
the  return  of  the  government  to  a  debt-paying,  and  opposes  the  contin- 
uance of  a  debt-making  poHcy. 


And,  gentlemen  of  the  Marquette  Club,  let  me  tell  you  that  the 
republican  party,  true  to  the  advice  and  example  of  the  immortal  Lin- 
coln, is  going  to  make  the  campaign  this  year  upon  its  own  ground, 
not  upon  its  opponent's.  That  is  to  say,  the  republicans  of  the  country 
are  not  going  to  help  the  democratic  leaders  obscure  the  issue  on 
which  their  party  has  been  wrecked  and  the  administration  stranded, 
by  taking  up  every  new  incident  about  which  a  hue  and  cry  may  be 
raised.  On  the  contrary,  they  will  not  be  led  off  by  side  issues,  but 
they  will  everywhere  courageously  insist  that  the  people  in  November 
shall  judge  the  administration  and  its  party  by  their  works  and  not  by 
any  new  and  boastful  protestations  by  them.     They  v^ill  give  due  credit 


Our  Martyred  President  313 

for  any  sporadic  outburst  of  patriotic  fervor  for  our  rights  in  foreign 
countries  that  the  administration  may  choose  to  indulge  in  and  rejoice 
that  it  is  at  last  on  the  right  side  of  a  great  question,  which  is  where 
the  republicans  have  always  been.  But  the  ship  of  state  shall  not  be 
lured  into  shallow  waters  by  false  lights.  No  new-born  zeal  for  Amer- 
ican rights,  or  the  national  honor,  from  any  quarter  whatever,  can 
raise  an  issue  with  the  grand  old  republican  party  which  for  forty 
years  has  steadfastly  maintained  it  both  at  home  and  abroad.  The  new 
convert  belongs  to  our  ranks  and  he  is  welcome,  but  he  should  remem- 
ber that  he  cannot  put  patriotism  at  issue  with  the  party  which  has 
been  the  very  embodiment  of  patriotism  from  its  birth  to  the  present 

Gentlemen  of  the  Marquette  Club,  and  my  fellow  citizens,  let  us 
cherish  the  principles  of  our  party  and  consecrate  ourselves  anew  to 
their  triumph.  We  have  but  to  put  our  trust  in  the  people;  we  have 
but  to  keep  in  close  touch  with  the  people ;  we  have  but  to  hearken  to 
the  voice  of  the  people,  as  it  comes  to  us  from  every  quarter;  we  have 
but  to  paint  on  our  banners  the  sentiment  the  people  have  everywhere 
expressed  at  every  election  during  the  last  three  years — "Patriotism, 
I)rotcction  and  prosperity,"  to  win  another  most  glorious  and  decisive 
republican  national  victory. 


The  greatest  names  in  American  history  are  Washington  and  Lin- 
coln. One  is  forever  associated  with  the  independence  of  the  states 
and  formation  of  the  federal  union;  the  other  with  universal  freedom 
and  the  preservation  of  that  union.  Washington  enforced  the  declara- 
tion of  independence  as  against  England;  Lincoln  proclaimed  its  ful- 
fillment not  only  to  a  downtrodden  race  in  America,  but  to  all  people 
for  all  time,  who  may  seek  the  protection  of  our  flag.  These  illustrious 
men  achieved  grander  results  for  mankind  within  a  single  century — 
from  1775  to  1865 — than  any  other  man  ever  accomplished  in  all  the 
years  since  first  the  flight  of  time  began.  Washington  engaged  in  no 
ordinary  revolution.  With  him  it  was  not  who  should  rule,  but  what 
should  rule.  He  drew  his  sword,  not  for  a  change  of  rulers  upon  an 
established  throne,  but  to  establish  a  new  government,  which  should 
acknowledge  no  throne  but  the  tribune  of  the  people.  Lincoln  accepted 
war  to  save  the  union,  the  safeguard  of  our  liberties,  and  re-established 
it  on  "indestructible  foundations"  as  forever  "one  and  indivisible." 
To  quote  his  own  grand  words : 

"Now  we  are  contending  that  this  nation  under  God  shall  have  a 
new  birth  of  freedom,  and  that  government  of  the  people,  by  the  peo- 
ple, for  the  people,  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth," 

314  Life  of  William  McKinley 

Each  lived  to  accomplish  his  appointed  task.  Each  received  the 
unbounded  gratitude  of  the  people  of  his  time,  and  each  is  held  in 
great  and  ever  increasing  reverence  by  posterity.  The  fame  of  each 
will  never  die;  it  will  grow  with  the  ages,  because  it  is  based  upon 
imperishable  service  to  humanity — not  to  the  people  of  a  single  gen- 
eration or  country,  but  to  the  whole  human  family,  wherever  scattered, 

The  present  generation  knows  Washington  only  from  history,  and 
by  that  alone  can  judge  him.  Lincoln  we  know  by  history  also,  but 
thousands  are  still  living  who  participated  in  the  great  events  in  which 
he  was  leader  and  master.  Many  of  his  contemporaries  survived  him; 
some  are  here  yet  in  almost  every  locality.  So  Lincoln  is  not  far  re- 
moved from  us.  Lideed,  he  may  be  said  to  be  still  known  to  the  mil- 
lions, not  surrounded  by  the  mists  of  antiquity  nor  by  a  halo  of  idol- 
atry that  is  impenetrable. 

He  never  was  inaccessible  to  the  people.  Thousands  carry  with 
them  yet  the  words  which  he  spoke  in  their  hearing;  thousands  remem- 
ber the  pressure  of  his  hand,  and  I  remember,  as  though  it  were  but 
yesterday,  and  thousands  of  my  comrades  will  recall,  how,  wdien  he 
reviewed  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  immediately  after  the  battle  of 
Antietam,  his  indescribably  sad,  thoughtful,  far-seeing  expression  pierced 
every  man's  soul.  Nobody  could  keep  the  people  away  from  him,  and 
when  they  came  to  him  he  would  suffer  no  one  to  drive  them  back.  So 
it  is  that  an  unusually  large  number  of  the  American  people  came  to 
know  this  great  man,  and  that  he  is  still  so  well  remembered  by  them. 
It  cannot  be  said  that  they  are  mistaken  about  him  or  that  they  mis- 
interpreted his  character  and  greatness. 


Men  are  still  connected  with  the  government  who  served  during  his 
entire  administration.  There  are  at  least  two  senators,  and  perhaps 
twice  as  many  representatives,  who  participated  in  his  first  inaugura- 
tion ;  men  who  stood  side  by  side  with  him  in  trying  duties  of  his  admm- 
istration,  and  have  been  without  interruption  in  one  branch  or  another 
of  the  public  service  ever  since,.  The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
still  has  among  its  members  one  whom  Lincoln  appointed,  and  so  of 
other  branches  of  the  federal  judiciary.  His  faithful  private  secretaries 
are  still  alive  and  have  rendered  posterity  a  great  service  in  their  his- 
tory of  Lincoln  and  his  time.  They  have  told  the  story  of  his  life 
and  public  services  with  such  entire  frankness  and  fidelity  as  to  exhibit 
to  the  world  "the  very  innercourts  of  his  soul." 

This  host  of  witnesses,  without  exception,  agree  as  to  the  true  nobil- 

Our  Martyred  President  315 

ity  and  intellectual  greatness  of  Lincoln.  All  proudly  claim  for  Lincoln 
the  highest  abilities  and  the  most  distinguished  and  self-sacrilicing  pat- 
riotism. Lincoln  taught  them,  and  has  taught  us,  that  no  party  or 
partisan  can  escape  responsibility  to  the  people ;  that  no  party  advantage 
or  presumed  party  advantage,  should  ever  swerve  us  from  the  plain 
path  of  duty,  which  is  ever  tlie  path  of  honor  and  distinction.  He 
emphasized  his  words  by  his  daily  life  and  deeds.  He  showed  to  the 
world  by  his  lofty  example,  as  well  as  by  precept  and  maxim,  that  there 
are  times  when  the  voice  of  partisanship  should  be  hushed  and  that  of 
patriotism  only  be  heeded.  He  taught  that  a  good  service  done  for 
the  country,  even  in  aid  of  an  unfriendly  administration,  brings  to  the 
men  and  the  party  who  rise  above  the  temptation  of  temporary  parti- 
san advantage  a  lasting  gain  in  the  respect  and  confidence  of  the  peo- 
ple. He  showed  that  such  patriotic  devotion  is  usually  rewarded,  not 
only  with  retention  in  power  and  the  consciousness  of  duty  well  and